T 


LIBRARY 

OF   THE 


i   University  of  California   s 


THE    MARY    JUCKSCH     FUND 


[i  Class 


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OBITUAKx. 

MK8.    CATHARINE    DIX. 

Mrs.  Cathariue  Dix,  the  widow  ofOenoralJoLn  A. 
Dix.  died  at  her  residence.  No.  3  West  Twenty-tirat 
street,  at  teu  miuutcs  past  eight  o'clock  last  even- 
ing. Uer  health  ?oI-  «>oiue  time  past  had  been  fairly 
good,  but  ou  last  Suud;ty  vreok  sftb  was  seized  with 
a  violent  bronchial  attack  which  confined  her  to 
her  bed.  and  Irom  whrch  she  never  i-ecovei-eU. 
Mrs.  Dix  was  born  in  1807,  and  was  therefore  in  the 
seventy-seventh  year  of  her  age  at  the  time  or  her 
death.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Warue,  whose 
bister  Catharine  was  the  first  wife  of  Mr.  John  L. 
Morgan,  of  this  city.  On  her  mother's  death  sna 
was  adopted  by  Mr.  Morgan,  and  at  his  home 
she  remained  until  her  marri.ige  in  18:t6, 
bning  known  to  the  world  as  CatharLue 
Morgan,  the  names  which  she  received  at  her 
christening  and  which  became  her  lull  title  on  her 
adoption.  The  eugagemeui  lo  her  futoi-u  husband 
tooK  place  when  sho  was  fiftetiu  and  her  naarriajie 
when  she  was  a  few  months  over  eighteen.  John 
A.  Dix  was  at  that  time  a  nnvJor  In  the  i-eg- 
ulai-  service  and  attached  to  the  staff  of  Major 
(ieueral  Urowu.  There  were  six  children  as  th«  re- 
suit  of  this  marriaKC,  tour  sous  and  two  dauKhters. 
Of  the  sous  the  itev.  Moruau  Dix.  rector  of  Trinity 
Church,  is  the  sole  survivor.  Uoth  daughters  are 
liviuK,  one  is  the  widow  of  Mr.  Cileries  Blake  and 
the  other  the  wife  of  Mr.  Tnoma.s  Walsh. 

During  hor  husband's  active  and  energetic  life 
Mrs.  Dix  was  his  constant  comforter.  She  accom- 
p.mied  htui  on  iua:;y  of  nis  journeys  and  helped  to 
lighten  his  trouble^t.  His  death  was  a  severe  blow 
to  her,  and  it  seemed  to  all  who  knew  her  as  if 
the  light  of  her  lite  were  dimmed  forever  by 
the  lose  of  her  beloved  companion.  But  she  bore 
bravely  up  to  the  end,  being  zealous  in  good  workis, 
though  taking  no  ollicial  position  in  any  of  tue 
numerous  religious  societies  to  whose  welfare  she 
gave  so  much  tnought.  Sho  attended  the  services  at 
Trinity  Church  regulirly,  and  it  is  onlya'ew  weeks 
since  she  received  the  communion  there  at  the 
hands  of  her  son.  Thus,  secluded  and  barren  of 
any  striking  inciaeuts  as  hor  life  has  been, 
th«  memory  of  her  many  kindly  deeds 
and  noble  hearted  chirity  will  outlive,  in 
the  hearts  of  those  who  Knew  and  loved 
her,  many  a  more  lirilliant  reputttion, 
and  the  sorrow  of  those  who  gathered  near  her 
house  last  evening  and  spoke  in  low  tones  of  her 
many  merits  will  a>»aken  similar  chords  of  feeling 
throuHiiout  hor  larsie  circle  of  friends.  The  inter- 
ment will  take  place  on  Wednesday  at  Trinity 
Chuich  at  one  o'cxock. 


Dix. — Ou  yunday  eveuiug,  FobruJiry  S,  at  her  resi- 
dence, No.  3  West  21#t  st..  Cathakink  Mougan  Dix 
widow  of  General  John^  Dix.  in  the  77th  year  of 
her  age.  '^'"  .-    '*'  *■ 

The  funeral  servicea  will  bo  held  in  Trinity 
Church,  ou  Wedutsday,  Gth  inet.,  atone  o'clock 
r.  M.     Please  send  uo  flowers. 


•«     •     •   •      • 


•  *  •  .  •  •    • 

•••  •  ••  •  • 

•  •  •     •  •  • 


t  $m 


LugA  iTfJ-.'xi  Riicliie 


SECRETARY   OF  ST/VTE,    ALBANY,    N. Y 


f^oi/'-rnyU  ^^otZta^^/^,  ^2^/i^-.e/i   0.  <J9i^«i^^z^'n-  -A^ 


^<si^>?^^/^'  ^/n.    '/S'S  /^. 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


JOHN  ADAMS  DIX 


COMPILED  BY  HIS  SON 


llltt0tratei 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES.-VoI.  I. 


NEW    YORK 

HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  FRANKLIN  SQUARE 

1883 


WJWiU^ 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1883,  by 

MORGAN    DIX 

In  the  OflSce  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


AU  rights  reserved. 


•  ••• 


•  •  ••  •  ••    ••••■•*. 


C  M.  H). 


MATRI  AMABILI  PI^  SUIS  DEVOTISSULE 

SUIS  VICISSIM  CARISSIM^ 

QU^  POST  ANNOS   LI  I 

FELICITER  CUM  MARITO  NOBILI  ET  AMANTE  AD  FENEM  PERDUCTOS 

DOMUM  INTEREA  PRUDENTER  ORDINANS 

DILIGENTER  GUBERNANS 

VIRTUTIBUS  GRATIISQUE  ILLUMINAN8 

NUNC  VIDUATA   INFIRMA 

DOLORIBUS   CREBRIS  AFFLICTA 

.NECNON  PATIENS  SUB  TENEBRIS  HUJUS  MUNDI 

OBUMBRATIS  LUMINIBUS    CORPORIS  NON  ANIMI 

EXSPECTAT 

DONEC  IN  CHRISTO  REVIDEAT  AMISSOS 

OPUSCULUM  HOC  VOTIVUM 

HEU  PARUM  DIGNUM 

INSCRIBENS  DEDICAVIT 

FILIORUM  SOLUS  SUPERSTES 

AMANS  HUCUSQUE 

AMATURUS   IN  STERNUM 


237306 


PREFACE. 


It  is  often,  if  not  always,  said,  by  way  of  general  criticism 
on  such  a  work  as  this,  that  a  son  ought  not  to  undertake  to 
be  his  father's  biographer.  The  qualities  demanded  in  the 
historian  include  strict  impartiality,  freedom  from  personal 
bias,  and  skill  and  fearlessness  in  analyzing  his  subject ;  but 
these  cannot  be  expected  where  the  inspiring  motive  of  the 
writer  is  filial  affection,  and  where  the  object  to  be  studied  is 
rendered  precious  in  his  eyes  by  the  threefold  power  of  the 
tie  of  blood,  the  precept  of  "  the  first  commandment  with 
promise,"  and  a  love  and  admiration  which  have  grown  and 
deepened  with  each  added  year.  I  feel  the  force  of  these 
considerations  as  I  begin  my  task:  they  would  have  put  a 
stop  to  farther  progress  had  I  thought  that  men  differed  seri- 
ously in  their  estimate  of  my  father's  hfe  and  work,  or  that 
I  should  have  to  deal  with  transactions  which,  for  the  honor 
of  the  name,  I  should  be  compelled  to  explain  or  tempted  to 
cover  up.  But  in  his  case  a  verdict  has  already  been  pro- 
nounced, which  attests  the  confidence  and  respect  in  which 
he  was  held  by  his  fellow-countrymen.  I  know  nothing  in 
the  record  which,  if  now  disclosed  for  the  first  time,  would 
be  likely  to  change  the  judgment  of  the  people,  nor  do  I  be- 
lieve that  much  diversity  of  opinion  exists  among  us  as  to  his 
career  in  general,  or  particular  matters  involving  liis  reputa- 


Vi  PREFACE. 

tion  and  liis  honor.  These  considerations  have  lessened  my 
rehictance  to  attempt  the  present  task ;  and  since  I  am  urged 
on  every  side  to  do  the  work  myself,  and  not  to  intrust  it  to 
another  hand,  there  seems  to  be  no  alternative  but  to  proceed 
as  best  I  may.  I  do  not,  however,  conceal  the  fact  that  the 
inspiring  motive  of  this  effort  to  tell  the  story  of  my  father's 
life  is  that  veneration  for  him  which  grew  with  the  compan- 
ionship of  more  than  fifty  years,  and  was  stronger  than  ever 
when,  kneeling  by  his  bedside,  I  closed  his  dying  eyes.  There 
would  be  no  adequate  motive  to  WTite  the  history  unless  I  be- 
lieved that  it  was  a  noble  life,  and  that  they  who  come  after 
us  will  be  the  better  for  knowing  what  he  did  to  the  glory 
of  Almighty  God  and  the  good  of  his  fellow-men,  and  in  the 
service  of  a  country  which  he  loved  with  the  devotion  of  a 
loyal  and  patriotic  heart. 

My  father's  eighty  years  cover  a  great  part  of  the  history 
of  the  Eepublic.  Born  just  before  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  he  left  us  when  the  nineteenth  was  far  in  its  last 
quarter.  He  was  one  of  those  who  formed  the  link  between 
the  period  of  the  Eevolution  and  that  of  the  final  and  per- 
petual consolidation  of  the  American  Union.  His  acts  are 
interwoven  with  the  records  of  an  age  of  wonderful  events 
and  impressive  phenomena.  His  was  a  life  of  untiring  activ- 
ity, wherein  he  served  the  State  with  hand  and  head,  with 
sword  and  pen,  and  always  ably ;  and  the  proof  of  the  pubHc 
confidence  in  him  lies  in  this  fact,  that  he  was  called  to  almost 
every  office  which  a  citizen  can  hold.  And  while  his  natural 
gifts,  ample  and  varied,  rendered  him  competent  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  public  life,  he  conducted  himself,  in  each  po- 
sition, in  such  a  manner  as  to  inspire  ,2l  universal  belief  in  his 
integrity.  Again  and  again  was  this  common  faith  in  him 
exhibited  in  a  practical  way ;  for  the  reader  of  this  memoir 
will  observe  how  often,  in  times  of  perplexity,  when  a  mere 


PREFACE,  vii 

name,  with  what  it  stood  for,  might  restore  a  sense  of  secu- 
rity, he  was  called  upon,  and  set  in  full  view  of  the  people, 
with  the  investiture  of  power  and  the  commission  to  do  what- 
ever might  be  necessary ;  and  how  rapidly,  at  such  times,  the 
clouds  dispersed.  This  occurred,  not  once  only,  nor  twice,  but 
often;  and  thereon  do  I  claim  for  him  a  place  among  the 
purest  of  patriots,  the  wisest  of  counsellors,  and  the  most 
honest  of  men.  ]^or  did  his  patriotism  waver  even  in  the 
darkest  hours  ;  nor  can  I  say  that  his  faith  ever  failed,  though 
I  remember  more  than  one  conversation  from  which  I  in- 
ferred that  his  concern  for  the  future  of  the  commonwealth 
had  led  him  almost  to  doubt  its  ability  to  overcome  the  cor- 
rupting and  demoralizing  influences  that  sap  the  foundations 
of  the  State.  Meanwhile,  amid  the  cares  and  duties  of  a  very 
full  life,  he  found  time  to  pursue  certain  studies  which  gave 
him  the  reputation  of  a  scholar,  and  an  enviable  place  in  the 
world  of  letters.  There  are  departments  of  literature  in 
which  his  knowledge  was  full  and  critical  and  his  attain- 
ments were  uncommon  ;  and  in  this  he  resembled  those  great 
statesmen  of  the  mother  country  who  wear  a  crown  of  double 
honor — men  strong  in  the  forum,  on  the  platform,  and  in  the 
council-chamber,  yet  happier  in  those  secluded  walks  where 
converse  is  held  with  the  poet,  the  philosopher,  and  the  sage. 
But  what,  after  all,  were  these  things,  compared  with  others, 
to  us  who  lived  our  life  close  by  his,  and  were  with  him  from 
day  to  day  ?  We  only  who  were  of  his  house  and  blood  can 
fully  appreciate  that  personality,  that  strong  individuality, 
which  constitutes  the  chief  treasure  of  our  recollections,  and 
has  left  the  impression  of  a  sweet,  simple-hearted,  tender  soul, 
which  loved  its  own  devotedly,  and  revered  God,  and  won 
from  men  a  deeper  affection  as,  drawing  nearer,  they  saw 
what  he  was.  I  have  no  terms  to  express  my  feelings  on  this 
point ;  nor  will  I  attempt  to  do  so,  lest  this  sketch  should  sud- 


yiii  PREFACE. 

denly  lose  its  historic  cast,  and  take  the  form  of  another  "  In 
Memoriam,"  laden  with  vain  regrets  and  longings  for  the  re- 
turn of  one  beloved,  whose  place  knoweth  him  no  more. 

Many  years  ago  we  began  to  urge  my  father  to  write  his 
bioo-raphy.  His  incessant  occupations,  however,  were  an  ob- 
stacle to  the  task ;  he  never  had  time  for  it.  He  hardly  knew 
what  release  from  active  duty  meant;  up  to  within  forty- 
eight  hours  of  his  death  he  was  transacting  official  business ; 
he  found  not  the  leisure  to  do  what  we  asked.  But  when 
seventy  years  old  he  wrote,  for  our  amusement,  a  little  history 
of  his  boyhood,  covering  the  first  twelve  or  fifteen  years  of 
his  life ;  and  to  this  he  subsequently  added  a  few  pages,  bring- 
ing the  memoranda  down  to  the  year  1820.  These  fragments 
I  shall  now  transcribe,  precisely  as  he  left  them,  adding  some 
notes,  by  way  of  additional  information,  on  points  which  he 
merely  touched  in  passing,  convinced  that  the  reader  will  be 
glad  to  have  this  autograph  introduction  to  what  is  to  come 
after.  But,  first,  a  few  words  concerning  those  of  his  name 
who  preceded  him  in  this  country. 

The  family  were  of  English  stock,  and  Puritans.  The 
name  of  Anthony  Dix  appears  in  the  Plymouth  Eecords  in 
1G23 ;  he  was  admitted  as  a  freeholder  in  that  town  in  1631, 
and  at  Salem  in  1632.  Edward  Dix,  of  Watertown,  admitted 
freeman  1635,  had  a  son,  John,  born  in  1640 ;  he  appears  to 
have  died  July  9, 1660.  Ralph  Dix,  a  descendant,  was  one  of 
the  early  settlers  of  Ipswich,  Mass. ;  he  died  at  Heading,  Sep- 
tember 24, 1688.  His  grandson,  Jonathan,  born  at  the  home- 
stead in  Beading,  resided  at  Littleton,  whence  he  removed  to 
Boscawen,  K.  H.,  or,  as  it  was  originally  called,  Contoocook. 
He  was  a  good  man,  and  for  more  than  seventy-five  years  a 
member  of  the  Congregational  Church;  he  married  Sarah, 
daughter  of  the  Rev.  Benjamin  Shattuck,  of  Littleton,  Mass. ; 


PREFACE.  ix 

and  died  at  the  residence  of  his  son  Timothy,  December  24 
1804,  having  attained  the  age  of  94  years,  8  months,  and  13 
days.  Timothy  Dix,  a  native  of  Littleton,  Mass.,  was  a  man 
of  some  eminence  in  his  day,  a  patriot  and  a  soldier ;  he  held 
a  lieutenant's  commission  in  the  Kevolutionary  War,  and 
raised  a  company  for  that  service ;  he  was  also  postmaster  at 
Boscawen,  under  President  Jefferson's  administration.  His 
character  is  portrayed  by  contemporaneous  chroniclers  as  that 
of  a  man  of  promptitude  and  decision,  devotedly  attached  to 
tlie  cause  of  his  country,  firm  and  patient  under  the  many 
trials  of  his  life;  one  who,  in  public  as  well  as  in  private 
relations,  was  remarkable  for  strict  integrity  and  fidelity  to 
duty.  His  son,  Timothy  Dix,  Jr.,  my  grandfather,  is  remem- 
bered in  l^ew  Hampshire  as  an  active,  enterprising,  liberal, 
and  enlightened  citizen,  distinguished  for  his  courteous  bear- 
ing and  honorable  character.  He  held  the  office  of  Select- 
man of  the  town,  and  represented  it  in  the  State  Legislat- 
ure in  the  years  1801-4.  In  1812,  when  the  war  broke  out 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  he  received 
a  commission  in  the  Regular  Army,  and  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  which  occurred  in  face  of  the  enemy,  at  French  Mills, 
Canada  East,  l^ovember  14, 1813,  was  Lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
Fourteenth  Regiment  of  Infantry.  His  wife  was  Abigail  Wil- 
kins,  of  Amherst ;  her  father  was  a  captain  in  the  Provincial 
Service,  and  lost  his  life  during  the  ill-fated  expedition  of 
General  Richard  Montgomery  against  Quebec.  Of  these  par- 
ents, and  of  that  honest.  God-fearing,  and  patriotic  stock,  on 
the  24th  day  of  July,  a.d.  1798,  and  in  the  village  of  Bos- 
cawen, in  the  State  of  IN'ew  Hampshire,  John  Adams  Dix 
was  bom. 

I  proceed,  without  more  words,  to  the  little  history  of  his 
earliest  years,  written  by  him  for  the  entertainment  of  his 
children. 


CONTENTS   OF  VOL.  I. 

I. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY.  page 

Boyhood. — Youin. — Army  Life  (a.d.  1798-1821) 1 

11. 

THE  ARMY. 
Washington.— New  York.— Europe  (a.d.  1821-1828) 63 

III. 

COOPERSTOWN. 

Rural  Life. — The  Law. — Prelude  to  Political  Career  (a.d. 
1828-1830) 83 

IV. 

ALBANY. 

Adjutant-general. — Secretary  of  State. — Superintendent  of 
Common  Schools. — Member  of  the  Legislature  (a.d.  1830- 
1842) 123 

Y. 

ABSENCE  FROM  HOME. 

Madeira.— Spain.— Italy  (a.d.  1842-1844) 173 

VI. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 

A.D.  1845-1853 -185 


xii  CONTEXTS. 

VII. 
New  York.— Europe  (a.d.  1853-1860) 279 

VIII. 

Postmaster  of  New  York. — Secretary  of  the  Treasury  (a.d. 

1860-1861) 325 


ILLUSTRATIONS— VOL.  L 


John  A,  Dix,  Secretary  op  State,  Albany,  N.  Y.  (from  a  Portrait  by 

James  E.  Freeman,  Painted  in  1836) Frontispiece. 

(Steel  Plate.) 

Catharine  M.  Dix  (from  a  Portrait  by  Charles  Ingham,  in  1836)  .  faces  160 

(Steel  Plate.) 

Sketches  made  During  the  European  Tour  ....    292,  293,  295,  296,  297 

Pine  Street  Meeting:  Signatures  in  Fac-simile faces  349 

Fac-simile  of  the  Despatch "     3*70 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 

BOYHOOD.-YOUTH.-ARMY    LIFE. 
A.D.  iras-issi. 


Boscawen.  — The  Homestead.  —  School.  —  Daniel  Webster  and  Grace 
Fletcher.— The  Village  Cemetery.— Eclipse  of  the  Sun  in  1806.— First 
Death  in  the  Family.  —  Study  of  English  Authors.  —  Death  of  his 
Mother.— The  Congregational  Meeting-house  and  the  Preacher.— Ke- 
ligious  Questions.  — The  Villagers.  —  Militia  Company.  — Drill  in  a 
Thunder-storm.  — Joe  Wheat,  Stage -driver  and  Musician.  —  Sent  to 
School  at  Salisbury.— Dramatic  Performances  in  the  Meeting-house : 
David  and  Goliath.— Exeter  Academy.— Dr.  Abbott.— Sparks  and 

■  Palfrey.— Speech  on  the  War  of  Troy.— Montreal :  the  Petit  Seminaire. 
—Thorough  Grounding  in  Latin  and  French.— The  Good  Priests.— 
1813:  the  War  with  England.— Boston.— Dr.  George  C.  Shattuck.— 
His  Father  Commissioned  in  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  United  States 
Infantry.— Enters  the  Army  at  Fourteen  Years  of  Age.— Cadet.— En- 
sign in'^his  Father's  Regiment.— Sackett's  Harbor.— Adjutant  to  Gen- 
eral Upham.— Movements  on  the  St.  Lawrence.— Fight  at  Chrystler's 
Fields.— Death  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Dix  at  French  Mills.— 1814 :  Fort 
Constitution,  Portsmouth,  K  H.— Colonel  Walbach.— Domestic  Anxi- 
eties and  Trials.— 1818 :  Fort  Washington,  on  the  Potomac— 1819 : 
Fort  Columbus,  New  York  Harbor.— Aide-de-camp  to  General  Jacob 
Brown.— Brownsville,  N.  Y.— Washington,  D.  C— John  C.  Calhoun.— 
Visits  to  Montpelier  and  Monticello.— Madison.— Jefferson.— Debates 
in  Congress.— Pinkney  of  Maryland.— Rufus  King.— John  Randolph 
of  Roanoke. 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


JOHN    ADAMS    DIX 


AN  A  UTOBIOGEAPIIY. 

I  REVISIT,  after  tlie  lapse  of  fifty  years,  the  scenes  of  my 
childhood.  The  old  familiar  objects  around  me  wear  new 
aspects,  and  yet  they  have  lost  nothing  of  their  identity.  The 
outlines  are  the  same,  but  how  strangely  shrunken  they  appear 
to  be  in  their  proportions !  Our  minds  and  our  bodies,  by 
force  of  some  incomprehensible  law,  expand  together.  As 
we  increase  in  stature  the  physical  objects  which  surround  us 
seem  to  diminish  in  magnitude.  Most  of  us,  I  tliink,  are  con- 
scious of  this  change.  The  river  which  is  flowing  past  as  it 
has  flowed  for  ages,  and  which  had  to  my  sight  an  immeasura- 
ble distance  across  when  I  was  a  child,  looks  like  a  mere  brook 
in  my  manhood.  But  I  have  in  the  mean  time  stood  on  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Missouri,  and  these  are  now 
my  standards  of  comparison.  The  mountain  on  the  opposite 
side,  which  always  appeared  to  me  to  have  some  vague  and 
inconceivable  height,  has  dwindled  into  a  hill  of  the  most 
inconsiderable  dimensions  :  but  I  have  crossed  the  Eocky 
Mountains,  the  Alps,  and  the  Apennines,  and  I  instinctively 
measure  all  inequalities  of  the  earth's  surface  by  these  gigan- 
tic elevations.  Yet  this  miniature  mountain,  which  filled  my 
childish  conceptions,  and  which  I  can  still  fancy  draped,  as  of 


4  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

old,  in  gorgeous  foliage,  and  casting  its  cool  shadows  far  down 
into  the  meadows  as  the  sun  was  sinking  behind  it,  is  as 
familiar  as  ever  to  my  sight.  But,  in  the  jprogress  of  settle- 
ment, it  has  been  denuded  of  trees ;  and  its  stony  front,  as  its 
covering  has  been  stripped  off,  reveals  itself  in  deep  seams 
and  sharp  protuberances  of  granite. 

But  let  me  turn  from  the  present  to  the  distant  past. 

THE   FIKST   TEN   YEAKS    OF   IVIY   LIFE. 

I  was  born  in  a  village  in  l^ew  Hampshire."^  It  was  a  full 
mile  in  length.  Its  single  street  was  terminated  at  one  ex- 
tremity by  the  meeting-house,  and  at  the  other  by  a  bridge 
crossing  a  small  stream.  On  one  side,  half  a  mile  off,  the 
Merrimack  River  flowed  quietly  along,  with  an  intervening 
flat,  known  as  the  intervale.f     On  the  opposite  side  was  a 

*  In  the  year  1732,  memorable  as  that  in  which  George  Washington 
was  born,  a  number  of  men,  mostly  natives  of  Newbury,  in  the  Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  associated  themselves  together  with  a  view  to 
founding  a  new  settlement.  Two  years  later  they  went  forth  and  made 
their  home  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Merrimack  River,  in  the  district  of 
New  Hampshire,  wliich  was  then  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts. 
The  proprietors  gave  to  the  township,  which  was  seven  miles  square,  the 
Indian  name  of  Contoocook.  An  act  of  incorporation  was  obtained 
April  32, 1760,  and  the  town  was  thenceforth  known  as  Boscawen.  The 
change  of  appellation  was  natural.  The  old  name  was  associated  with 
images  of  misery  and  sorrow ;  the  settlers  had  been  harassed  by  the 
savage  allies  of  the  French ;  their  lives  were  spent  in  fear ;  and  every 
man  was  of  necessity  a  soldier.  While  the  petition  of  the  proprietors 
for  a  charter  was  before  the  government  of  the  Province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, the  reduction  and  demolition  of  Louisburg  took  place,  and  Gen- 
erals Amherst  and  Wolfe  and  Admiral  Boscaw^en  became  the  heroes  of 
the  day.  Thus  it  happened  that  the  brave  old  sailor  gave  his  name  to 
the  newly-organized  plantation,  to  the  great  delight  of  the  inhabitants, 
whose  gloomy  recollections  were  changed  to  auguries  of  brighter  days. 

t  "The  territory  may  be  divided  into  three  general  divisions,  viz.,  zw^er- 
ml,  pine-plain,  and  Ugh  land,  requiring  a  different  cultivation. 

"  The  interval  upon  the  Merrimack,  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the 
town,  is  in  many  places  widely  extended,  originally  covered  with  a  heavy 


1798-1821.]     ENERGY  AND  FORESIGHT  WELL  DIRECTED.  5 

range  of  thickly-wooded  hills.  I  have  seen  many  more  beau- 
tiful villages,  but  none  that  had  for  me  the  attraction  of  this. 
It  may  be  because  it  was  my  birthplace.  My  father  was  one 
of  the  first  settlers.  He  was  active  and  indefatigable  in  busi- 
ness, and  he  soon  gathered  a  community  about  him.  He 
knew  that  in  order  to  make  his  neighbors  contented  he  must 
bring  within  their  reach  everything  essential  to  their  comfort. 
He  hired  a  storekeeper,  opened  a  store,  and  filled  it  with  dry- 
goods,  hardware,  and  groceries,  enlarging  his  list  from  time  to 
time  as  the  settlers  became  able  to  increase  their  indulgences. 
Wagon-loads  of  supplies  were  brought  from  Boston  as  the 
stock  on  hand  became  low,  and  the  arrival  of  one  of  these 
trains — for  there  were  generally  three  or  four  wagons  in  com- 
pany— was  a  source  of  the  greatest  interest  and  excitement. 
As  soon  as  the  goods  were  opened  and  ready  for  purchasers 
they  were  visited,  inspected,  and  gradually  bought  and  con- 
sumed. The  women  came  to  see  the  new  calicoes  and  taste 
the  fresh  sugar,  and  the  men  to  handle  the  axes  and  spades. 

As  the  village  increased  in  population  and  means  my  father 
established  a  school.  He  hired  the  teachers  and  provided  the 
school-books.  In  process  of  time  a  school -house  was  built, 
and  the  school  became  one  of  the  most  noted  in  the  country. 
My  father  was  very  scrupulous  in  regard  to  the  teachers.  He 
would  have  none  but  the  very  first,  both  in  regard  to  qual- 
ifications and  respectability  of  character.  They  sometimes 
insisted  that  he  should  receive  them  into  his  own  family ;  and 
in  several  instances  he  did  so,  rather  than  lose  them.  Some 
of  the  most  distinguished  men  in  the  State — afterward  known 

growth  of  elm,  butternut,  maple,  and  basswood.  When  cultivated  it 
proved  very  productive,  and  even  at  this  period  bountifully  rewards 
the  labor  of  the  husbandman." — A  Chronological  Register  of  Boscawen,  in 
the  County  of  Merrimack  and  State  of  New  Hampshire^  from  the  first  settle- 
ment of  the  town  to  1820.  In  three  xmrts :  Descriptive^  Historical,  a?id 
Miscellaneous.  Compiled  by  an  order  of  the  town,  passed  March,  1819. 
By  Ebenezer  Price,  A.M.,  Pastor  of  the  Second  Church  in  said  town. 
Concord :  Printed  by  Jacob  B.  Moore,  1823.     8vo,  110  pp. 


6  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

tlirougliout  the  Union  for  their  great  abilities— were  among 
our  village  school-masters.  In  the  summer  we  had  female 
teachers,  and  they  were  of  the  same  high  rank  in  talent  and 
character.  One  of  them  became  the  wife  of  a  jurist  and 
statesman  who  has  had  few  equals  in  public  reputation.*^  It 
was  in  this  school  that  I  received  the  rudiments  of  my  educa- 
tion. I  was  a  favorite  with  them  all,  and  I  cherish  the  remem- 
brance of  their  good  opinion  as  a  distinction  to  be  proud  of. 
The  teachers  being  sometimes  inmates  of  my  father's  family, 
I  was  almost  constantly  with  them ;  and  when  I  was  suffi- 
ciently advanced  to  be  sent  to  an  academy  I  became  sensible 
of  the  great  advantage  I  had  derived  from  the  influence  of 
these  excellent  persons.  Indeed,  I  think  I  have  felt  it  strong- 
ly in  every  period  of  my  life. 

The  village,  as  I  remember  it  after  the  lapse  of  fifty  years, 
consisted  of  some  thirty  dwelling-houses,  standing,  in  about 
equal  number,  on  opposite  sides  of  the  long,  straight  street. 
A  few  were  white,  but  they  were  for  the  most  part  painted 
in  Spanish  brown  or  a  dirty  red.  There  were  a  tavern  and 
a  blacksmith's  shop  near  the  centre  of  the  village.  The 
school-house  was  also  midway  between  the  two  extremities, 
and  directly  back  of  it  was  the  burying-ground.  I  think  the 
school-house  lot  was  originally  a  part  of  it.  It  was  an  odd 
fancy  to  put  them  in  this  close  contact — to  bring  together 

*  My  father,  in  a  private  letter  referring  to  the  early  family  history, 
says :  "  I  remember  an  oration  delivered  by  Daniel  Webster  on  the  4th 
of  July,  1806,  at  Concord, '  before  the  Federal  gentlemen  of  Concord  and 
its  vicinity,'  as  set  forth  on  the  title-page  of  the  pamphlet  copy.  He  was 
then  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  an  inmate  of  my  Other's  family. 
They  were  zealous  political  opponents,  but  personal  friends,  although  the 
lines  were  at  that  period  very  sharply  drawn  between  the  Federal  and 
Republican  parties.  My  father  took  great  interest  in  the  village  school, 
and  in  many  instances  procured  the  teachers.  I  have  a  distinct  recollec- 
tion of  General  Fessenden,  the  Hither  of  the  late  Senator  Fessenden  of 
Maine,  as  one  of  them,  and  also  of  Grace  Fletcher,  one  of  the  loveliest  of 
women,  with  whom  Mr.  Webster  became  acquainted  at  my  father's  house 
while  slie  was  teaching,  and  whom  he  afterward  married." 


1798-1821.]      SAD  AND  PLEASING  BEMINISCENCES.  7 

tliose  who  were  preparing  for  tlie  battle  of  life  and  tliose  who 
had  fought  and  fallen  in  it.  I  do  not  remember,  while  I  was 
at  school,  to  have  received  any  gloomy  impression  from  this 
near  neighborhood  of  the  dead.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  no 
uncommon  thing  for  me  and  my  playfellows  to  clamber  over 
the  fence,  and  carry  on  our  games  among  the  graves.  But 
after  I  had  left  school  tombstones  were  erected  to  mark  the 
resting-places  of  my  mother,  a  little  sister,  and  my  only  broth- 
er ;  and  I  never  afterward  approached  the  spot  without  a  deep 
feeling  of  depression. 

One  of  my  earliest  recollections  is  the  total  eclipse  of  the 
sun  in  1806.  It  was  about  the  middle  of  June,  and  vegeta- 
tion was  in  full  luxuriance.  Four  or  ^lyq  beautiful  trees  stood 
in  front  of  my  father's  house.  He  had  planted  them  fifteen 
years  before.  One  was  an  elm,  and  a  robin  had  built  her  nest 
among  its  branches.  I  had  been  told  that  the  earth  would  be 
covered  with  darkness,  and  that  the  beasts  and  birds  would  be 
deceived  by  the  counterfeit  night.  I  watched  the  robin  with 
the  deepest  interest.  As  the  darkness  deepened  the  fowls 
hurried  to  their  roosts,  and  the  robin,  to  my  great  delight, 
flew  to  her  nest.  It  was  appalling  to  see  the  beams  of  the 
sun  wholly  intercepted  at  mid-day,  and  the  face  of  the  earth 
buried  in  gloom.  As  the  moon  passed  over  the  sun's  disk  it 
seemed  as  though  a  funereal  pall  was  drawn  over  it.  As  soon 
as  my  boyish  curiosity  in  regard  to  the  fowls  w^as  satisfied 
a  feeling  of  terror  came  over  me.  I  ran  into  the  house.  I 
could  not  bear  the  outer  darkness.  The  family  had  gone  out 
to  witness  a  phenomenon  never  to  occur  again  within  the 
compass  of  any  of  our  lives,  and  had  left  my  youngest  sister, 
then  about  two  years  old,  in  her  cradle.  I  took  her  up  and 
held  her  in  my  arms,  to  relieve  the  feeling  of  awe  caused  by 
the  sudden  disappearance  of  the  sunlight ;  for,  although  the 
gloom  had  come  on  gradually,  it  seemed  to  me  at  the  last  that 
the  total  darkness  was  instantaneous,  like  that  which  follows 
the  extinction  of  a  lamp.  But  the  light  soon  began  to  re- 
turn, and  I  recovered  from  my  panic  in  time  to  go  out  and 


8  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

see  the  simple  birds  and  fowls  leaving  their  nests  and  roosts, 
with  the  idea,  no  doubt,  that  they  were  waking  up  to  a  new  day. 
The  next  winter*  death  —  thenceforth  to  be  but  too  fre- 
quent a  visitor — first  appeared  in  our  family.  My  grandfa- 
ther lived  near  us.  Two  gardens,  his  own  and  my  father's, 
separated  the  two  families ;  a  broad  gravelled  walk  ran  through 
the  grounds,  and  our  communications  with  each  other  were 
carried  on  without  going  into  the  street.  My  great-grandfa- 
ther, who  lived  with  my  grandfather,  was  near  a  hundred  years 
old ;  but  until  within  a  short  period  before  his  death  he  was 
in  full  possession  of  his  bodily  and  mental  powers.  His  great- 
est weakness  was  the  garrulousness  of  age.  On  Thanksgiving- 
day  the  two  families  were  always  united,  and  four  generations 
sat  down  together  at  my  father's  table.  A  few  weeks  after 
one  of  these  reunions  (the  last  we  were  to  know)  my  grandfa- 
ther came  to  our  house  at  daybreak  and  told  us  the  old  man 
was  dead.  His  spirit  had  passed  away  in  the  stillness  of  the 
night,  and  so  quietly  that  my  grandfather  and  grandmother, 
who  occupied  the  adjoining  room,  with  a  door  open  into  his, 
were  unaware  of  it  until  they  rose.  The  shock  which  the 
intelligence  gave  to  us  children  was  indescribable.  The  pres- 
ence of  our  aged  ancestor,  who  moved  about  among  us  in 
patriarchal  solemnity,  and  to  whom  we  clung  like  vines  to  a 
tree  of  stately  growth,  seemed  a  part  of  our  own  existence ; 
and  I  could  hardly  understand  at  first  how  his  life  could  be 
taken  away  without  violence  to  our  own.  I  incline  to  think 
this  is  a  common  feeling  with  children  when  Death  for  the 


*  I  leave  this  as  it  stands,  although  there  is  undoubtedly  a  mistake. 
The  date  of  the  total  eclipse  is  correctly  given  by  my  father  as  180C ;  but 
the  death  of  his  great-grandfather  occurred  eighteen  montlis  before,  and 
not  after,  the  ecliiDse.  The  error  is  a  slight  one ;  it  probably  arose  from 
the  double  impression  made  on  the  boy's  mind  by  the  shadow  over  the 
earth  and  the  deeper  shadow  in  the  house— he  associated  the  two  horrors 
of  great  darkness  with  each  other,  as  though  they  merged  into  one.  And 
it  may  also  be  noted  that  a  death  occurred  just  as  he  states— that  of  his 
brother,  in  October,  1806. 


MY  BBOTREWS  SAD  DEATH.  9 

first  time  separates  them  from  one  of  their  own  family.  It 
is  for  this  reason  that  they  feel  a  terror  never  equalled  at  any 
re-appearance  of  the  same  unwelcome  visitor.  As  we  ad- 
vance in  age  w^e  become  more  familiar  with  his  presence; 
and,  after  threescore  years,  I  think  few  persons,  excepting 
those  who  are  conscience  -  stricken  by  the  remembrance  of 
great  crimes,  view  his  near  approach  with  insupportable 
dread.  My  feelings  of  horror  were  at  their  height  when  the 
funeral  procession  moved  away  from  my  grandfather's  house. 
There  w^ere  no  hearses  wath  us  in  those  primeval  days.  The 
cofiin,  covered  with  its  sable  pall,  was  laid  upon  a  bier,  and  was 
borne  by  four  men  to  the  grave.  The  earth  was  white  with 
snow,  and  as  the  bearers  passed  on  with  their  burden  they 
formed  together  the  blackest  of  all  contrasts.  I  turned  away 
from  the  window  and  buried  my  face  in  my  mother's  bosom 
— the  tender  mother  w^ho  was  in  a  few  years  to  be  followed 
to  the  same  resting-place  by  the  same  ghastly  procession  of 
sorrowing  friends. 

But  her  hour  was  not  to  come  until  she  had  herself  been 
overwhelmed  wdth  a  new  and  a  deeper  grief.  My  only  broth- 
er* was  two  years  older  than  myself.  He  was  bold,  active, 
and  intelligent.  He  was  a  leader  in  every  enterprise  among 
those  of  his  own  age.  Though  but  eleven  years  old,  he  had 
all  the  self-possession  and  fearlessness  of  a  man.  He  was  pas- 
sionately fond  of  horses,  and,  as  my  father  kept  several,  he 
was  constantly  on  horseback.  One  day  a  new  one  was  brought 
home  in  my  father's  absence ;  he  was  young,  and  only  partially 
broken.  My  brother  w^as  immediately  on  his  back,  galloping 
up  and  down  the  street.  The  animal  ran  away,  and  threw 
him.  He  was  taken  up  and  brought  home  in  a  state  of  insen- 
sibility, but  without  any  ostensible  injury.  The  next  day  he 
seemed  well  again ;  but  in  a  short  time  he  began  to  droop,  and 
in  a  few  weeks  was  laid  by  the  side  of  my  great-grandfather. 

This  calamity  made  the  deepest  impression  upon  me.     I 

*  Timothy  Fuller  Shattuck  Dix,  born  Feb.  11, 1796 ;  died  Oct.  IG,  1806. 


10  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

had  idolized  my  brother,  and  was  his  companion  in  all  his 
enterprises  and  excursions,  wandering  with  him  among  the 
fields,  fishing  with  him  in  summer,  and  in  winter  following 
him  on  my  sled  down  the  sides  of  the  steepest  hills.  It  was 
many  months  before  I  could  be  induced  to  go  out  as  usual 
and  join  my  playfellows  in  their  sports.  I  kept  almost  con- 
stantly in  the  house  with  my  mother.  My  father  had,  for 
that  period,  a  good  English  library.  I  had  scarcely  ever  look- 
ed into  a  book,  except  such  as  contained  my  lessons  at  school. 
In  the  first  days  of  my  grief,  while  strolling  listlessly  about,  I 
entered  the  library.  A  book  lay  upon  the  table  ;  I  took  it  up, 
and  found  it  to  be  a  volume  of  Goldsmith ;  I  opened  it  at  the 
"Good-natured  Man."  My  interest  was  excited;  I  finished 
the  play  without  laying  down  the  book.  The  moment  dinner 
was  over  I  hurried  to  the  library,  and  did  not  leave  it  until  it 
was  too  dark  to  read.  For  months  I  literally  lived  upon  the 
English  poets  and  essayists.  I  was  then  but  nine  years  of 
age,  but  my  thirst  for  reading  was  insatiable.  For  a  full  year 
I  scarcely  took  time  for  exercise.  My  father  and  mother  in- 
dulged me  in  my  passion ;  and  I  have  since  thought  that  the 
latter,  with  a  secret  consciousness  that  our  earthly  communion 
was  soon  to  end,  encouraged  me,  for  the  purpose  of  having  me 
always  in  her  sight.  I  cannot  remember  at  this  remote  period 
all  the  authors  I  read.  Those  which  made  the  strongest  im- 
pression on  me  at  first  were  Goldsmith  and  Addison;  but 
they  were  soon  laid  aside  for  Shakspeare.  I  did  not  confine 
myself  to  the  poets  and  essayists.  There  was  no  system  in 
my  reading.  I  literally  devoured  whatever  I  chanced  to  take 
up — poetry,  history,  and  now  and  then  a  book  of  a  lighter 
character,  though  my  father's  library  contained  few  other  than 
standard  works.  He  was  too  much  immersed  in  business  at 
home  and  abroad  to  pay  much  attention  to  me,  and  my  mother 
left  me  to  the  guidance  of  my  own  impulses,  satisfied  with 
the  assurance  that  in  a  well-chosen  library  I  could  not  go  far 
astray,  and  probably  thinking  that  my  interest  would  be  more 
likely  to  be  kept  up,  if  uncontrolled. 


MT  MOTHER'S  APPBOACHING  END.  H 

She  never  recovered  from  tlie  shock  of  my  brother's  death. 
Her  health  had  been  delicate  for  many  years :  it  now  began 
rapidly  to  decline.  If  I  had  been  older  I  could  not  have  fail- 
ed to  notice  the  change,  slow  and  insidious  as  it  was ;  but  I 
was  constantly  with  her,  and  for  this  reason  was  the  less  likely 
to  mark  the  almost  imperceptible  stages  of  its  progress.  I 
look  back  to  this  year  as  the  hai)piest  of  my  life — precursor 
as  it  was  to  the  year  of  sorrow  which  was  to  succeed  it.  As 
I  recur  to  it  a  thousand  little  incidents  crowd  on  my  memory, 
unthought  of  then,  but  rising  up  now  to  rebuke  my  blindness. 
I  remember  how  often,  as  I  was  kneeling  at  her  feet  or  resting 
my  head  on  her  shoulder,  I  was  struck  by  the  pallor  of  her  face 
and  by  the  thinness  of  her  white  fingers  as  she  passed  them 
through  my  flowing  hair  or  pressed  them  against  my  cheek. 
I  fancy  her  now  averting  her  countenance,  after  gazing  long 
and  affectionately  on  me,  to  conceal  from  me  the  tears  with 
which  her  eyes  were  overflowing — eyes  always  brilliant,  but 
now,  though  dimmed  with  tears,  shining  with  an  unnatural 
light.  I  thought  it  was  my  lost  brother  on  whom  her 
thoughts  were  intent.  I  am  sure,  now,  that  she  was  sorrow- 
ing for  the  child  from  whom  she  was  about  to  part,  and  not 
for  the  one  she  was  so  soon  to  meet.  It  was  not  until  she 
had  reached  the  last  stage  of  weakness  that  the  conscious- 
ness of  a  coming  horror  awoke  within  me.  Daring  the  last 
months  of  her  illness  its  progress  was  marked  by  more  fre- 
quent and  perceptible  changes.  At  first  she  often  walked  out 
with  me,  holding  my  hand  in  hers,  listening  to  my  comments 
on  what  I  had  read — for  books  were  at  that  time  almost  the 
chief  subject  of  my  thoughts — or  talking  to  me  in  tones  of 
angelic  sweetness,  that  still  seem  to  fall  like  notes  of  distant 
music  on  my  ear.  The  beautiful  nature  around  us — the  calm, 
blue  skies,  the  green  fields,  the  luxuriance  of  trees  and  flowers 
— was  all  in  harmony  with  her  own.  I  have  never  since  met 
with  such  gentleness  or  sweetness  of  temper.  In  all  the 
neighborhood  there  was  not  a  single  person,  young  or  old, 
whose  heart  she  had  not  won.     These  walks  filled  up  the  last 


12  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

happy  summer  of  my  boyhood.  As  the  autumn  advanced 
she  grew  weaker,  and  they  fatigued  her.  For  a  month  more 
she  drove  out.  Then  she  remained  always  in  the  house,  for  a 
while  moving  wearisomely  about,  and  at  last  never  leaving  her 
bed.  I  think  it  was  not  until  then,  when  one  day  she  pressed 
me  to  her  bosom,  and  I  felt  how  thin  the  arms  which  encircled 
me  had  grown,  and  heard  her  whispered  benediction,  as  if  she 
were  about  to  set  out  on  a  distant  journey,  that  the  coming 
calamity  broke  upon  me,  as  the  morning  breaks  on  the  uncon- 
scious darkness  of  the  night.  It  was  a  moment  of  agony  and 
horror  I  cannot,  even  after  the  lapse  of  fifty  years,  bear  to 
look  back  upon.  I  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears  and  filled  her 
chamber  with  my  sobs.  There  needed  no  farther  interchange 
of  intelligence  between  us.  JS'o  word  had  been  spoken ;  but 
she  knew  that  the  dark  truth  was  unveiled  to  me,  and  during 
the  few  days  that  remained  to  us — days  passed  constantly  to- 
gether— her  calm  resignation,  her  hopefulness  of  the  future 
life,  and  the  endearments  showered  upon  me,  almost  recon- 
ciled me  to  her  translation  to  the  bright  heaven  the  portals 
of  which  were  opening  for  her.  It  was  only  the  dark  cloud 
about  to  fall  upon  me  that  overwhelmed  me  with  grief. 

But  let  me  dwell  no  longer  on  these  bitter  experiences.  In 
her  last  hour  she  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  and  endowed  it 
with  the  feeble  remnant  of  her  own  life. 

Another  funeral  train — the  saddest  of  all — went  out  from 
my  father's  house,  and  she  was  laid  by  my  brother's  side.* 
A  few  weeks  later  her  infant  followed  lier.f  Her  grave  was 
re-opened,  and  the  lifeless  child  was  laid  on  her  bosom,  there 
to  rest  until  the  Great  Day. 

My  father,  who  had  long  foreseen  the  coming  calamity, 
took  refuge  in  his  extended  and  engrossing  business,  pursu- 
ing it  with  redoubled  energy.  My  sisters  had  returned  from 
boarding-school  in  a  distant  town  a  few  days  before  my  moth- 


*  She  died  December  3, 1808. 

t  Martha  Sherman  Dix,  born  October  16, 1808;  died  January  11, 1809. 


MY  PASSION  FOE  BEADING.  13 

er's  death.  My  father  resolved  that  they  should  remain  at 
home,  and  he  brought  with  him  from  Boston  a  governess  to 
take  charge  of  them.  In  addition  to  the  ordinary  routine  of 
English  instruction,  she  taught  them-  music  and  drawing  — 
accomplishments  at  that  time  unknown  in  the  sequestered 
region  where  we  lived.  My  father  was  a  tasteful  musician, 
and  drew  with  the  pencil  of  an  artist.  He  had  transmitted 
his  tastes  to  his  children,  and  I  was  soon  a  proficient,  under 
the  new  governess,  in  both  arts.  But  my  new  occupation  did 
not  interfere  with  my  reading.  I  was  still  as  indefatigable  as 
ever,  until  I  grew  feeble.  My  sleep  was  disturbed,  and  I  of- 
ten rose  in  the  night  under  strong  nervous  excitement  and 
left  my  room,  wandering  about  the  house.  My  father  found 
me  twice  under  these  circumstances,  and  became  alarmed  for 
my  health.  He  determined  to  detach  me  for  a  time  from 
my  studies.  He  had  a  passion  for  shooting,  and  with  either 
the  rifle  or  shot-gun  was  an  unerring  marksman.  When  he 
first  settled  in  the  country  the  woods  were  full  of  bears, 
w^olves,  and  panthers,  and  he  had  w^aged  perpetual  warfare 
with  them.  They  had  gone  farther  back  with  the  advance  of 
settlement,  and  w^ere  at  that  time  rarely  seen.  On  his  return 
from  his  next  visit  to  Boston  he  gave  me  a  silver-mounted 
fowling-piece,  and  instructed  me  in  the  use  of  it.^     It  struck 

*  Here  is  a  letter  about  this  fowling-piece,  addressed  to  "  Master  John 
Adams  Dix,  Student,  Exeter."  The  precautions  to  be  observed  in  its  use 
must  have  rendered  it,  for  the  time,  a  harmless  weapon,  and  quite  safe  in 

a  boarding-school : 

"  Boscawen,  Sept.  19, 1809. 
"Adams, — You  will  receive  herewith  your  military  clothes  and  my  sil- 
ver-mounted fowling-piece ;  'tis  very  unsuitable  for  a  training  gun,  and 
I  very  much  fear  'twill  get  injured ;  'tis  so  very  slender  a  little  hard 
usage  would  spoil  it.  I  do  not  wish  you  to  use  any  powder,  have  there- 
fore put  a  piece  of  wood  in  place  of  a  flint,  and  desire  you  may  not  take 
it  out,  or  suff'er  it  to  be  taken  out,  till  you  see  me ;  you  will  probably  con- 
ceive it  to  be  rather  hard  to  be  debar'd  the  use  of  powder,  but  must  al- 
low me  to  be  the  best  judge,  and  will,  I  presume,  be  perfectly  satisfied 
on  my  saying  that  I  have  sufiicient  reasons  for  it.  I  shall  set  out  to-mor- 
row for  Dixville ;  expect  to  be  gone  three  weeks.    Shortly  after  I  return  I 


14:  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

a  secret  vein  within  me,  and  from  that  moment  I  became  an 
indefatigable  sportsman.  The  passion  now  at  seventy  years 
of  age  is  as  strong  as  ever,  and  I  liave  indulged  it  through  life, 
whenever  I  have  been  able  to  escape  from  the  urgency  of  my 
private  business  or  public  employments.  After  practising  for 
a  few  days  at  a  mark,  I  singled  out  a  bird  near  the  house  and 
brought  him  to  the  ground.  I  could  not  have  made  a  more 
unfortunate  essay  of  my  skill.  It  was  a  lark,  which  sang  upon 
the  trees  in  front  of  the  door,  and  greeted  my  father  as  he 
awoke  from  his  slumbers  with  its  matin  song.  AYhen  he  told 
me  this,  and  expressed  his  sorrow  for  what  I  had  done,  I  felt 
as  though  the  mark  of  Cain  was  blazoned  upon  my  forehead. 
I  looked  upon  the  instrument  of  death  with  inexpressible 
loathing,  and  hid  it  away  for  several  days.  My  father,  think- 
ing I  had  suffered  enough  for  my  thoughtlessness,  took  me 
into  the  woods  with  him.  The  wild-pigeons  were  flying,  and 
we  filed  our  pouches  with  game.  As  we  were  clambering 
over  the  hills  a  tremendous  rustling  was  heard  in  a  thicket 
before  us ;  it  was  the  sudden  flight  of  a  covey  of  partridges. 
I  had  never  heard  the  sound  before,  and  expected  every  in- 
stant to  see  a  panther  emerge  from  the  woods.  I  confess  to  a 
moment  of  fear,  and  I  think  I  unconsciously  fell  behind  my 
father.  He  was  a  man  of  action,  and  not  of  words.  Without 
speaking,  he  turned  back  on  me  a  look,  as  I  interpreted  it,  of 
reproach  and  scorn.  It  seemed  to  say,  "Have  I  a  coward  in 
my  family «"  I  felt  it  keenly.  The  blood,  which  my  momen- 
tary alarm  had  thrown  back  upon  my  heart,  rushed  to  my  ex- 
tremities, and  no  doubt  crimsoned  my  cheeks.  My  self-pos- 
session was  regained  as  rapidly  as  it  had  been  lost.  I  cocked 
my  piece  instinctively  and  planted  myself  directly  before 
him.     I  shall  never  forget  the  smile  of  approbation  he  gave 

expect  to  go  to  Portsmouth— shall  go  or  come  thro'  Exeter.  We  are 
all  well.  Your  mamma  and  sisters  all  desire  much  love  to  you.  Mine 
and  your  mamma's  compliments  to  Mrs.  Giddings  and  daughters. 

"  In  haste.  Yr.  Father, 

"  T.  Dix,  Jr." 


1798-1821.]        GLANCES  AT  MY  NATIVE   VILLAGE.  15 

me ;  it  said  to  me  more  distinctly  than  any  words  could  have 
done :  "  I  am  satisfied — you  will  not  be  found  wanting  in  try- 
ing emergencies."  I  have  often  thought,  if  some  wild  beast 
had  come  out  upon  us,  as  I  expected,  how  poor  a  match  I 
should  have  been  for  it,  with  my  slender  fowling-piece  and 
the  small  shot  with  which  it  was  charged.  Eelieved  by  my 
father's  explanations  from  all  apprehension  of  any  such  un- 
equal adversaries,  I  now  lived,  in  fair  weather,  in  the  woods, 
pursuing  my  studies  at  home  only  on  rainy  days.  In  a  few 
months  my  cheeks  had  become  ruddy  again  and  my  constitu- 
tion invigorated  with  fresh  strength. 

The  period  was  approaching  when  I  was  to  be  sent  away 
from  home  for  my  classical  education ;  but,  before  I  enter 
upon  it,  let  me  cast  back  some  glances  at  my  native  village. 
I  have  spoken  of  the  meeting-house  at  one  of  its  extremities. 
The  society  was  Congregational  in  its  form.  It  acknowledged 
no  earthly  head.  I  had  a  distinct  idea  of  this  peculiarity  in  its 
doctrine  from  the  conversations  which  I  heard  at  my  father's 
house.  My  mother  was  a  sincere,  devout,  and  trustful  Chris- 
tian. My  father  was  a  believer,  but  not  a  member  of  the 
Church.  I  sometimes  thought  his  views  did  not  accord  with 
those  of  the  preacher ;  but  he  said  nothing  to  warrant  such 
an  inference.  ISTo  man  was  more  regular  than  himself  in  his 
attendance  on  divine  worship  on  Sundays,  and  they  were  the 
only  days  in  the  year  on  which  any  religious  exercises  were 
observed,  except  the  first  Monday  of  every  month,  on  which 
evening  a  prayer-meeting  was  held.  I  derived  no  agreeable 
impression  whatever  from  these  religious  observances.  The 
meeting-house  was,  like  most  others  at  that  day,  painted  white, 
covered  with  shingles,  full  of  windows,  with  plain,  plastered 
walls  inside ;  it  was  cold  and  dreary  in  its  aspect  within  and 
without.  It  had  no  window-blinds;  and  as  the  sun  moved 
round  the  building  in  summer  the  congregation  moved  about 
in  their  pews,  to  escape  from  his  burning  rays.  The  winters 
were  awful :  the  thermometer  often  fell  twenty  or  thirty  de- 
grees below  zero.     There  was  no  fireplace  or  furnace,  not  even 


16  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

a  stove.  To  this  arctic  temperature  we  were  exposed  two 
hours  in  the  morning  and  two  in  the  afternoon.*  The  ser- 
mon was  ahnost  always  an  hour  long;  and  the  prayers  and 
psalms,  and  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  occupied  about  the 
same  time.  In  my  whole  life  I  have  never  suffered  so  much 
from  cold.  My  mother  always  took  a  foot-stove  with  her, 
and  it  was  more  frequently  under  my  feet  than  hers.  In  the 
sleigh  on  our  way  to  meeting  we  were  always  comfortable,  for 
we  were  enveloped  in  buffalo-skins.  But  we  could  not  take 
them  with  us  into  the  meeting-house.  When  the  wind  was 
high  the  cold  was  nearly  insupportable.  The  window-sashes 
vibrated  and  rattled  in  their  loose  frames,  and  the  cold  air 
poured  upon  us  through  numberless  inlets.  My  feelings  were 
anything  but  devotional ;  and  I  pray  God  to  forgive  me  the 
many  secret  irreverences  of  which  I  was  guilty.  The  preach- 
er was  a  learned  and  a  conscientious  man  ;f  but  I  hated  his 
long  discourses  (drawn  out,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  with  a  malicious 
perverseness)  when  I  was  perishing  with  cold.  The  strangest 
speculations  took  possession  of  my  mind.  I  had  read  in  some 
book  in  my  father's  library  that  certain  holy  men  had  volun- 
tarily submitted  to  the  severest  inflictions.  One,  whose  name 
does  not  occur  to  me,  Kved  on  the  top  of  a  column  for  a  num- 
ber of  years,  exposed  to  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  seasons. 
Supposing  him  to  have  lived  in  a  good  climate,  I  wondered 
whether  he  suffered  as  much  as  our  preacher,  holding  forth  by 
the  hour  in  an  atmosphere  fifty  degrees  below  freezing-point. 
I  wondered  whether  the  latter,  like  the  holy  father,  was  acting 
on  a  principle  of  self -infliction,  or  whether  he  was  punishing 
his  congregation  for  their  stubbornness  in  sin.  If  his  motive 
was  merely  personal,  then  I  wondered  why  he  could  not  dis- 
miss the  congregation  and  perform  the  penance  by  himself, 

*  It  appears  that  in  1827  a  stove  was  purchased,  the  following  item  ap- 
pearing on  the  society  records :  "  Voted  to  purchase  at  auction  one  cord 
hard  pine-wood,  two  feet  long,  split  for  stove,  to  be  cut  in  the  spring; 
which  was  struck  off  to  Lieut.  Nathan  H.  Holt,  at  $1  50." 

t  The  Rev.  Samuel  Wood, 


1798-1821.]  MY  MOTHER'S  TEACHINGS.  17 

instead  of  making  us  the  companions  and  the  victims  of  his 
martyrdom.  I  could  not  help  secretly  wishing,  on  these 
wretched  occasions,  that  he  might  freeze  his  feet,  that  his 
arm  might  become  so  benumbed  with  cold  that  he  could  not 
gesticulate,  or  that  his  tongue  might  cleave  to  the  roof  of  his 
mouth.  It  was  not  because  I  had  any  malice  against  him  in 
my  heart,  but  because  he  was,  by  protracting  his  sermons  so 
unreasonably,  inflicting  on  me  sufferings  too  great  to  be  borne. 
I  knew  him  better  in  after-years,  and  became  sincerely  attach- 
ed to  him ;  and  if  he  had  not  been  ignorant  of  all  that  passed 
through  my  mind  during  those  winter  services,  I  would  have 
confessed  my  uncharitableness  and  implored  his  forgiveness. 
But  there  never  could  have  been  any  reconciliation  between 
me  and  the  meeting-house.  I  always  detested  it;  I  never 
looked  upon  it  as  the  house  of  God.  Town  -  meetings  and 
elections  were  held  in  it.  I  had  seen  it  defiled  with  tobacco- 
juice  ;  I  had  seen  it  desecrated  by  fisticuffing  in  the  heat  of 
political  conflicts ;  I  had  heard  its  bare  walls  ring  with  tumult- 
uous laughter,  when  some  man,  who  had  been  prosperous  in 
money-making  and  assumed  airs,  was  elected  hog-constable  by 
acclamation.  These  scenes  were  too  often  uppermost  in  my 
thoughts  when  the  sermon  was  in  progress,  and  a  devotional 
frame  of  mind  was  impossible. 

I  am  sure  these  impediments  in  my  path  were  not  the  fruit 
of  any  constitutional  impiety.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  from 
my  youth  been  a  believer,  and  became  many  years  ago  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Church.  My  mother's  affectionate  teachings  had 
implanted  within  me  grains  of  devotion  which  time  could  not 
fail  to  bring  forth  and  ripen.  But  her  God  never  seemed  to 
me  the  same  Deity  who  was  worshipped  at  the  meeting-house. 
Hers  was  all  goodness  and  mercy  and  pardoning  love ;  while 
the  other  seemed  to  me  a  severe  master,  burning  with  anger 
at  the  impenitence  of  the  human  race.  In  my  simplicity  I 
asked  my  father,  after  my  mother's  death,  why  I  felt  so.  He 
bade  me  trust  to  my  mother,  and  consider  our  Divine  Master 
as  she  had  described  him.  I  often  think  how  much  more 
I.— 2 


18  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

wholesome  her  teachings  were  than  those  to  which  she  had 
been  accustomed  to  listen.  I  remember  asking  my  father 
why  our  meeting-house  was  so  uncomfortable.  I  reminded 
him  that  our  house  had  warm  rooms,  cushioned  chairs,  and 
nicely  papered  walls ;  and  asked  him  if  we  ought  not  to  make 
God's  house  as  good  as  our  own.  I  never  could  get  any  sat- 
isfactory answers  to  such  inquiries  as  this  last.  Indeed,  he 
evaded  them,  or  told  me  I  would  understand  these  things 
better  when  I  grew  older. 

Such  were  my  early  impressions  in  regard  to  religious  wor- 
ship ;  and,  but  for  the  remembrance  of  my  mother,  I  fear  a 
much  longer  time  would  have  elapsed  before  they  were  sup- 
planted by  better  ones. 

The  people  of  our  village,  though  unsophisticated,  were  not 
wanting  in  intelligence  or  in  the  rudiments  of  education. 
They  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the  world,  and  heard  little  of 
it  except  from  my  father,  who  made  frequent  visits  to  Bos- 
ton, and  who,  on  his  return,  always  imparted  to  his  wondering 
neighbors  the  knowledge  he  had  there  gained.  ISTewspapers 
were  rare  in  those  days,  and  the  villagers  who  had  not  been 
born  in  the  place  came  from  equally  sequestered  districts. 
Yet,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  laboring  men  who  led  unset- 
tled lives,  I  doubt  whether  there  was  a  single  person  in  the 
village,  male  or  female,  who  could  not  read  and  write.  Their 
reading  was,  certainly,  confined  to  a  very  limited  range  of 
books  — the  Bible,  "Pilgrim's  Progress,"  Baxter's  "Saint's 
Eest,"  Fox's  "  Lives  of  the  Martyrs,"  and  some  elementary 
works  on  geography  and  history.  There  were  a  few  families, 
however,  whose  field  of  literary  research  was  wider  and  more 
varied ;  and  I  remember  that  there  were  books  in  my  father's 
library  which  went  the  rounds  of  the  more  intelligent  house- 
holds. The  simplicity  of  our  neighbors  was  well  illustrated 
by  an  incident  which  occurred  in  my  presence.  My  father 
had  brought  home  a  Boston  paper,  and  was  reading  to  a  num- 
ber of  them  a  paragraph  which,  he  said,  he  believed  to  be  un- 
true.    "  Why,"  said  one  of  his  auditors,  "  do  you  believe  they 


1798-1821.]         OUB    VILLAGE  MILITIA   COMPANY.  I9 

would  print  a  lie  ?"  He,  no  doubt,  believed  lies  might  be  told 
—such  acts  of  turpitude  might  even  have  been  committed 
within  the  sphere  of  his  own  experience — but  the  enormity 
of  deliberately  putting  a  lie  in  type  was  one  which  his  untu- 
tored fancy  had  never  conceived. 

The  grandest  and  most  exciting  event  in  our  village  life, 
and  one  of  the  very  earliest  of  which  I  have  a  distinct  recol- 
lection, was  the  organization  of  a  company  of  militia.  My 
father  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  getting  it  up,  but  declined 
(with  a  disinterestedness,  as  I  thought,  which  should  have  given 
him  an  immortal  fame)  all  share  in  its  honors.  He  would 
neither  be  captain  nor  corporal,  though,  I  believe,  he  was 
pressed  to  accept  both  those  distinguished  positions.  If  I 
could  have  seen  him  marching  either  in  front  or  in  rear  of 
this  formidable  body— the  first  I  had  ever  seen  in  military 
array— my  happiness  would  have  been  complete. 

The  day  appointed  for  the  first  drill  was  one  of  the  sultriest 
I  ever  knew.  It  was  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  the  heat 
of  the  sun  was  inconceivable.  In  my  impatience  to  see  the 
parade  commence  I  may  have  done  the  company  injustice ; 
but  I  suspected  them  of  a  disposition  to  postpone  the  exer- 
cises to  a  cooler  hour  of  the  day ;  whereas  I  expected  to  see 
them,  like  the  heroes  of  the  "  Iliad,"  setting  the  elements  at 
defiance.  There  was  nothing  said  to  warrant  my  suspicion.  I 
only  inferred  it  from  the  discussions  which  were  kept  up  for 
several  hours  as  to  certain  details  of  the  organization— partic- 
ularly as  to  questions  of  precedence;  that  is,  who  should  march 
next  to  the  captain,  and  who  should  bring  up  the  rear.  I 
found  that  the  social  position  of  the  parties  was  an  important 
element  in  settling  the  controversy ;  whereas,  in  the  regular 
service,  the  whole  thing  is  disposed  of  by  stature,  the  tallest 
men  being  assigned  to  the  flanks,  with  a  uniform  descent 
from  each  to  the  common  centre.  But  of  these  ingenious  de- 
vices I  had  no  knowledge  at  that  early  period  of  my  life. 

While  engaged  in  the  settlement  of  the  preliminaries  refer- 
red to  a  furious  storm  arose.     My  youthful  imagination  may 


20  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

have  exaggerated  it,  but  I  think  I  have  never  since  witnessed 
such  thunder  and  lightning.  In  a  few  minutes  the  rain  pour- 
ed down  in  torrents,  and  continued  for  two  hours  without 
diminution.  The  whole  surface  of  the  earth  was  flooded,  and 
the  street  was  a  pool  of  water.  The  moment  the  rain  ceased 
the  line  was  formed.  My  heart  beat  tumultuously  as  it  filed 
off  from  the  front  of  my  father's  store.  I  was  not  conscious 
of  any  organic  defects  at  the  time,  though  I  could  not  fail  to 
notice  the  great  want  of  uniformity  in  dress  and  equipment. 
Most  of  the  privates  were  in  their  shirt-sleeves,  the  officers 
only,  with  a  becoming  tenaciousness  of  their  dignity,  keeping 
on  their  coats.  There  were  not  many  muskets,  and,  I  believe, 
not  a  single  bayonet  in  the  whole  line.  The  guns  were  chiefly 
fowling-pieces,  and  there  were  a  number  of  very  inferior  sub- 
stitutes. I  suspected  one  of  the  privates  of  carrying  on  his 
shoulder  the  butt-end  of  one  of  my  fish-poles,  broken  off  for 
the  purpose,  and  I  know  that  a  pitchfork  was  abstracted  for 
the  emergency  from  my  father's  stable.  But  I  had  read 
enough  of  war  to  understand  its  exigencies,  and  I  considered 
them  as  fully  justifying  acts  which,  if  committed  under  a 
less  imperious  necessity,  would  have  been  wholly  indefensible. 
When  I  saw  the  men  moving  off  under  their  gallant  com- 
mander into  the  centre  of  the  street,  with  the  water  ankle- 
deep,  and  marching  through  it  with  heroic  indifference,  I  felt 
the  deep  injustice  I  had  done  them,  before  the  storm,  in  sus- 
pecting them  of  shrinking  from  the  sun.  It  occurred  to  me, 
it  is  true,  that  after  the  fiery  heat  of  the  day,  which  was  not 
yet  entirely  allayed,  the  water  was  anything  but  unpleasant. 
But  I  indignantly  dismissed  this  suggestion,  as  the  offspring 
of  an  unworthy  suspicion,  and  was  sure  that  they  would  have 
marched  through  a  pool  of  molten  lead  with  the  same  alacrity, 
if  the  good  of  their  country  had  demanded  such  an  act  of 
devotion. 

To  one  familiar  with  military  exhibitions  the  fact  that 
there  was  no  drum  or  fife  would  have  detracted  materially 
from  the  effect  of  this.     It  was  a  want  which,  in  my  igno- 


1798-1821.]       MY  EARLY  MARTIAL  PROCLIVITIES.  21 

ranee,  I  neither  felt  nor  noticed.  The  military  body  before 
me  had,  as  I  thought,  its  appropriate  musician.*  He  was  a 
man  who  played  the  clarionet — inferior,  certainly,  to  the  trum- 
pet, as  a  military  instrument,  but  reproducing  with  a  softened 
expression  some  of  its  lower  and  milder  tones.  The  perform- 
er was  remarkable  for  an  enormous  nose  of  the  aquiline  form, 
and  as  he  marched  down  the  street  at  the  head  of  the  column 
(if  a  single  file  could  be  so  called),  playing  an  animating  air, 
his  aspect  struck  me  as  even  more  martial  than  that  of  the 
captain. 

The  effect  this  military  display  made  upon  me  was  almost 
magical.  I  fancied  myself  in  the  presence  of  heroes.  I  almost 
felt  transformed  into  a  hero  myself.  I  was  sure  these  uncon- 
querable men,  notwithstanding  their  defective  armament,  were 
equal  to  the  direst  emergency.  As  the  thunder  rolled  in  the 
distance  I  likened  it  to  volleys  of  artillery  discharged  by  an 
enemy,  which  these  gallant  spirits  were  marching  out  to  defy 
and  to  conquer.  They  seemed  to  me  to  be  thirsting  for  mili- 
tary glory,  and  longing  only  for  a  foe  on  whom  they  might 
WTcak  their  vengeance.  I  caught  the  contagion,  and  made 
to  myself  a  sacred  vow  that,  if  ever  I  grew  into  manhood, 
I  would  become  a  soldier  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 

My  first  lessons  in  the  dead  languages  were  given  by  the 
clergyman  under  w^hose  hibernal  discourses  I  had  suffered  so 
much.    He  lived  three  miles  from  the  village,  and  had  usually 


*  "  I  cannot  remember  how  often  the  stages  ran  from  Boscawen,  north 
and  south ;  but  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  Joseph  Wheat  as  the  driver 
to  Concord,  and  at  one  time  to  Amherst,  I  believe — a  very  remarkable  man 
in  his  way.  He  had  an  enormous  nose,  which  gave  rise  to  numerous 
jokes,  of  many  of  which  he  was  himself  the  author,  for  he  was,  like  poor 
Yorick, '  a  fellow  of  infinite  jest,  of  most  excellent  fancy.'  I  remember 
him  also  marching  through  the  village  at  the  head  of  a  company  of 
militia,  just  organized,  and  playing  on  the  clarionet,  he  being  the  only 
musician  on  tlie  occasion,  which  was  a  company  drill,  preparatory  to  the 
general  muster,  or  '  general  training,'  as  the  regimental  parade  was  usu- 
ally called."— ii^;*c?77i  a  private  letter. 


22  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

half  a  dozen  young  gentlemen  living  in  liis  family,  and  pre- 
paring themselves,  under  his  direction,  for  college.  He  was 
an  excellent  Latin  and  Greek  scholar,  and  one  of  the  best  of 
men.  He  had  a  farm  of  some  twenty  or  thirty  acres,  and  cul- 
tivated it  with  his  own  hands,  with  the  assistance  of  a  single 
hired  man.  His  life  was  as  simple  as  it  was  exemplary.  He 
rose  at  daybreak  in  summer,  and  in  winter  long  before  light, 
and  was  busy  in  his  study  till  breakfast  preparing  his  sermons 
for  the  succeeding  Sabbath.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  divided 
about  equally  between  his  pupils  and  his  farm.  In  his  agri- 
cultural labors  he  made  no  distinction  between  his  hired  man 
and  himseK.  He  did  his  full  share  of  ploughing,  planting, 
and  harvesting.  The  only  occupation  in  which  he  took  no 
part  was  the  care  of  the  horses.  I  do  not  think  his  sermons 
were  ever  fully  written  out.  He  had  very  copious  notes,  and 
in  his  anxiety  to  illustrate  his  points  with  clearness  he  be- 
came tedious  in  spite  of  his  learning  and  his  unaffected  piety. 
Yet  there  was  an  earnestness  and  a  solemnity  in  his  exhorta- 
tions which  were  very  impressive.  To  his  pupils  he  was  all 
that  a  parent  and  a  teacher  could  be — kind,  patient,  and  inde- 
fatigable. This  w^as  my  first  absence  from  home.  It  lasted 
some  six  months,  and  in  that  time  I  had  not  only  mastered 
my  Latin  and  Greek  grammars,  but  had  made  such  proficiency 
in  both  tongues  as  to  be  able  to  translate  easy  exercises  with 
facility.  My  fellow  pupils  were  among  the  first  young  men 
in  the  State.  One  became,  years  afterward,  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  another  a  minister  at  a  foreign 
court.*     The  half  year  I  was  with  them  passed  away  almost 

*  There  is,  perhaps,  an  error  here ;  for  in  a  private  letter  subsequently 
written,  and  to  which  I  occasionally  refer  in  these  notes,  my  father 
writes:  "I  was  for  a  portion  of  a  year  (1809,1  think)  an  inmate  of  his 
(Rev.  Dr.  Wood's)  family,  with  Charles  Haddock,  who  was  Chargd  d' Af- 
faires at  Lisbon  during  General  Taylor's  administration ;  Charles  Wood- 
man, at  one  time  Speaker  of  the  lower  branch  of  the  New  HamjDshire 
Legislature ;  and  one  of  the  Dr.  Kittredges  so  familiar  to  the  memory  of 
the  men  of  that  period  as  members  of  the  medical  faculty  of  the  State." 


1798-1821.]         UNBEASONABLY  PBOLIX  PBAYEBS.  23 

imperceptibly.  I  had  no  feeling  of  home-sickness  after  the 
first  few  days.  I  became  sincerely  attached  to  our  teacher. 
His  unceasing  kindness  was  irresistible.  And  yet  he  was  the 
unconscious  author  of  a  new  grief  to  me.  It  was  the  long 
prayer  over  the  breakfast-table.  It  answered  the  double  pur- 
pose of  a  morning-prayer  and  grace  before  meat.  It  com- 
menced as  soon  as  the  breakfast  was  on  the  table,  and  lasted 
from  ten  to  fifteen  minutes.  There  was  no  actual  suffering 
in  the  "hope  deferred"  of  which  these  protracted  supplica- 
tions were  the  source  except  when  our  appetites  were  unusu- 
ally keen ;  but  I  really  believe  the  annoyance  was  YQry  little 
inferior  to  that  which  the  long  winter  sermons  had  caused 
me.  My  heart  sunk  as  I  saw  the  smoking  viands  grow  cold, 
and  the  vapor  issuing  from  the  spouts  of  the  teapot  and  cof- 
fee-urn gradually  fading  away  and  giving  evidence  of  the 
cooling  process  within.  I  fear  my  thankfulness  to  Provi- 
dence for  the  good  things  before  me  was  marred  by  a  vin- 
dictive feeling  toward  the  venerable  pastor,  who  was  making 
them  comparatively  worthless  by  his  untimely  prolixity.  I 
am  sure  the  cook — who  was  always  called  in  to  unite  in  the 
family  devotions — often  betrayed  immistakable  signs  of  re- 
sentment, as  she  saw  the  gravies  and  melted  butter,  on 
which  she  had  expended  herself,  relapsing  into  their  pri- 
meval solidity.  I  relate  these  things  as  they  actually  oc- 
curred. They  are  obsolete  customs  now;  and  they  seem 
strange  to  me  as  I  recall  them  to  recollection.  The  age  has 
grown  shrewder  and,  let  us  hope,  not  less  grateful  to  Provi- 
dence for  its  mercies,  even  if  we  do  not  think  it  necessary 
to  couple  the  expression  of  our  thankfulness  with  personal 
inflictions. 

I  think  my  father's  object  in  sending  me  so  short  a  distance 
from  home  was  to  make  the  wider  separation  he  had  in  view 
less  trying.  While  I  was  with  the  village  clergyman  I  always 
saw  him  and  my  sisters  on  Sundays,  and  passed  with  them 
the  intermission  between  the  two  sermons.  At  the  end  of 
six  months  I  was  sent  to  an  academy  several  miles  farther  off. 


24  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  was  only  to  come  home  three  times  a  year.*  The  village, 
of  which  it  was  the  principal  ornament  and  pride,  was  larger 
than  the  one  in  which  my  father  resided,  but  less  attractive  to 
me.  Indeed,  it  must  have  been  so  to  any  lover  of  fine  natu- 
ral objects,  for  it  lacked  the  river  and  the  mountains,  which, 
when  I  was  at  home,  were  always  in  my  sight.  There  was 
but  one  place  of  public  worship.  The  society  was  Congrega- 
tional, and  the  clergyman,  with  whom  I  boarded,  was  known 
throughout  the  State  as  a  man  of  learning  and  genius.  His 
wife  was  one  of  the  kindest  of  women,  and  I  soon  became  her 
special  favorite.  She  often  talked  to  me  of  my  mother,  whom 
she  had  known,  and  I  have  no  doubt  this  circumstance  had 
much  to  do  with  her  great  kindness  to  me,  though  the  good- 
ness of  her  heart  would  naturally  have  led  her  to  distinguish 
me  from  the  other  children  committed  to  her  care,  who  had 
known  no  such  sorrow  as  mine.  While  I  was  conscious  of 
her  partiality  to  me,  shown  as  it  was  in  a  thousand  ways,  I  do 
not  think  it  was  noticed  by  the  others,  so  faithfully  was  her 
duty  discharged  to  all.  She  had  no  children  of  her  own,  and 
if  she  had  been  thus  favored  I  am  sure  she  could  not  have 
watched  over  them  with  more  affection  or  care.  Not  lonsr 
after  my  arrival  there  was  a  terrific  thunder-storm ;  it  was  not 
much  inferior  to  that  with  which  the  first  military  parade  in 
my  native  village  was  accompanied.  A  tree  near  the  house 
was  struck  by  the  lightning,  filling  all  our  hearts  with  terror. 
Undaunted  herself,  she  gathered  us  together  and  took  us  into 
a  dark  passage  in  the  centre  of  the  house,  as  far  as  possible 
from  the  chimney-stacks,  where  she  supposed  there  would  be 
the  least  danger,  and,  making  us  kneel  down  behind  her,  she 
prayed  with  all  the  fervor  and  tenderness  of  a  mother  for  the 
preservation  of  her  "dear  children,"  as  she  called  us,  from 


*  This  school  was  at  Salisbury.  Stei^hen  H.  Long,  afterward  a  dis- 
tinguished officer  of  United  States  Engineers,  was  preceptor.  My  father 
was  lodged  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Worcester,  who,  like  Dr.  Wood,  was  held 
in  high  esteem  in  the  ministry. 


179&-1821.]  AN  EABLY  ATTACHMENT.  25 

the  furj  of  the  storm.  She  made  no  allusion  to  herself,  and 
I  do  not  think  her  own  danger  ever  occurred  to  her,  so  ab- 
sorbing was  her  anxiety  for  us.  The  kindness  of  this  excel- 
lent woman  is  ever  fresh  in  my  remembrance.  I  have  never 
since  found  any  one  whose  affection  so  nearly  resembled,  in 
its  outward  manifestations,  that  which  I  had  known  in  my 
mother. 

The  principal  of  the  academy— the  Preceptor,  as  he  was 
called— was  a  young  man  of  more  than  ordinary  capacity  and 
attainments.  He  had  graduated  at  college  as  a  finished 
classical  scholar  and  an  excellent  mathematician ;  and  he  was 
known  afterward  as  one  of  the  first  Engineers  in  the  United 
States.  He  ruled  us  with  firmness ;  but  he  was  always  con- 
siderate and  just,  and  I  do  not  think  there  was  a  single  pupil 
who  did  not  love  and  respect  him.  The  year  I  passed  under 
his  direction  was  one  of  the  happiest  I  have  known  since  my 
mother's  death.  There  was  a  girls'  as  well  as  a  boys'  depart- 
ment, and  several  of  the  misses  were  fellow-boarders  with  us. 
They  were  all  of  excellent  families,  and  one  only  of  them 
turned  out  badly  in  her  w^omanhood.  She  had  more  personal 
attractions  than  any  of  her  associates,  and  a  serenity  of  tem- 
per which  no  provocation  could  disturb.  She  was,  indeed,  the 
belle  of  the  village  as  well  as  the  school.  We  boarded  to- 
gether, and  I  became  her  devoted  admirer,  though  she  was 
two  years  older  than  myself.  But  for  this  disparity  of  age 
and  my  extreme  youth,  I  am  sure  our  watchful  female  guar- 
dian would  not  have  allowed  us  to  be  so  much  together.  We 
were  inseparable  companions,  and  she  was  as  warmly  attached 
to  me  as  I  was  to  her.  There  was  no  need  of  keeping  us 
apart.  I  was  but  ten  years  of  age,  and  she  only  twelve.  It 
is  true,  as  time  advanced  and  I  was  a  year  older,  it  occurred 
to  me  that  when  I  became  a  man  the  difference  between  us 
would  disappear,  and  then  there  would  be  no  obstacle  to  a 
nearer  association — an  association  which  conveyed  to  my  mind 
no  other  idea  but  that  of  perpetual  companionship.  But  no 
such  intimation  passed  between  us.     I  have  often  wondered 


26  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

since  whether  this  thought  (for  it  was  nothing  more),  if  it  had 
been  expressed,  would  have  had  any  influence  in  saving  her 
from  the  infamy  of  her  after-life.  It  is  a  wretched  history  of 
ruin  to  her  and  misery  to  her  respectable  family — a  history  I 
do  not  intend  to  narrate.  When  we  parted  1  sincerely  be- 
lieve she  was  as  pure  in  heart  as  she  was  in  conduct.  We 
met  once  afterward  in  Boston.  Ten  years  had  gone  by,  and 
I  was  a  man.  I  went  to  see,  her,  knowing  her  guilt  and  her 
impenitence.  She  was  then  in  the  full  bloom  of  womanhood, 
and  surpassingly  beautiful.  The  interview  was  a  very  dis- 
tressing one.  It  was  unexpected  to  her,  and  the  sight  of  me, 
her  friend  and  admirer  in  the  days  of  her  innocence,  filled  her 
heart  for  the  first  time  with  shame  and  remorse.  Two  days 
afterward  her  earthly  career,  begun  in  prosperity  and  virtue, 
and  ending  in  dishonor  and  guilt,  was  suddenly  closed.  It 
was  many  weeks  before  I  recovered  from  the  shock  I  received 
from  this  meeting  and  its  sad  sequel.  I  have  anticipated  the 
close  of  this  unhappy  episode  in  my  life  in  order  to  dismiss 
it  forever  hereafter  from  my  thoughts.  If  she  had  lived  in 
the  days  of  Charles  II.  slie  might  have  been  a  Duchess  of 
Cleveland,  or,  in  the  reign  of  the  late  King  of  Bavaria,  a 
Countess  of  Landsfeldt.  May  God  forgive  her  many  trans- 
gressions, and,  above  all,  the  last  act,  by  which  she  terminated 
her  miserable  life  I 

I  was  not  long  in  taking  a  high  rank  among  the  pupils  of  my 
own  age.  I  had  a  remarkable  facility  for  acquiring  languages ; 
and  as  the  classics  were  at  that  day  the  chief  branch  of  academ- 
ic instruction,  my  proficiency  was  very  marked.  I  also  made 
good  progress  as  a  speaker.  A  few  years  later  an  eminent 
tragedian,  who  had  given  me  a  series  of  lessons  in  elocution, 
said  to  my  father,  then  in  command  of  a  regiment  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States,  "  Colonel,  your  son  has  great  constitu- 
tional facilities  for  becoming  an  orator."  I  believe  this  was 
the  judgment — though  it  w^ould  have  been  expressed  in  less 
sounding  phrase — of  the  preceptor,  the  pupils,  and  the  people 
of  the  surrounding  country,  for  it  was  not  long  before  I  ap- 


1798-1821.]  A  PRIMITIVE  THEATRE.  27 

peared  before  them  as  a  public  speaker.  The  occasion  to 
which  I  refer  was  the  semi-annual  examination,  or  rather  tlie 
exhibition,  as  it  was  appropriately  termed.  To  be  more  ac- 
curate, the  examination  of  the  students,  which  took  place  at 
the  academy,  was  followed  by  an  exhibition  at  the  meeting- 
house of  the  oratorical  and  dramatic  powers  of  the  pupils.  It 
was  got  up  with  the  most  studied  preparation  and  all  the 
scenic  effect  of  a  country  theatre.  The  pews,  occupying  about 
one-third  of  the  area  of  the  building,  were  boarded  over  and 
converted  into  a  stage,  reserving  a  small  space  in  the  rear  for 
robing.  It  was  an  era  in  the  lives  of  those  of  us  who  had 
never  witnessed  a  dramatic  performance.  I  had  read  all  of 
Goldsmith's  and  most  of  Shakspeare's  plays,  but  had  not  the 
faintest  conception  of  the  mode  in  which  they  were  repre- 
sented. One  of  the  older  pupils,  who  had  a  knack  at  paint- 
ing, got  up  some  sketches  of  trees  and  foliage  for  the  sides 
and  background  of  the  stage.  We  had  no  shifting  scenes; 
and  as  we  came  to  tlie  performances,  which  were  quite  varied, 
it  occurred  to  me  that  the  actors,  when  they  should,  accord- 
ing to  the  book,  have  been  conversing  in  drawing-rooms  or 
streets,  were  always  holding  communion  with  each  other  in 
umbrageous  solitudes.  The  drop-curtain  w^as  unexception- 
able. It  was  muslin  of  a  fiery  red ;  and  to  my  sight  the  ef- 
fect, as  it  rose  or  fell,  concealing  or  displaying  the  green  trees 
behind  it,  was  gorgeous  beyond  anything  I  had  conceived.  I 
think  it  made  the  same  impression  on  the  spectators,  who 
were,  at  least  nine  out  of  ten,  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring 
country,  and  as  ignorant  as  myself  of  dramatic  representa- 
tions. Ours  commenced  in  the  morning  about  ten  o'clock, 
and  lasted  till  one.  After  that  we  had  an  intermission  of  an 
hour  for  dinner.  At  two  they  recommenced,  and  continued 
till  eight  in  the  evening.  It  was  midsummer,  and  in  that 
northern  latitude  the  twilight  ran  far  into  the  night.  We 
played  "The  Taming  of  the  Shrew"  with  unbounded  ap- 
plause. The  genteel  portions  of  the  comedy  were,  as  I 
thought,  glorious ;  but  the  drunken  tinker  filled  the  measure 


28  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  UIX. 

of  my  conception  in  regard  to  the  power  of  imitation.  I  was, 
in  fact,  so  convulsed  with  laughter  that  the  performance 
which  was  to  follow,  and  in  which  I  was  to  bear  the  most  dis- 
tinguished part,  was  at  one  time  in  imminent  peril  of  miscar- 
riage. It  was  a  dialogue  between  David  and  Goliath,  taken 
from  one  of  Hannah  More's  sacred  dramas.  I  need  not  say 
which  part  was  assigned  to  me.  When  the  preceptor  pro- 
posed it  I  shrunk  from  it,  as  far  exceeding  my  powers.  I  was 
only  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  giant  and  his  youthful 
antagonist  through  the  seventeenth  chapter  of  the  First  Book 
of  Samuel.  I  knew  I  was  to  be  armed  with  a  sling,  and  I  was 
somewhat  familiar  with  its  use,  but  I  did  not  think  myself 
sufficiently  expert  to  hit  my  adversary  in  the  forehead  in 
good  faith  and  actually  bring  him  to  the  ground,  as  I  took  it 
for  granted  the  spectators  would  expect — at  least  with  a  rea- 
sonable resemblance  to  the  reality.  But  when  I  read  Miss 
More's  poetical  version  of  the  meeting,  which  the  preceptor 
put  into  my  hands,  and  found  that  after  the  challenge  had 
been  given  and  accepted  the  parties,  by  virtue  of  the  £Jx- 
eunt  (that  ingenious  device  of  the  play-writers),  were  to  re- 
tire, leaving  the  audience  to  learn  the  particulars  of  the  com- 
bat from  Abner,  the  captain  of  the  host — in  a  word,  when  I 
found  that  the  impossibilities  of  the  drama  were  to  be  enacted 
behind  the  scenes,  I  entered  upon  my  task  with  the  utmost 
enthusiasm.  I  may  truly  say,  in  modern  phrase,  that  my  per- 
formance was  "  a  great  success  " — I  do  not  think  the  drunken 
tinker  carried  away  as  many  laurels  as  myself.  My  adversary 
was  an  overgrown  youth  of  some  twenty-two  years  of  age,  who 
had  just. left  the  plough  and  commenced  his  classical  educa- 
tion with  a  view  to  the  ministry.  He  was  full  six  feet  in 
height,  and  his  frame  was  dilated  and  hardened  by  field  labor. 
When  he  stood  before  me  and  waved  his  enormous  wooden 
spear  over  my  head,  with  those  terrific  words — 

"  Around  my  spear  I'll  twist  thy  shining  locks, 
And  toss  in  air  thy  head  all  gash'd  with  wounds  " — 


1798-1821.]  THE  ILLUSIONS  OF  BOYHOOD.  29 

(a  feat  to  whicli  lie  was  quite  equal),  the  intrepidity  with 
which  I  withstood  and  defied  the  giant  was  rapturously  ap- 
plauded. But  when  I,  a  mere  stripling,  bade  my  colossal  ad- 
versary follow  me  out,  and  pronounced  the  concluding  lines— 

"  The  God  of  battle  stimulates  my  arm, 
And  fires  my  soul  with  ardor  not  its  own  " — 

the  enthusiasm  of  the  audience  was  boundless.  I  was  called 
back  upon  the  stage  to  receive  the  congratulations  of  the  ad- 
miring spectators.  The  meeting-house  was  crowded.  Hun- 
dreds of  bright  eyes  looked  down  upon  me  from  the  galleries. 
Tumultuous  applause  greeted  my  re-appearance.  I  did  not 
know  that  this  was  a  common  occurrence  in  theatrical  life. 
It  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  new-born  distinction,  the  offspring  of 
an  unexampled  success.  My  triumph  was  complete.  It  was 
the  greatest  day  of  my  life.  I  felt  that  I  had  done  a  noble 
deed.  I  do  not  think  that  David  himself  could  have  been 
better  satisfied  with  his  own  performance  in  the  original 
drama.  But  I  was  not  intoxicated  by  my  success.  Like  that 
exemplary  Israelite,  I  resolved  not  to  disappoint  the  public 
expectation.  I  would  live  and  devote  myself  to  the  perform- 
ance of  great  and  virtuous  actions.  I  considered  myself  called 
on  thus  to  dedicate  myself  by  the  unbounded  applause  I  had 
received.  I  have  often  looked  back,  not  altogether  without  a 
sense  of  the  comic,  on  these  innocent  dawnings  of  youthful 
ambition.  There  is,  nevertheless,  a  serious  aspect  in  these 
retrospections  —  in  the  dissipation  of  pleasant  and  inspiring 
illusions,  when  we  compare  the  aspirations  of  boyhood  with 
the  truths  taught  by  our  experience  in  after-life.  My  tri- 
umph was  not  a  mere  ephemeral  achievement  of  the  day. 
For  a  long  time  I  saw  myself  noticed  by  the  country  people 
as  they  passed  me  in  their  wagons;  and  on  one  occasion  a 
red-cheeked  girl  driving  by  pointed  me  out  to  her  companion 
as  blooming  as  herself,  and  I  heard  her  say,  "  There's  the  fine 
little  fellow  that  acted  David." 


30  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

THE   SECOND   TEN   YEARS    OF   MY   LIFE. 

I  had  reached  an  age  when  my  father  thought  I  might  be 
sent  to  the  principal  academy  of  my  native  State  at  Exeter, 
and  placed  under  the  tutelage  of  the  celebrated  Dr.  Abbott, 
who  was  for  more  than  half  a  century  the  principal  of  that 
institution.  During  that  period  it  gathered  within  its  walls 
more  distinguished  men  than  any  other  academy  of  New 
England.*     The  students  were  of  a  higher  order  than  those 

*  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  one  of  the  oldest  endowed  classical  schools 
in  New  England,  was  founded  by  Dr.  John  Phillips,  of  Andover.  Its  char- 
ter is  dated  April  3, 1781 ;  it  is  therefore  the  oldest  institution  of  learn- 
ing established  by  State  authority  in  New  Hampshire,  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege having  been  chartered  by  royal  grant  in  1769.  Dr.  Abbott  was 
principal  for  just  half  a  century — from  1788  to  1838. 

In  the  Catalogue  for  1869  there  is  a  charming  picture  of  Dr.  Abbott, 
who  is  represented  as  a  man  of  firmness  and  dignity  of  character  united 
with  great  natural  sweetness  of  disposition  and  suavity  of  manners :  "  He 
never  met  the  youngest  academy  scholar  in  the  street  without  lifting  his 
hat  entirely  from  his  head,  as  in  courteous  recognition  of  an  equal ;  and 
an  abashed  and  awkward  attempt  to  return  the  compliment  was  the  ur- 
chin's first  lesson  in  good-manners  and  respect  for  his  teacher."  Among 
the  characteristic  usages  of  the  academy  were  these : 

"4.  After  worship  is  begun  they  are  not  to  rise  up  to  any  who  may 
enter.  At  all  other  times  they  shall  rise  and  bow  respectfully  to  gentle- 
men when  they  enter  the  room  and  when  they  leave  it. 

"  5.  Every  student  shall  be  exact  upon  his  attendance  on  all  the  exer- 
cises of  this  academy.  He  shall  carefully  prepare  for  them,  and  not  fail 
to  sweejj,  kindle  fire,  ring  the  bell,  shut  up  the  academy,  tend  the  fire, 
etc.,  each  in  his  turn,  and  exactly  at  the  time  required. 

"  9.  As  the  character  and  usefulness  of  men  greatly  depend  upon  ami- 
able and  engaging  manners,  the  Preceptor  would  highly  recommend,  and 
strictly  requires,  a  constant  and  persevering  attention  to  the  rules  of  true 
honor  and  politeness,  and  a  careful  endeavor  to  express  the  principles  of 
unaffected  benevolence,  by  a  cheerful  readiness  to  perform  every  kind  of- 
fice in  their  power,  and  to  do  it  in  the  most  obliging  and  becoming  man- 
ner; ever  remembering  that  great  favors  are  diminished,  and  that  small 
ones  greatly  increase,  by  the  manner  in  which  they  are  conferred.  A 
gift  may  be  unkindly  bestowed,  and  a  favor  kindly  and  politely  refused. 

"10.  All  students  shall  strictly  observe   and  perseveringly  practise 


1798-1821.]  THE  BEVEBED  DB.  ABBOTT.  31 

in  the  academy  I  had  just  left.  I  found  a  large  number  of 
young  men  of  the  most  respectable  families  of  Massachusetts, 
and  some,  from  that  State,  who  became  distinguished  in  after- 
good-manners  and  civility  to  all ;  condescension  and  kindness  to  those 
younger  than  themselves,  affability  and  good-manners  to  their  equals, 
and  their  language  and  behavior  to  superiors  shall  be  decent  and  respect- 
ful, never  speaking  disrespectfully  of  them  or  their  conduct  when  absent. 
This  rule  is  carefully  to  be  observed  to  all  men  of  public  character. 
These  important  rules  are  highly  recommended  and  strongly  enforced, 
as  containing  the  sum  of  virtue  and  benevolence,  agreeable  to  that  com- 
plete rule  of  virtue  and  honor— whatsoever  you  can  rationally  desire 
others  should  do  for  you,  that  do  for  them  in  the  kindest  manner." 

I  add  the  following  eulogy  of  Dr.  Abbott,  from  the  work  already  re- 
ferred to : 

"  It  was  not  strange,  then,  that  he  gained  so  strong  a  hold  upon  the 
love  and  respect  of  his  pupils.  To  them  he  always  appeared  as  if  sur- 
rounded by  some  invisible  enclosure,  which  even  the  boldest  could  not 
overstep  without  a  bowed  head  and  a  feeling  almost  of  awe.  Others 
may  have  been  equally  or  even  more  successful  as  mere  teachers ;  but  in 
the  general  discipline  of  mind  and  character,  in  exerting  an  influence 
upon  the  boy  wdiich  continued  through  the  subsequent  life  of  the  man, 
no  instructor  ever  surpassed  him.  It  was  a  common  remark  among  his 
pupils  that  it  was  a  shame  to  deceive  Dr.  Abbott,  or  to  tell  him  a  lie  ; 
and  even  if  one  ventured  to  do  so  he  had  a  sort  of  uncomfortable  con- 
sciousness that  the  doctor  had  detected  him,  but  saw  fit  to  overlook  the 
offence  and  allow  it  to  be  its  own  punishment.  He  was  a  competent 
scholar  after  the  fashion  of  his  day,  though  he  made  no  pretension  to 
wide  and  accurate  learning.  It  was  rather  his  pride  to  induce  his  pupils, 
by  their  own  efforts,  to  surpass  their  instructor  in  scholarship.  But  he 
had  excellent  taste,  and  a  hearty  appreciation  of  the  beauties  of  the  Latin 
and  Greek  authors,  which  he  never  failed  to  impart  to  his  classes. 

"  To  those  who  never  studied  under  Dr.  Abbott  this  picture  may  seem 
overcharged ;  but  it  was  not  mere  accident  which  procured  for  him  un- 
interrupted success  and  surpassing  influence  as  head  of  the  academy  for 
fifty  years,  or  which  gave  him  such  pupils  as  Lewis  Cass,  Joseph  Stevens 
Buckminster,  Daniel  Webster,  Leverett  Saltonstall,  Nathaniel  A.  Haven, 
Joseph  G.  Cogswell,  Theodore  Lyman,  Edward  Everett,  the  twin  Pea- 
bodys,  John  A.  Dix,  John  G.  Palfrey,  Jared  Sparks,  George  Bancroft, 
Jonathan  Chapman,  Ephraim  Peabody,  and  a  host  of  others  whom  the 
country  delights  to  honor." 


32  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

life  for  their  literary  acquirements.     Sparks  was  just  leaving, 
and  Palfrey  was  a  fellow-student  with  me  for  more  than  a 
year.     There  was  a  gravity,  not  to  say  a  stateliness,  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  this  institution  which  was  in  strong  contrast 
with  the  easy-going  management  of  the  other.     The  extended 
career  of  Dr.  Abbott  furnishes  the  best  proof  of  his  fitness  for 
the  position  which  he  held  with  such  distinguished  success. 
I  remember  him  as  a  man  of  solemnity,  and  not  seeming  to 
me  to  possess  those  qualities  which  invite  familiarity  on  the 
part  of  his  pupils.     Those  who  knew  him  intimately  may 
have  found  in  him  qualities  which  a  student,  meeting  him 
only  as  one  in  authority,  would  fail  to  discover.     I  should  de- 
scribe him  as  very  able,  very  just,  and  very  devoted.     That  he 
had  a  rich  vein  of  humor  I  know,  for  it  was  my  fortune  to 
open  and  develop  it.     But  for  the  circumstance  I  allude  to 
I  think  I  should  have  terminated  my  connection  with  tliis  in- 
stitution without  leaving  any  trace  of  my  presence,  except  the 
registration  of  my  name  in  the  catalogue  of  students.     I  be- 
lieve I  was  diligent,  and  made  good  progress  in  my  classical 
course.     It  was  as  a  speaker  that  I  was  remembered  by  the 
academic  staif  and  my  fellow-pupils ;  though  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  my  notoriety  (I  cannot  call  it  distinction)  was  not 
of  the  most  exalted  character.     My  performance  came  off  at 
one  of  the  periodical  exercises  in  public  speaking.     I  had 
found  in  an  old  English  magazine  a  burlesque  account  of  the 
Siege  of  Troy,  and  after  some  hesitation  I  resolved  to  test  the 
self-possession  of  our  grave  and  reverend  seigniors.     I  under- 
stood perfectly  that  it  was  an  audacious  experiment,  and  that 
unless  it  was  as  audacious  in  the  execution  as  in  the  design  it 
would  prove  an  ignominious  failure.     I  determined,  therefore, 
that  it  should  not  miscarry  for  want  of  dramatic  effect.     I  in- 
trusted no  one  with  my  secret,  not  even  my  fellow-boarders. 
Palfrey  prepared  the  way  for  me  by  a  recitation  calculated  to 
deepen  the  prevailing  gravity.     When  he  pronounced  the 
first  line — 

"In  yonder  cave,  formed  by  no  mortal  hand,  a  hermit  lived"— 


179S-1821.]    A  RECITATION  CLAMOBOUSLY  APPLAUDED.        33 

he  undertook,  by  an  appropriate  motion  of  liis  own  mortal 
hand,  to  show  how  it  was  done.  After  a  very  creditable  per- 
formance for  an  undisciplined  neophyte  in  the  school  of  ora- 
tory he  made  his  exit,  deepening  the  natural  solemnity  of  the 
piece  by  a  kindred  gravity  of  manner.  If,  as  has  been  said, 
there  is  always  a  charm  in  contrasts,  the  field  for  my  perform- 
ance could  not  have  been  better  prepared ;  and  I  had  the  fore- 
sight to  see  that  I  could  make  it  more  striking  by  keeping  up 
a  discordance  between  my  manner  and  my  matter.  My  grav- 
ity was  not  exceeded  by  that  of  my  predecessor.  It  was,  there- 
fore, like  a  sudden  awakening  from  a  solemn  reverie  when  I 
made  the  customary  academic  bow  and  commenced : 

"  Tlie  Grecians  came  running  to  Troy — 

The  Trojans  went  running  to  meet  them : 
It  is  known  to  each  little  school-boy  " 

[an  appropriate  gesture,  embracing  the  whole  body  of  stu- 
dents, Sparks  included] 

"  How  the  Greeks  they  horse-jockeyed  and  beat  them." 

My  solicitude  as  to  the  reception  of  my  performance  was  in- 
creased during  the  recital  of  the  first  two  lines  by  an  expres- 
sion on  the  face  of  Dr.  Abbott,  which  I  fancied  to  be  a  doubt 
on  his  part  whether  he  should  let  me  proceed  or  order  me  off 
the  stage.  But  the  horse  -  jockeying  was  too  much  for  his 
gravity  and  that  of  the  other  professors,  and  the  students,  en- 
couraged by  the  sign,  gave  audible  vent  to  their  mirth.  Thus 
relieved  from  my  anxiety,  I  delivered  the  remaining  stanzas 
with  an  effect  which  was  received  with  clamorous  applause : 

"  No  house  could  that  day  be  endured — 
They  made  them  too  hot  for  the  holders ; 
And  ^neas,  not  being  insured, 

Set  off  with  his  dad  on  his  shoulders, 

"  His  fortune  he  tried  on  the  ocean — 
And  then  such  palavering  stories ! 
To  Dido  he  told  with  emotion — 
Jubes  renovare  dolores. 
I— 3 


34  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

"  When  he'd  gained  all  his  ends, '  Dear  ^neas,' 
Said  she, '  if  you  love  your  poor  Dido, 
When  you're  coming  this  way,  call  and  see  us.* 
Thinks  he,  'I'll  be  lianged  if  I  do.' 

"  '  Sister  Anne,'  then  said  she, '  all  is  done. 
And  he's  off— only  see  what  a  way  'tis ; 
He's  gone  with  his  saucy  young  son, 
And  that  rascal  his  Jidus  Achates.'' 

"  A  cord  round  her  neck  she  suspended, 
The  one  end  a  bedpost  was  tied  to — 
I'm  sorry  the  story's  so  ended. 
But  there  was  an  end  of  poor  Dido  !" 

I  retired,  "with  mj  pocket-liandkerchief  to  my  eyes,  in  mock 
distress  at  the  tragical  end  of  the  disconsolate  widow,  and  was 
followed  by  long -continued  plaudits,  in  which  the  Faculty 
joined.  Some  mouths  afterward  a  simple-minded  youth  at- 
tempted to  repeat  the  experiment;  but  he  had  hardly  pro- 
nounced the  first  line  when  the  Kev.  Principal  called  out,  in 
a  voice  of  thunder,  "  Leave  the  stage,  sir !''  It  was  one  of 
those  achievements  of  which  the  flavor,  as  well  as  the  glory, 
evaporates  with  the  first  performance. 

At  the  end  of  a  year  my  studies  terminated,  and  without 
leaving  any  strong  impression  on  my  mind  as  to  the  institu- 
tion except  that  its  administration  was  orderly  and  ably  con- 
ducted. There  was  nothing  in  my  associations  or  my  personal 
experience  so  strongly  marked  as  to  be  often  recurred  to  in 
subsequent  years. 

The  following  year  I  was  sent  to  Montreal,  and  became  a 
pupil  in  the  College.  I  made  the  dreariest  of  all  journeys 
through  'New  Hampshire  and  Vermont.  It  was  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  month  of  March,  and  the  snow  was  rapidly  dissolv- 
ing, so  that  the  gentleman  who  had  charge  of  me,  and  I,  were 
frequently  under  the  necessity  of  going  on  foot  while  the 
horses  were  drawing  the  sleigh  painfully  over  the  bare  ground. 
It  was  during  the  prevalence  of  that  homble  hibernal  disease 


1798-1821.]  AT  COLLEGE  IN  MONTREAL.  35 

known  as  the  spotted  fever,  and  we  were  several  nights 
obliged  to  stoj)  in  taverns,  wliose  inmates  were  lying  ill 
with  it.  At  length  we  reached  the  St.  Lawrence  and  crossed 
it  on  foot.  The  last  sleigh  had  broken  in,  and  the  next 
day  the  river  showed  only  a  mass  of  moving  ice.  Such  was 
my  introduction  to  Montreal.* 

My  father  sent  me  to  the  college  principally  for  the  pur- 
pose of  acquiring  the  French  language ;  and  as  English  was 
not  spoken,  with  a  single  exception,  by  any  of  the  professors 

*  The  following  letter,  written  to  him  by  his  father,  will  be  read  with 
interest : 

"  Boscawen,  May  27th,  1811. 

"  Adams,  my  dear  Boy, — We  have  waited  long  and  with  much  anxi- 
ety till  last  week  to  hear  from  you,  when  we  received  yours  of  the  25th 
March,  and  with  it  a  letter  from  Mr.  Atkinson  of  the  30th  Ap'l.  We 
had,  however,  three  or  four  weeks  previously  rec'd  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Wilkins,  informing  us  of  '  your  safe  arrival  at  Montreal  after  a  tedious 
journey,  of  your  health,  etc'  I  conclude  your  journey  must  have  been 
very  tedious,  if  you  were,  as  Mr.  Atkinson  tells  me, '  compelled  to  stump 
thro'  tlie  mud  on  foot  from  Burlington ;'  am  much  pleased  that  you  so 
soon  gained  a  situation  in  the  College,  and  hope  it  will  prove  both  agree- 
able and  advantageous ;  I  do  not  entertain  a  doubt  that  your  conduct 
will  be  such  as  to  secure  not  only  the  approbation  but  the  applause  of 
the  Government  of  the  College,  to  do  which  may  be  of  much  importance 
to  you.  We  were  a  little  disappointed  in  not  receiving  a  longer  letter 
from  you,  with  a  more  particular  account  of  your  journey,  of  the  novel- 
ties you  have  seen,  and  the  new  scenes  you  have  witnessed.  We  con- 
clude, however,  you  wanted  time,  and  have  them  in  reserve  for  future 
letters,  which  we  depend  on  receiving  soon,  and  certainly  shall  not 
peaceably  dispense  with ;  'tis  now  time  that  we  had  three  letters  from 
you,  and  have  had  but  one,  and  that  dated  more  than  two  months  ago ; 
you  must  not  neglect  us  so. 

"  I  was  at  my  settlement  in  Dixville  a  few  weeks  ago.  I  was  then,  I 
suppose,  within  about  100  miles  of  Montreal ;  I  thought  of  you  and 
looked  over  the  mountains,  but  could  not  see  you.  I  shall  go  to  Bos- 
ton to-morrow,  and  sliall  hope  and  expect  to  find  letters  from  you  on  my 
return,  in  about  8  days.  The  children  and  our  friends  are  all  well ;  all 
that  can  lisp  of  the  former  send  love  to  you.  Give  my  compliments  to 
Messrs.  Atkinson,  Peterson,  and  Wilkins. 

"  Your  father,  Timothy  Dix,  Jr. 

"John  Adams  Dix." 


36  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  few  of  the  students,  my  progress  was  very  rapid.  Here, 
too,  I  may  say,  although  I  had  studied  Latin  and  Greek  in  the 
superficial  way  in  which  those  languages  were  taught  in  the 
academies  in  the  United  States  at  that  period,  the  real  founda- 
tions of  my  classical  education  were  laid.  Every  step  was 
thoroughly  mastered  before  another  was  allowed  to  be  taken. 
I  had  never  felt  much  interest  in  these  studies  before ;  but  I 
now  acquired  a  fondness  for  them,  and  particularly  the  Latin, 
which  I  have  never  lost,  and  which  has  led  me  to  pursue  them 
to  some  extent  under  the  most  unfavorable  circumstances  and 
at  the  most  laborious  periods  of  my  life.  I  attribute  it  alto- 
gether to  the  clear  comprehension  which  I  acquired  of  their 
structure ;  for  it  is  not  easy  to  take  an  interest  in  that  which 
we  do  not  understand.  My  knowledge  of  the  Greek  was  lost, 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  after  a  few  years ;  but  the  Latin  I  have 
continued  to  study  and  read  every  day,  with  brief  periods  of 
intermission ;  and  if  anything  I  have  written  or  spoken  in  a 
somewhat  extended  career  of  official  service  has  any  force,  I 
believe  it  to  be  chiefly  due  to  my  constant  acquaintance  with 
a  language  which  condenses  so  much  thought  into  so  small  a 
volume  of  words. 

The  principal,  Monsieur  Eoque,  and  the  professors  for  the 
most  part,  were  priests,  adherents  of  Louis  XYL,  who  had 
emigrated  from  France  during  the  Hevolution.  They  were 
men  of  learning,  perfect  purity  of  character,  and  above  all 
narrowness  of  thought  and  action.  I  lived  in  the  College,  and 
was  required  to  conform  to  its  religious  as  well  as  its  scholastic 
discipline ;  that  is,  I  attended  all  the  services  in  the  chapel  of 
the  College  during  the  six  days  in  the  week,  and  on  Sunday 
marched  with  my  fellow-students  in  procession,  escorted  by 
the  professors,  to  tlie  Cathedral  Church  in  the  city,  to  attend 
the  celebration  of  Grand  Mass.  There  were  a  few  other  stu- 
dents from  the  United  States ;  yet  no  attempt  was  made,  even 
by  indirection,  to  influence  our  religious  opinions.  When  I 
left  the  College  to  return  to  my  home.  Monsieur  Roque,  on 
taking  leave  of  me,  with  strong  and  affectionate  expressions 


1798-1821.]  PLEASANT  BEMEMBBANCES.  37 

of  interest  in  my  future  welfare,  said  to  me,  "  You  have,  no 
doubt,  noticed  that  we  have  never  spoken  to  jou  on  the  sub- 
ject of  religion ;  but  you  know,  from  the  frequency  of  our 
daily  services,  how  essential  to  our  salvation  we  consider  it. 
We  knew  that  your  father  was  a  Protestant,  and  it  was  as  a 
Protestant  child  that  he  placed  you  with  us  for  your  educa- 
tion ;  and  we  should  have  been  guilty  of  a  breach  of  trust  if 
we  had  sought  to  convert  you  from  his  way  of  thinking. 
But  I  trust,  my  dear  child,  that  you  will  be  a  religious  man, 
and  that  you  will  never  allow  a  day  to  pass  without  thank- 
ing our  Heavenly  Father  for  his  mercies  to  you,  and  asking 
his  blessing  on  your  future  life."  I  need  not  say  that  I  was 
deeply  affected  by  this  good  man's  parting  words.  The  other 
priests — Houdet,  Kiviere,  and  Kichards — took  leave  of  me  in 
the  same  affectionate  manner,  and  I  had  a  pleasant  correspond- 
ence with  several  of  them  until  the  bonds  between  us  were  sev- 
ered by  their  death.  My  conduct  was  satisfactory  to  them, 
and  my  proficiency  in  study  was  in  advance  of  that  of  most  of 
my  fellow-students.  Indeed,  I  was  usually  at  the  head  of  my 
class,  or  next  to  the  head ;  and  my  instructors  often  encour- 
aged me  to  exertion  by  telling  me  that  I  had  talents,  which, 
with  diligent  cultivation,  would  give  me  a  distinguished  career 
in  life.  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  College  not  long  ago.  It  had 
been  removed  from  a  suburb  on  the  river  to  the  mountain 
which  overlooks  the  city  and  gives  it  its  name,  Mont-real.  Of 
the  personnel  of  the  institution  none  remained  but  the  porter, 
who  was  nearly  a  hundred  years  of  age;  and  as  my  visit 
brought  to  my  remembrance  the  good  men  who  had  sent  out 
on  the  voyage  of  life  hundreds  of  youths  with  so  rich  a  freight 
of  well-formed  habits  and  pure  counsels,  it  suggested  with 
striking  vividness  a  thought  which  has  recently  by  a  popular 
author  been  moulded  into  a  beautiful  and  just  tribute  to  the 
unobtrusive  labors  of  some  of  the  world's  best  benefactors  and 
guides  :  "  The  growing  good  of  the  world  is  partly  dependent 
on  unhistoric  acts;  and  tliat  things  are  not  so  ill  with  you 
and  me  as  they  might  have  been  is  half  owing  to  the  num- 


38  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  VIX. 

ber  who  lived  faithfully  a  hidden  life  and  rest  in  nnvisited 
tombs."* 

The  year  1812  is  made  memorable  in  our  history  by  the 
declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain.  Wearied  with  her 
long-continued  depredations  on  our  commerce  and  her  insults 
to  our  flag,  Congress  began  early  in  the  year  to  prepare  for 
seeking  redress  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  and  by  passing  an  act 
to  raise  a  large  military  force.  I  was  then  nearly  fourteen 
years  of  age,  and  had  been  fifteen  months  in  College.  My 
father  intended  that  I  should  remain  there  another  year ;  but 
in  view  of  the  threatening  aspect  of  our  relations  with  Great 
Britain  he  determined  to  withdraw  me,  and  wrote  that  he 
would  call  for  me  and  take  me  with  him  to  Quebec,  which  he 
wished  to  see.f     Before  he  could  execute  his  purpose  he  re- 


*  My  father's  stay  at  the  College  of  Montreal,  though  brief,  was  not 
without  a  strong  and  lasting  influence  on  his  life.  He  held  the  place, 
and  the  venerable  and  devoted  priests,  in  loving  and  grateful  remem- 
brance, and  delighted  to  recall  incidents  connected  with  the  time  spent 
under  their  care.  I  remember,  in  particular,  his  account  of  the  Easter 
service  in  the  chapel;  and  how  he  would  repeat,  and  sing  to  the  old 
plain  song  tune,  the  hymn  which  the  school-boys  sung  that  day : 

''  O  Filii  et  Filiae, 
Rex  coelestis.  Rex  gloria? 
Morte  surrexit  hodie, 
Alleluia!  Alleluia!" 

The  visit  to  his  old  Alma  Mater,  to  which  he  modestly  alludes,  was 
made  in  the  year  1865,  when  he  was  a  major-general  in  the  United  States 
service,  and  Commander  of  the  Department  of  the  East.  Being  in 
Montreal  on  business  of  the  Government,  he  was  invited  to  the  College, 
and  received  there  with  every  attention  and  honor.  My  fother  had 
nothing  of  that  strong  feeling  against  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
which  was,  and  is,  so  marked  a  feature  in  the  Puritans  and  their  de- 
scendants. He  had  devoted  friends  and  lovers  among  its  people ;  when 
he  lay  ill  prayers  were  offered  for  him  daily  in  more  than  one  religious 
house,  and,  after  his  death,  the  holy  sacrifice  was  tenderly  offered  on  their 

altars  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 

I  *'  Boscawen,  May,  12, 1813. 

"  My  deak  Boy,— I  have  written  to  Mr.  Peterson  to  make  preparations 


1798-1821.]  THE  EXIGENCIES  OF  WAR,  39 

ceived  tlie  appointment  of  major  in  the  army,  and  sent  me  a 
summons  to  return  home  immediately.  I  had  liardly  reached 
the  frontier  when  war  was  declared,  and  all  citizens  of  the 
United  States  over  fourteen  years  of  age  were  ordered  to  leave 
Canada,  or  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Great  Britain.  It 
was  a  source  of  great  regret  to  my  father,  and  has  always  been 
to  me,  that  my  studies  in  this  excellent  institution  were  thus 
abruptly  and  prematurely  terminated.  I  spoke  French  with 
tolerable  fluency,  and  had  acquired  a  perfect  accent,  but  an- 
other year  was  needed  to  enable  me  to  write  and  speak  it  with 
the  same  freedom  as  my  native  tongue.  No  child  ever  had 
greater  cause  for  thankfulness  to  a  parent  than  I  had  to  my 
father  for  his  untiring  efforts  to  give  me  a  superior  education.* 

for  your  return  the  last  of  tins  month ;  am  very  sorry  that  my  business 

is  such  as  to  prevent  me  from  coming  for  you.    I  had  anticipated  much 

pleasure  from  an  idea  of  the  journey.     Adams,  you  will  be  careful  of 

yourself,  your  trunks,  etc.,  on  your  journey.    You  must  have  a  trunk  that 

will  hold  your  books  and  clothes,  and  they  must  be  stowed  perfectly 

close  and  crowded  very  hard,  otherwise  when  you  travel  in  the  stages 

your  things  will  be  worn  to  a  chowder;  very  particular  attention  is 

necessary  in  this  respect  when  journeying  in  stages.    Doct.  Shattuck  is 

desirous  that  you  sliould  be  at  Boston  in  the  month  of  June,  otherwise  I 

should  not  have  sent  for  you  until  you  could  have  had  Mr.  Peterson's 

company.     I  am  not  without  hopes,  however,  that  you  will  still  have  his 

or  that  of  some  other  acquaintance  or  gentleman  travelling  this  way. 

Adams,  do  not  fail  to  tender  my  warmest  thanks  and  your  own  to  your 

worthy  governors  and  tutors,  for  their  paternal  care  and  kind  attention 

to  you.     Am  m  haste,  my  dear  boy, 

"  Your  affectionate  Father,  T.  Dix,  Jr. 

"John  Adams  Dix." 

*  The  following  letter,  addressed  to  his  Mher  by  Monsieur  Roque,  the 
head  of  the  seminary,  is  a  testnnonial  to  the  merit  of  the  student  and  the 
fidelity  of  the  teachers : 

"  Monsieur, — Je  ne  r^pondis  point  dans  le  tems  a  la  lettre  par  laquelle 
vous  m'annonciez  votre  fils,  parcequ'il  me  dit  que  vous  n'auriez  point  ai 
port^e  quelqu'un  pour  la  traduire.  Maintenant  il  la  traduira  lui-mgme. 
11  possfede  passablement  la  langue  fran9oise,  et  il  auroit  encore  mieux 
rSussi  si  sa  sant6  n'avait  pas  6t6  d6rang6e  de  tems  en  tems.     Malgr^ 


40  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

On  my  return  from  Montreal  I  was  sent  to  Boston,  and 
placed  in  the  family  of  Dr.  George  Cheyne  Shattuck,  a  dis- 
tant relative  of  the  family,  and  one  of  the  most  eminent  phy- 
sicians of  that  city.  My  father  was  first  appointed  to  the 
New  Hampshire  Kegiment,  which  was  to  form  a  part  of  the 
new  levies ;  but  the  numerical  force  of  the  regiments  having 
been  reduced  from  two  thousand  to  one  thousand  men,  he 
was  transferred  to  the  corps  to  be  raised  in  Maryland,  and 
was  ordered  to  Baltimore  to  recruit  his  battalion.*     It  was 


cela,  il  a  occup6  les  plus  haiites  places  dans  sa  classe.  On  I'a  apiDliqu6 
au  fran9ois,  au  Latin,  et  a  la  ggograpliie.  J'ai  reconnu  en  lui  du  talent, 
et  j'ai  ^t6  satisfait  de  sa  conduite.  Mr.  Peterson  m'a  oflfert  vos  rcmerci- 
ments.  Pour  moi,  je  desire  que  cet  enfant  vraiment  interessant  r^ussisse 
dans  son  6ducation,  et  que  le  peu  que  nous  avons  fait  pour  lui  contribue 
a  en  faire  un  honn^te  homme  et  un  bon  Chrgticn. 

"  J'ai  rhonneur  d'etre,  avec  consideration,  Monsieur, 

"  Votre  tr^s-humble  et  tr^s-ob6issant  serviteur, 

"  ROQUE, 

"  P^""*-  direcf-  du  petit  s6minaire. 
"  Montreal,  23  Mai,  1812." 

*  Major  Dix  was  very  restless  at  being  kept  in  Baltimore  on  the  dull 
business  of  recruiting.    He  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War  as  follows : 

"  Baltimore,  October  17, 1812." 
"  Hon.  Wm.  Eustis,  Secretary  of  War: 

"  Sir, — At  the  time  I  accepted  an  appointment  in  the  army  I  was  in 
daily  expectation  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain.  A  zealous  desire  to  take 
an  active  part  in  avenging  the  wrongs  of  our  much-injured  and  degraded 
country,  and  a  desire  of  distinction  as  a  soldier,  were  my  inducements 
for  entering  the  lists.  I  have  now  for  five  months  been  actively  engaged 
in  the  recruiting  service,  and  could  I  suppose  that  the  interest  of  my 
country  would  be  promoted  by  my  continuance  in  this  service,  I  would 
be  silent  still.  But,  Sir,  the  season  is  far  advanced;  it  is  impossible  to 
raise  recruits  fast  here,  or  in  this  vicinity ;  it  is  not  probable  that  more 
than  another  company  can  be  sent  from  here  in  time  to  serve  in  this 
year's  campaign ;  the  troops  which  are  to  go  from  here  next  week  will 
be  in  season  to  see  actual  service,  and  so  strong  is  my  inclination  to  pro- 
ceed with  them  that  I  know  not  how  to  be  reconciled  to  remain.  Could 
I  be  assured  that '  the  battles  would  not  all  be  fought  and  the  laurels  all 
gathered '  the  present  campaign,  I  would  content  myself  to  stay.  But, 
Sir,  if  it  is  the  expectation  and  intention  to  force  as  far  as  possible  into 


1798-1821.]  ZEALOUS  EARLY  INSTRUCTORS.  41 

under  these  circumstances  that  Dr.  Shattuck  took  charge  of 
me.  He  spared  time  from  an  extensive  practice  to  hear  my 
recitations  in  Latin,  and  he  engaged  several  personal  friends 
to  give  me  instruction  in  other  studies.  IN'athan  Hale,  editor 
of  the  Boston  Advertiser,  gave  me  lessons  in  mathematics ; 
Senor  Sales,  afterward  Professor  of  Modern  Languages  at  Har- 
vard University,  in  Spanish ;  and  Captain  Morse,  of  the  new 
levies,  a  tragedian  of  some  note  at  that  period,  who  had  just 
received  his  commission,  and  w^as  recruiting  his  company,  in 
elocution.  It  was  the  latter  who,  as  has  been  mentioned 
previously  in  these  memoirs,  gave  my  father  a  flattering  ac- 
count of  my  progress  under  his  tuition.  I  was  unquestion-- 
ably  greatly  benefited  by  his  instruction.  Whether  it  would 
have  been  of  a  different  character  if  he  had  been  preparing 
me  for  the  stage,  I  cannot  say.  But  there  was  nothing  in  his 
teachings  which  had  the  least  savor  of  the  dramatic.  It  was  the 
calmness  and  dignity  of  the  forum,  which  he  took  pains  to  im- 
press on  me  as  characteristic  of  the  highest  order  of  oratory.* 

the  enemy's  lines  this  season,  I  beseech  you  that  I  may  not  be  left  be- 
hind. I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.,  T.  Dix,  Jr., 

"  Major,  14th  Regiment  U.  S.  Infantry." 

His  services,  however,  were  deemed  of  too  much  importance  to  be  dis- 
pensed with,  and  he  was  required  to  remain. 

*  "  Baltimore,  October  3, 1812. 

"Adams,  MY  dear  Boy, — You  are,  I  conclude,  pursuing  your  studies 
with  as  much  zeal  as  your  health  will  allow  of.  Should  you  attend  to 
mathematics  more  than  one  quarter,  I  wish  you  may  at  the  same  time 
attend  to  elocution  with  Mr.  Morse,  provided  he  is  in  Boston  and  can 
attend  you.  In  case  you  cannot  have  his  instruction,  probably  there  is 
some  other  person  you  can  have.  I  wish  you  to  commence  the  study  of 
the  Spanish  language  soon ;  I  think  four  or  six  weeks  more  at  mathe- 
matics will  be  as  much  as  will  be  profitable  at  present.  You  ought  oc- 
casionally to  look  into  your  Greek  and  Latin  books.  I  have  written  to 
Dr.  Shattuck  on  the  subject  of  your  studies. 

"  Your  affectionate  Father,  Timothy  Dix,  Major, 

"  14tli  Regt.  U.  S.  Infantry, 
"  Baltimore,  Maryland. 

"  N.B.— Address  your  letters  as  above." 


42  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

The  six  months  which  I  passed  under  the  direction  of  these 
accomplished  gentlemen  were  months  of  unceasing  labor,  and 
the  habits  of  application  which  I  acquired  were  of  infinite 
service  to  me  in  after-life.  Certainly,  no  young  man  of  my 
age  could  have  had  advantages  superior  to  mine ;  and  when 
thrown  upon  my  own  unassisted  exertions,  a  few  years  later, 
I  often  felt  that  I  had  not  profited  by  them  as  I  might  have 
done  if  I  had  appreciated  them  at  the  time  as  I  ought.  But 
I  had  become  possessed  with  so  strong  a  desire  to  go  into  the 
military  service,  that  I  was  becoming  indifferent  to  my  studies, 
and  Dr.  Shattuck  advised  my  father  to  gratify  me.*     The  lat- 


*  With  what  reluctance  Dr.  Shattuck  consented  may  be  infeiTed  from 
the  following  letter,  which  my  father  preserved  with  the  utmost  care, 
and  gave  to  me,  years  ago,  for  safe  keeping : 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yours 
in  relation  to  Adams'  going  to  the  army.  While  my  mind  is  filled  with 
regret  that  a  lad  of  such  promise  is  to  be  surrounded  with  temptations 
almost  too  heavy  not  to  canker  his  present  unexceptionable  habits  of  in- 
dustry and  virtue,  some  solace  is  found  in  the  expectation  that  he  will  be 
pretty  constantly  guarded  by  a  father's  vigilance.  Your  son  has  a  genius 
which  quite  as  well  qualifies  him  for  excellence  in  the  civil  as  the  mili- 
tary department;  and  the  civil  department  holds  up  more  splendid  rec- 
ords for  the  exercise  of  great  talents  than  are  to  be  found  in  the  military 
of  a  Republic  which  is  little  liable  to  invasion.  These  remarks  are  found- 
ed on  the  possible  influence  of  an  acquaintance  in  the  army  to  give  your 
son  an  unconquerable  predilection  for  a  military  life,  which,  if  there  be 
stability  in  our  republican  institutions,  could  promise  no  man  of  talents 
any  adequate  reward.  Capt.  Ebeuezer  Morse  says  Adams  possesses  un- 
common constitutional  facilities  for  becoming  an  orator — the  forum,  not 
the  camp,  is  the  place  for  the  gift  of  tongues.  I  hope  you  will  not  relin- 
quish the  idea  of  his  becoming  a  graduate  at  some  respectable  university, 
and  that  you  will  encourage  him  in  gaining  an  extended  knowledge  of 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  and  of  mathematics,  before  he  may  go 
to  the  university.  The  Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams  is  said  to  have  translated  (on 
paper)  the  classics  into  English,  which,  at  thesame  time  it  directed  his 
attention  to  the  critical  comprehension  of  the  learned  languages,  gave 
liim  great  facility  in  English  composition.  Your  son  has  translated  into 
English  the  orations  of  Cicero,  w^hich  he  has  studied  wiiile  at  our  house. 
I  submit  it  to  your  serious  consideration  whether  Adams  would  not  be 


1798-1821.]        IRREPRESSIBLE  MILITARY  ARDOR.  43 

ter,  who  wished  me  to  go  to  college,  and  then  embrace  one  of 
the  learned  professions,  did  everything  in  his  power  to  discour- 
age me;  and  it  was  not  until  I  had  actually  filled  up  and 
signed  a  blank  enlistment,  and  asked  him  to  let  me  go  into 
the  service  as  a  common  soldier,  that  he  gave  way.  When 
the  Senators  from  New  Hampshire,  recommended  him  for  a 
major's  appointment  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War  that  he 
would  not  refuse  a  captaincy,  if  he  could  not  have  a  higher 
rank,  and  that  he  was  determined  to  go  into  the  service,  even 
if  he  had  to  go  as  volunteer."^  I  asked  him  whether  so  patri- 
otic an  example  by  the  father  ought  not  to  be  followed  by  the 
son.  He  had  no  answer  to  such  a  home  question,  and  finally 
told  me  he  would  endeavor  to  procure  for  me  the  appoint- 


advantaged  by  making  a  careful  written  translation  of  all  the  Latin  and 
Greek  classics  he  may  study. 

"Adams  has  pledged  his  word  that  all  his  time  (not  necessarily  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  military  tactics)  shall  be  consumed  in  the  study  of 
languages  and  mathematics.  That  you  may  be  prospered  in  all  your 
laudable  undertakings,  but  especially  your  efforts  to  train  Adams  to  a 
liigh  degree  of  honorable  usefulness,  is  the  earnest  wish  of,  Sir,  your 
friend  and  servant,  Geo.  C.  Shattuck. 

"  Timothy  Dix,  Esquire. 
*'  Boston,  January  17, 1812." 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  referred  to.  It  is  uncertain  to 
wliom  it  was  addressed,  but  probably  to  one  of  the  Senators  from  New 
Hampshire,  at  Washington : 

"  Boscawen,  February  24, 1812. 

"My  dear  Sir, — Yours  of  tlie  5th  instant  has  just  come  to  hand. 
Could  I  be  assured  that  my  only  destination  would  be  a  descent  on  the 
Canadas,  I  would  accept  the  command  of  a  company,  or  even  less.  In 
fact,  I  am  determined,  in  such  an  event,  to  go  in  some  capacity,  if  it 
should  be  that  of  a  private  volunteer.  But  I  have  no  notion  of  being 
concerned  in  any  long,  lazy  establishment,  or  in  an  idle  Oxford  war,  or 
even  in  a  stationary  guard  for  our  seaboard  fortifications.  An  idea  that 
I  might  be  of  some  use  to  my  country  in  case  of  a  descent  on  Canada, 
was  my  motive  for  proposing  myself  as  a  candidate  for  a  field-office;  and, 
actuated  by  the  same  motive,  I  will  not  refuse  an  inferior  command,  pro- 
vided you  are  confident  this  will  be  my  only  destination.  In  any  other 
I  am  sure  I  could  not  be  useful.  Yours  truly, 

"  TiMO.  Dix,  Jr." 


44  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ment  of  cadet.  To  satisfy  liim  how  well  qualified  I  was  to 
endure  the  hardships  of  a  campaign,  I  availed  myself  of  the 
opportunity,  while  visiting  friends  twenty-eight  miles  out  of 
Boston,  to  walk  into  the  city  between  breakfast  and  tea,  with 
a  crust  of  bread  in  my  pocket,  greatly  to  the  distress  of  my 
legs  and  the  disturbance  of  my  digestion  for  the  next  three  or 
four  days.     The  cadet's  appointment  came  at  last : 

"War  Department,  December  11, 1812. 
"  Sir, — Herewith  enclosed  you  will  receive  the  appointment  of  Cadet 
in  the  Service  of  the  United  States;  on  receipt  of  which  you  will  please 
to  communicate  your  acceptance  or  non-acceptance,  and  in  case  of  ac- 
cepting, you  will  report  yourself  to  Major  Dix,  of  the  14th  Infantry,  and 
receive  his  orders.  Respectfully, 

"  W.  EUSTIS. 
"  Cadet  J.  A.  Dix,  Boston." 

Accompanying  this  was  the  following  letter : 

"  Baltimore,  December  14, 1812. 

"  MoN  CHER  FiLS, — You  will  find  herewith  an  appointment  which  will 
doubtless  be  gratifying  to  you.  I  must,  however,  caution  you  against 
being  too  much  gratified.  I  really  have  many  doubts  whether  it  will  or 
will  not  eventually  be  for  your  advantage. 

"You  will  not  by  any  means  suffer  it  to  interrupt  your  literary  pur- 
suits. In  fact,  mon  cher  JiU^  you  must  '  double  your  diligence,'  and  the 
zeal  of  your  exertions  for  useful  knowledge  must  be  limited  only  by  a 
regard  for  your  health. 

"  Should  you  think  proper  to  accept  the  appointment,  something  like 
the  enclosed  will  be  proper  for  your  answer  to  the  Secretary  of  War; 
copy  it  handsomely  on  a  good  sheet  of  letter  paper,  and  enclose  it  in  an- 
other thick  paper.  I  shall  write  you  again  and  give  you  some  direc- 
tions. You  will  write  to  me  immediately  on  receipt  of  this. 
"  Am  in  much  haste,  mon  cherfds, 

"  Your  aff"ectionate  Father,      T,  D.,  Jr. 
"J.A.  D." 

In  pursuance  of  this  exhortation  to  rencAved  diligence  I 
had  no  sooner  reached  Baltimore  than  my  father  entered  my 
name  as  a  day-scholar  in  St.  Mary's  College ;  and  in  the  even- 
ing, and  often  before  school-hours  in  the  morning,  I  assisted 


1798-1821.]  AT  WASHINGTON.  45 

him  in  his  duties  as  a  recruiting  officer.*  With  these  com- 
bined occupations  I  think  I  was  as  diligently  employed  dur- 
ing the  ensuing  three  months  as  I  had  ever  been  at  any  period 
of  my  life. 

In  March,  1813,  my  father's  battalion  and  two  or  three  ad- 
ditional companies  were  ready  for  the  field,  and  he  took  me 
with  him  to  Washington,  to  close  his  recruiting  accounts. f 

*  There  were  other  duties  in  addition  to  these.  In  the  latter  part  of 
the  year  1812  the  towns  in  the  Chesapeake  were  threatened  by  the  Brit- 
ish fleet,  and  Major  Dix  was,  in  addition  to  his  duties  at  Baltimore, 
charged  with  the  command  of  Annapolis,  forty  miles  distant.  The  fol- 
^  lowing  letter,  written  by  him  to  the  Adjutant-general,  shows  his  activity 
and  devotion  to  the  public  service : 

"  Baltimore,  December  14, 1813. 

"  Sir,— After  parting  with  the  Secretary  of  War  you  permitted  me  to 
make  my  election  whether  to  go  to  Annapolis  myself,  or  send  one  of  my 
captains.  On  considering  all  circumstances  I  think  it  most  advisable  to 
do  both ;  that  is,  I  will  repair  to  Annapolis  immediately,  and  take  charge 
of  the  forts.  I  can,  without  injury  to  the  recruiting  rendezvous,  take 
sixty-five  recruits  and  a  captain  with  me.  I  will  spend  Mondays,  Tues- 
days, and  Wednesdays  (and  Thursdays,  if  thought  necessary)  at  the  forts, 
and  the  remaining  time  at  Baltimore. 

"...  I  will  call  my  son  (John  A.  Dix),  lately  appointed  a  cadet,  who 
is  subject  to  my  order,  here  immediately,  to  serve  me  as  a  clerk.  He  is 
capable,  honest,  and  faithful ;  may  receive  all  communications  in  my  ab- 
sence, and  transmit  me  by  mail  to  Annapolis,  immediately,  copies  of  such 
as  are  necessary.  ...  It  will  make  my  task  a  little  more  arduous,  but  I 
am  willing  to  undertake  it.  I  have  a  horse  that  will  carry  me  to  An- 
napolis in  four  hours ;  therefore  do  not  value  the  travelling. 

"  However,  this  or  any  other  arrangement  that  may  be  considered 
advisable  will  be  promptly  attended  to. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.,  T.  Dix, 

"  Major,  14th  Regiment  U.  S.  Infantry. 

"T.  H.  CusHiNG,  Esq.,  Adjutant-general." 

t  "  Baltimore,  March  3, 1813. 

"  Sir, — You  will  doubtlessly  blame  me  for  not  writing  you  sooner,  but 
I  have  been  very  much  engaged  since  I  have  been  here,  and  have  had 
time  to  write  home  but  once. 

"  On  my  arrival  here  I  found  I  had  more  to  do  than  I  had  imagined. 
My  father,  besides  inspecting  the  accounts  of  all  the  officers  in  his  dis- 


46  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

He  presented  me  as  a  newly-appointed  cadet  to  General  Arm- 
strong, the  Secretary  of  War,  who  said  to  me,  "  So  you  are 
going  to  the  Military  Academy ;  what  preparation  have  you 
made?"  I  told  him  what  my  studies  had  been  during  the 
two  preceding  years,  and  what  progress  I  had  made  in  French, 
Spanish,  mathematics,  and  the  classics,  when  he  said,  "  Well, 
young  gentleman,  I  think  there  is  not  much  for  you  to  learn 
at  West  Point,  except  military  tactics.  How  w^ould  you  like 
to  go  to  the  frontier?"  I  replied,  of  course,  that  I  should  be 
delighted.  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  if  your  father  will  consent,  I 
will  give  you  an  ensign's  commission."      The  consent  was 

trict,  has  six  returns  to  make  out  every  week,  duplicates  of  which  he  for- 
wards to  the  Adjutant-general  at  Washington ;  has  the  command  of  two 
forts  at  Annapolis ;  and  has  to  receive  and  deliver  clothing,  money,  etc., 
to  all  the  recruiting  officers  in  Maryland  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 

"  I  am  kept  continually  on  the  run  or  delivering  clothing  to  the  offi- 
cers. I  have  been  to  Washington,  Annapolis,  and  Georgetown,  and 
expect  to  go  to  Annapolis  again  in  a  short  time. 

"  My  father  has  been  very  much  engaged  for  a  week  in  sending  a  de- 
tachment of  men  to  the  lines,  consisting  of  three  companies  of  infantry 
and  one  of  riflemen,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Winder. 

"  They  will  march  for  Albany  to-morrow,  and  there  will  receive  fur- 
ther orders,  which  will  probably  be  to  join  General  Dearborn's  army. 

"  By  the  short  description  which  I  have  given  you  of  the  situation  of 
our  affairs  you  will  easily  discover  that  I  have  but  little  time  to  study, 
but  depend  that  little  shall  be  well  employed.  When  the  men  are  gone 
and  affairs  a  little  settled,  I  shall  write  to  Miss  Williams  and  Mr.  Doane. 

"  I  am  very  sorry  for  having  incurred  perhaps  your  displeasure  for  not 
writing  sooner,  but  I  shall  be  more  punctual  in  future,  as  I  shall  have  less 
to  do,  and  more  of  my  time  also  will  be  devoted  to  my  studies. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  fix  upon  any  number  of  hours  to  study,  as  on  some 
days  I  have  eight  or  ten  hours,  and  on  others  not  more  than  two  or  three, 
I  shall  not  go  to  Annapolis  to  study,  as  I  expected  to  do  when  I  left  Bos- 
ton, but  shall  continue  here  to  assist  my  father  until  he  marches  to  Can- 
ada, which  will  be  at  the  end  of  spring. 

"  Please  to  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Derby,  Mrs.  Davis,  Mrs.  Shat- 
tuck,  Miss  Williams,  Mr.  Doane,  Mr.  West,  and  Capt.  Morse. 

"  Your  humble  servant,  John  Adams  Dix. 

"  Dr.  Geo.  C.  Shattuck," 


1798-1821.]  /  JOIN  THE  ARMY.  47 

obtained,  and  on  the  8tli  of  March,  1813,  when  I  lacked  four 
months  of  being  fifteen  years  of  age,  I  was  appointed  an  en- 
sign in  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  of  U.  S.  Infantry,  and  joined 
the  army,  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  in  the  following  April,  a  few 
days  after  General  Jacob  Brown,  then  a  militia  officer,  and 
afterward  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  repulsed  an  at- 
tack by  the  British  forces,  and  the  naval  commander,  despair- 
ing of  the  result,  burnt  all  the  naval  and  military  stores  cap- 
tured the  previous  autumn  at  Little  York,  now  Toronto.* 

*  *'  Sackett's  Harbor,  August  8, 1813. 

"  Honored  Sir,— You  will  pardon  my  long  silence  when  I  inform  you 
wliat  lias  been  my  employment,  and  how  much  I  have  been  engaged 
since  I  wrote  you  last;  shortly  after  which  I  received  the  appointment 
of  an  ensign  in  the  Fourteenth  Regiment.  About  the  same  time  my  father 
received  orders  to  collect  his  troops,  and  prepare  himself  to  march  to 
the  lines.  To  do  this,  settle  his  accounts  with  the  officers,  organize  the 
troops,  and  prepare  for  the  march,  occupied  our  time  day  and  night,  till 
we  marched,  on  the  26th  of  May.  I  left  the  College  at  Baltimore  with 
some  reluctance.  My  prospects  for  improvement  were  tolerable,  and  I 
had  formed  several  acquaintances  with  young  gentlemen  of  the  College 
which  were  interesting ;  among  them  was  young  Bonaparte,  and  sev- 
eral others  of  the  best  families  in  Baltimore. 

"  Our  march  from  Baltimore  to  this  place  was  very  pleasant.  On  ar- 
riving at  West  Point  my  father,  two  or  three  of  the  officers,  and  myself 
went  on  shore,  visited  the  old  forts,  the  Military  Academy,  etc.,  etc. 

"The  forts  were  out  of  repair,  but  M^ere  to  be  repaired  immediately. 
There  were  but  seventeen  scholars  at  the  Academy;  about  fifty  more 
were  expected  in  a  few  weeks.  Captain  Partridge,  of  the  Engineers,  had 
command  of  the  post.  A  lieutenant  from  Massachusetts  was  the  second 
in  command.     These  were  the  only  officers  there. 

"The  lieutenant  has  been  in  the  service  two  or  three  years;  said  he 
was  at  Cambridge  College  with  you.  We  were  treated  with  great  po- 
liteness by  both  of  the  officers. 

"  I  had  the  pleasure  at  Utica  to  find  my  old  friend  and  correspondent 
Kirkland,  whom  you  have  often  heard  me  mention.  He  is  now  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Hamilton  College.  His  father  is  a  wealthy,  respectable  law- 
yer. My  father  halted  the  troops  one  day  at  Utica.  I  spent  the  whole 
time  with  Kirkland  at  his  father's,  and  on  a  visit  to  the  College. 

"  The  College  is  in  Clinton,  a  considerable  large  village,  eight  or  nine 


48  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

Shortly  after  my  arrival  an  independent  battalion  was  or- 
ganized, consisting  of  nine  companies,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Major  Timothy  Upham,of  the  Twenty-first  U.  S. 
Infantry,  who  appointed  me  his  adjutant.  From  June  to  Oc- 
tober this  portion  of  the  army  was  in  entire  inaction.  It  was 
then  united  with  the  troops  which  had  been  acting  on  the 
]N'iagara  frontier,  and  the  combined  force  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Wilkinson  for  the  expedition  against 


miles  from  Utica.  It  is  situated  on  a  hill,  about  half  of  a  mile  from  the 
centre  of  the  village.  It  is  of  wood — three  stories  high,  and  appears 
very  elegant  from  the  village.  There  were  but  twenty  or  thirty  scholars 
there,  but  the  number  is  fast  increasing. 

"  We  parted  with  some  reluctance,  I  assure  you,  though  with  the 
promise  of  writing  one  another  once  a  week. 

"My  attention  is  at  present  somewhat  engaged  with  military  affairs, 
and  I  am  very  much  pleased  with  the  employment,  I  assure  you,  but  be- 
lieve I  shall  not  lose  my  relish  for  civil  society.  I  am  attached  to  a 
company,  and  do  my  share  of  all  the  duties.  I  spend  two  or  three  hours 
each  day  in  the  Adjutant -general's  office  as  an  assistant.  This  will 
afford  me  an  opportunity  of  understanding  all  the  details  of  an  army. 
The  Adjutant-general  is  a  smart,  active,  vigilant,  and  experienced  officer, 
and  possesses  very  brilliant  talents. 

"I  will  mention  a  circumstance  which, I  ftincy,  will  please  you.  My 
father,  before  he  would  permit  me  to  accept  my  appointment,  required 
me  to  give  him  a  bond  under  hand  and  seal  obligating  me  to  'remain 
in  the  service  no  more  than  two  years,  then  to  leave  the  army  and  finish 
my  studies,  unless  I  should  obtain  his  permission ;  or,  in  case  of  his  de- 
cease, Dr.  Shattuck's  permission  to  remain  a  longer  time.' 

"  I  brought  with  me  a  number  of  school-books,  which  I  attend  to  two 
or  three  hours  each  day.  I  shall  endeavor,  therefore,  to  hold  my  ground 
at  least  in  literature. 

"  My  father  sends  his  respects  to  your  family.  Please  to  present  mine 
to  Mrs.  Derby's  and  Mr.  West's  families,  Mrs.  Davis,  Mrs.  Shattuck,  Made- 
moiselle Williams,  Monsieur  Doane,  etc. 

"  Votre  trh-Jiurrible  m'viteur, 

"J.  A.  Dix., 
"Dr.  Geo.  C.  Sha.ttdck. 

"  N.B.— Please  to  direct  a  letter  to  '  Ensign  John  A.  Dix,  14th  Regt., 
U.  S.  Inf ,  Sackett's  Harbor,  N.  Y.' " 


1798-1821.]  COMPANIONS  IN  ARMS.  49 

Montreal,  in  wliicli  General  Hampton  was  to  co-operate  with 
an  armj  concentrated  at  Plattsburg.  The  movement  disas- 
trously failed,  from  a  want  of  harmony  between  these  two 
jealous  commanders. 

Among  the  officers  from  my  native  State  there  were  two 
who  were  as  distinguished  for  their  eccentricity  as  they  were 
conspicuous  for  their  coolness  and  courage  in  battle.  One 
was  Major  James  Miller,  of  the  Twenty-first  Eegiment  of 
Infantry.  In  the  battle  of  Uragona,  or  Lundy's  Lane,  as  it 
was  commonly  called,  the  British  army  occupied  a  height  de- 
fended by  guns,  by  which  our  troops  were  greatly  annoyed. 
General  Brown  rode  up  to  Major  Miller,  who  was  at  the  head 
of  his  battalion,  and,  pointing  to  the  height,  said,  "  Major,  can 
you  take  that  battery  ?"  The  major's  prompt  reply  was, "  I'll 
try,  sir."  He  put  his  battalion  in  motion,  and  when  about 
half-way  up  the  height  the  guns  opened  on  him,  and  about 
twenty  men  at  the  head  of  the  column  fell.  There  was  a  mo- 
ment of  wavering  ;  when  the  major,  putting  himself  in  front, 
and  waving  his  sword,  called  out,  "  Come  along,  boys ;  what 
are  you  afeared  of?  ^Nobody  wants  to  hurt  you!"  His 
speech  was  like  an  electric  spark,  and  before  the  guns  were 
reloaded  they  were  in  our  possession. 

The  other  was  Lieutenant-colonel  McKeil,  of  the  same  regi- 
ment. He  was  six  feet  six  inches  in  height,  and  better  pro- 
portioned than  most  men  of  his  stature.  He  was  shot  in  the 
knee  in  the  same  battle  and  lamed  for  life.  After  the  war 
he  was  on  a  certain  occasion  at  Concord,  at  the  opening  of  the 
session  of  the  Legislature.  The  general  was  proud  of  his  lame- 
ness, and  took  it  for  granted  that  every  man,  woman,  and 
child  in  ]^ew  Hampshire  knew  how  it  happened.  While 
limping  about  in  front  of  the  Capitol  a  fresh  member  of  the 
Legislature,  not  much  more  than  five  feet  high,  was  introduced 
to  him.  The  little  fellow,  as  full  of  his  own  importance  as 
the  general,  putting  his  arms  a-kimbo,  said,  "  General,  I  am 
very  glad  to  make  your  acquaintance:  how  did  you  get 
hurt?"  The  general,  drawing  himself  up  his  full  height, 
I.— 4 


50  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

and  looking  down  upon  his  interrogator  with  supreme  con- 
tempt, replied,  "  I  fell  through  a  barn-floor,  you  devilish  fool ! 
Did  you  never  read  the  history  of  your  country  ?" 

Both  these  officers  were  brevetted  for  gallant  conduct,  and 
were  known  throughout  the  State  as  Generals  Miller  and 
MclSTeil. 

I  now  approach  the  most  trying  period  of  my  life.     My 
father  had  an  attack  of  fever,  and  was  in  a  very  feeble  state 
when  the  movement   down  the   St.  Lawrence   commenced. 
The  surgeon  of  his  regiment  urged  him  not  to  join  in  it,  and 
General  Wilkinson  offered  to  leave  him  in  command  of  Sack- 
ett's  Harbor.     But  his  regiment,  a  part  of  which  had  been  on 
the  Magara  frontier,  was  now  concentrated,  and  the  lieuten- 
ant-colonel commanding  having  been  captured  by  the  enemy, 
the  command  devolved  on  him,  and  he  refused  to  give  it  up 
to  a  junior  in  rank.     The  descent  of  the  river  by  our  army 
was  unopposed  until  the  morning  of  the  11th  of  IS'ovember. 
It  had  bivouacked  the  evening  of  the  9th  on  the  Canadian 
side,  near  the  head  of  the  Long  Sault  Eapid.     It  was  follow- 
ed by  a  number  of  British  gun-boats,  which  had  hung  upon 
our  rear  after  passing  Fort  Prescott,  opposite  Ogdensburg. 
My  father's  regiment  constituted  the  rear-guard     The  after- 
noon of  the  10th  he  had  been  seized  with  a  sudden  and  se- 
vere attack  of  pneumonia,  and  was  carried  from  his  boat  to  a 
house  on  the  bank  of  the  river.     At  daybreak  on  the  11th 
the  enemy's  gun-boats  appeared,  and  for  the  first  time  opened 
their  fire  upon  us  ;  and  my  recollection  is  that  the  command- 
er of  the  brigade,  General  Swartwout,  ordered  the  troops  to 
embark  and  fall  farther  down.     My  father's  disease  had  made 
such  rapid  progress  that  he  was  unable  to  walk,  and  he  was 
borne  by  two  of  his  officers  (Lieutenants  Parker  and  Bennett) 
and  myself  to  his  boat.    Lieutenant  Parker  was  killed  the  fol- 
lowing spring  in  the  ill-advised  attack  on  La  Calle  Mill,  near 
Plattsburg ;   Lieutenant  Bennett  survived  the  war,  and  be- 
came a  paymaster  in  the  army.     I  mention  their  names,  be- 
cause they  are  inseparably  connected  in  my  memory  with  my 


1798-1821.]  NOT  PERMITTED  TO  FIGHT.  51 

father's  last  appearance  at  the  head  of  his  regiment.  The  bat- 
tle of  Chrystler's  Field  commenced  soon  after  the  rear-guard 
had  fallen  down  the  river  about  a  mile  from  the  point  at 
which  it  was  attacked,  and  where  the  farther  advance  of  the 
enemy's  gun-boats  had  been  checked.  I  was  now  but  little 
over  a  mile  from  the  field,  and  the  roar  of  the  artillery  and 
the  incessant  report  of  fire-arms  were  too  much  for  me  to 
resist.  Learning  from  the  surgeon  that  my  father  was  in  no 
immediate  danger,  I  collected,  without  a  word  to  any  one, 
about  twenty  of  the  men  wdio  had  been  employed  as  oars- 
men, furnished  them  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  started 
for  the  field.  I  had  marched  about  half  the  distance  when  I 
met  Major  ]^ourse— aide-de-camp,  I  think,  to  General  Wilkin- 
son— who  was  escorting  a  number  of  prisoners  just  captured, 
and  he  ordered  me  to  take  charge  of  them  and  return  to  the 
boats.  I  entreated  him  to  let  me  go  on ;  but  he  was  inexor- 
able, as  he  said  the  guard  with  them  was  much  more  likely  to 
be  serviceable  than  my  hastily  gathered  squad,  and  I  had  to 
turn  back.  He  said  afterward  that  I  cried  because  I  was  not 
allowed  to  go  into  the  fight.  It  is  not  unlikely.  I  do  not 
remember  the  tears ;  but  I  shall  never  forget  my  disappoint- 
ment and  vexation.  It  was,  no  doubt,  for  the  best ;  for  I 
might  not  have  returned  to  afford  my  father  the  consolation 
of  my  presence  in  the  last  hours  of  his  life,  and  receive  his 
dying  messages  to  the  other  members  of  his  family.  The 
only  object  of  the  British  commander  in  making  the  attack 
on  the  rear  of  our  army — for  a  portion  of  it  had  the  day  be- 
fore moved  down  to  Cornwall,  at  the  foot  of  the  Long  Sault — 
was  to  harass  and  annoy  us.  He  could  have  had  no  hope  of 
arresting,  or  even  of  retarding  materially,  our  advance.  The 
result  was  a  hotly-contested  battle-field,  the  loss  of  a  few  hun- 
dred men  on  both  sides,  and  a  mutual  claim  to  the  honors  of 
a  disputed  victory.  We  passed  the  night  on  the  banks  of  the 
river,  and  the  next  day  descended  the  rapid  without  farther 
molestation,  and  joined  our  advanced  forces  at  Cornwall. 
There  intelligence   was  received  from   Hampton's  division 


52  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

which  led  to  the  abandonment  of  the  expedition  against 
Montreal,  and  the  army  went  into  winter-quarters  at  French 
Mills,  on  Salmon  Kiver.  I  pass  over  the  last  two  days  of  my 
painful  experience.  On  arriving  at  Cornwall,  after  the  de- 
scent of  the  Long  Sault,  I  was  relieved  from  duty,  and  sum- 
moned to  my  father,  whose  recovery  was  declared  to  be  hope- 
less. He  was  confined  to  the  close  cabin  of  a  decked  boat, 
and  died  in  it  a  few  hours  after  our  arrival  at  French  Mills. 
His  death  was  that  of  a  Christian  and  a  soldier.  Niles's 
Weekly  Register^  the  principal  statistical  publication  of  the 
day,  had  the  following  paragraph : 

"  Colonel  Dix,  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment,  a  very  valuable  officer, 
died  of  an  inflammation  of  the  lungs  on  the  morning  of  the  14th." 

And  with  this  brief  notice  passed  into  oblivion,  except  in 
the  remembrance  of  his  family  and  acquaintances,  a  most  in- 
telligent, enterprising,  and  patriotic  citizen,  of  elevated  tastes 
and  aims,  of  perfect  integrity,  and,  as  Mr.  Webster  once  said 
to  me  when  we  were  members  of  the  United  States  Senate, 
"  one  of  the  most  gentlemanly  men  I  ever  knew." 

Major  Upliam,  of  the  Twenty-first  Regiment  of  Infantry, 
who  had  appointed  me  adjutant  of  his  independent  battalion 
at  Sackett's  Harbor,  urged  me  to  obtain  a  transfer  to  his  regi- 
ment ;  and  having  procured  a  furlough,  I  returned  with  him 
to  New  Hampshire,  my  native  State,  to  aid  in  settling  my  fa- 
ther's affairs,  which  were  hopelessly  embarrassed.  They  were 
soon  closed,  and  my  step-mother  removed,  with  my  brothers 
and  sisters,  eight  in  number,  to  Massachusetts.  Early  in  the 
'spring  of  1814  I  reported  for  duty  to  Major  Upham,  and  was 
soon  afterward  ordered  to  Fort  Constitution,  at  the  entrance 
of  the  harbor  of  Portsmouth,  [N^ew  Hampshire.  The  ^Navy- 
yard  at  this  port  made  the  station  one  of  leading  importance, 
and  the  command  of  the  forts  by  which  it  was  defended  was 
intrusted  to  Colonel  J.  B.  Walbach,  who  had  received  his  mili- 
tary education  in  the  Austrian  service,  and  had  distinguished 
himself  by  his  gallantry  as  Adjutant-general  at  the  battle  of 


1798-1821.]     MILITARY  MONOTONY  AND   THE  POETS.  53 

Chrjstler's  Farm.  In  the  course  of  tlie  summer  the  force  oc- 
cupying the  forts  and  the  adjoining  grounds  numbered  about 
twenty-five  hundred  men. 

A  British  fleet  was  on  the  coast,  and  an  attack  was  confi- 
dently expected.  But  it  was  not  made,  and  the  war  closed 
with  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  in  February,  1815.  Colonel  Walbach 
appointed  me  his  adjutant,  and  I  served  in  that  capacity  until 
the  garrisons  were  put  on  a  peace  establishment,  when  I  was 
assigned  to  company  duty.  I  remained  under  his  command 
until  1818.  During  these  three  years  I  was  an  assiduous  stu- 
dent, chiefly  of  history  and  the.  classics.  For  this  industrious 
occupation  of  my  time  I  was  greatly  indebted  to  the  friend- 
ship of  Captain  Fabius  Whiting,  an  accomplished  ofiicer,  and 
to  an  occasional  letter  of  encouragement  from  Dr.  Shattuck, 
whose  friendship  I  enjoyed  to  the  close  of  his  life.  Colonel 
Walbach  was  a  most  rigid  disciplinarian,  and  for  several  years 
after  the  termination  of  hostilities  kept  the  garrison,  in  every- 
thing but  numbers,  on  a  war-footing,  though  there  was  not 
an  enemy  within  thousands  of  miles.  An  officer  of  the  guard 
w^as  regularly  detailed,  and  w^as  compelled  to  sit  up  all  night. 
My  turn  came  about  once  a  week.  We  had  a  guard-book,  in 
wdiich  w-e  w^ere  required,  in  order  to  insure  our  w^atchfulness, 
to  record  the  state  of  the  weather  at  every  hour  of  the  night. 
This  book  was  submitted  to  the  colonel's  inspection  by  the 
officer  of  the  guard  every  morning,  and  at  Captain  Whiting's 
suggestion  I  undertook  to  break  the  monotony  of  the  registra- 
tion, which  was  as  barren  as  a  ship's  log  on  a  smooth  voyage, 
by  quotations  from  the  poets.  It  w^as  not  without  some  ap- 
prehension of  a  rebuke  from  the  colonel  that  I  handed  him 
the  book  in  the  morning,  with  the  following  notes  on  a  gath- 
ering storm,  and  on  the  coming  of  the  dawn : 

"  The  weary  clouds,  slow  meeting,  mingle  into  solid  gloom." 

"Aurora  now,  fair  daughter  of  the  dawn, 
In  rosy  lustre  gilds  the  dewy  lawn." 


54  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

I  incline  to  tlie  belief  that  this  is  the  first  instance  in  which  a 
guard-book  has  been  enlivened  bj  poetical  annotations  on  the 
phenomena  of  the  atmosphere.  It  was  an  agreeable  relief 
when  the  colonel,  after  devoting  more  time  to  the  inspection 
of  it  than  usual,  handed  it  back  to  me,  with  a  grim  smile, 
without  saying  a  word. 

I  commenced  at  this  early  period  a  practice  from  which  I 
have  derived  the  greatest  benefit — that  of  committing  to  writ- 
ing the  impressions  I  received  from  all  I  read.  The  benefit 
was  twofold.  It  served  to  ^x  more  durably  in  my  memory 
the  facts  and  the  ideas  which  I  deemed  most  valuable ;  and  it 
tended  to  give  me  a  freedom  of  style,  which  was  of  infinite 
advantage  when  I  became  actively  engaged  in  the  business  of 
life.  I  was  not  in  the  habit  of  submitting  these  critiques  and 
compendiums  (for  my  compositions  took  both  forms)  even  to 
friendly  criticism ;  and  in  looking  into  them  after  the  lapse  of 
years  I  found  the  earlier  ones  abounding  in  verbiage,  and  run- 
ning into  a  turgidity  of  style  which  gradually  disappeared  as 
I  became  familiar  with  the  best  English  writers,  and  especially 
as  my  acquaintance  with  the  Roman  authors  grew  more  inti- 
mate. From  the  latter  I  made  copious  quotations,  and  was  in 
the  habit  of  using  them  quite  freely  at  a  later  period,  when  I 
became  a  writer  for  the  periodical  press.  I  think  it  safer  for 
very  young  writers  to  err  on  the  side  of  infiation  than  severity 
of  style ;  for  while  good  taste  eventually  chastises  and  corrects 
the  former,  the  latter  is  almost  certain  to  run  into  meagre- 
ness  and  inelegance.  For  this  reason  the  pruning  of  youth- 
ful compositions  should  be  guided  by  a  prudent  forbearance 
on  the  part  of  instructors. 

The  years  which  followed  my  father's  death  were  full  of 
anxiety  and  trial  for  me.  As  I  have  said,  his  affairs  had  be- 
come hopelessly  embarrassed,  and  his  large  family  were  left 
with  very  inadequate  means  of  support.  With  the  small  sal- 
ary which  I  derived  from  my  commission  I  nevertheless,  by 
rigid  economy,  was  able  to  contribute  something  to  eke  out 
their  annual  income ;  and  I  think  this  necessity,  which  render- 


1798-1821.]  PRUDENT  EESOLVES.  65 

ed  it  impossible  for  me  to  take  part  in  amusements  and  social 
indulgences  requiring  the  expenditure  of  money,  served  to 
make  my  devotion  to  study  more  unremitting.  I  owe  mucli 
to  the  habits  of  economy  thus  forced  upon  me  for  years,  and 
engrafted  on  me,  as  it  were,  in  my  youth.  One  of  their  in- 
separable accompaniments  is  a  dread  of  debt.  It  has  accom- 
panied me  through  life.  During  the  sixteen  years  of  my  ser- 
vice in  the  army  I  only  once  made  a  loan.  I  borrowed  one 
hundred  dollars  of  a  friend  in  an  emergency,  and  repaid  him 
in  less  than  two  months.  Another  accompaniment  equally 
inseparable,  and  equally  important  in  an  economical  as  well  as 
a  moral  sense,  is  never  to  use  for  a  single  day  a  single  dollar 
paid  into  our  hands  for  others.  In  the  financial  trusts  con- 
fided to  me  I  have  never  violated  in  any  instance  for  a  single 
hour  this  cardinal  rule  of  fiduciary  obligation.  How  much  of 
personal  dishonor  would  have  been  preserved  from  taint, 
how  much  of  distress  and  mortification  have  been  spared,  if 
this  rule  were  generally  respected ! 

A  year  or  two  after  the  close  of  the  w^ar  my  step-mother 
received  a  pension,  as  the  widow  of  an  ofiicer  who  had  lost  his 
life  in  the  military  service ;  and  as  my  sisters  grew  up  they 
married,  and  the  condition  of  the  family  became  free  from  care. 

While  Colonel  "VYalbach  was  in  command  at  Portsmouth 
the  artillery  arm  of  the  military  service  was  organized  as  a 
corps,  and  I  was  transferred  to  it  from  the  Twenty-first  Regi- 
ment of  Infantry.  It  was  subsequently  divided  into  four  regi- 
ments, and  Colonel  House,  a  most  accomplished  officer  and  a 
perfect  gentleman,  became  the  commander  of  the  regiment, 
formed  out  of  the  companies  in  the  Eastern  States.  He  ap- 
pointed me  his  adjutant,  and  after  a  year  I  w^as  again  placed  on 
company  service,  and  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  Fort 
Washington,  on  the  Potomac,  opposite  Mount  Yernon,  at  the 
close  of  the  year  1818,  while  the  fortification  was  in  process  of 
construction.  I  was  there  but  a  few  months.  Another  staff 
appointment — that  of  regimental  quarter-master — took  me  to 
Fort  Columbus,  in  the  Harbor  of  !N"ew  York,  in  January,  1819/. 


56  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

In  tlie  montli  of  March  following  I  was  appointed  aide-de- 
camp to  Major-general  Jacob  Brown,  then  in  command  of  the 
I^orthern  Military  Department  of  the  United  States,  while 
Major-general  Andrew  Jackson,  afterward  President  of  the 
United  States,  commanded  the  Southern.  From  the  close  of 
the  War  of  1812 — in  February,  1814 — I  had  been  for  the 
most  part  in  garrison  and  a  diligent  student.  As  one  of 
General  Brown's  military  family  .my  life  underwent  a  radical 
change.  I  was  from  that  moment  involved  for  a  portion  of 
the  year  in  all  the  activities,  excitements,  and  indulgences  of 
fashionable  society.  The  presence  of  the  general,  whose  dis- 
tinguished military  career  ranked  him  among  the  first  of 
American  commanders,  was  eagerly  sought,  and  I  remember 
my  first  appearance  on  his  staff  was  at  a  brilliant  assemblage 
of  the  beauty,  talent,  and  wealth  of  the  city  of  J^ew  York  at 
the  house  of  one  of  its  most  conspicuous  citizens.  I  was  de- 
clining to  allow  him  to  present  me  to  one  of  the  belles  of  the 
city,  renowned  for  her  wit  as  well  as  her  grace,  because,  as  I 
said,  I  was  afraid  I  might  be  expected  to  ask  her  to  dance,  an 
accomplishment  I  had  not  then  acquired.  I  was  not  aware 
that  she  was  standing  so  close  to  us  that  she  could  not  help 
overhearing  our  conversation.  With  her  readiness  to  meet 
emergencies  she  turned  toward  us,  and,  addressing  the  gen- 
eral, said,  ^'  General,  if  you  were  to  ask  me  to  dance,  I  should 
be  under  the  painful  necessity  of  refusing  you,  for  I  am  en- 
-gaged  for  the  rest  of  the  evening."  In  the  midst  of  my  con- 
fusion he  presented  me,  and  it  was  the  beginning  of  an  ac- 
quaintance which  ripened  into  a  lasting  friendship. 

The  general  passed  his  winters  in  Washington,  and  his  sum- 
mers, excepting  when  he  was  engaged  in  tours  of  inspection, 
at  Brownville,  Jefferson  County.  We  set  out  immediately  for 
his  home,  and  at  Albany  he  was  again  intercepted,  to  dine 
with  De  Witt  Clinton,  then  Governor  of  the  State,  whose 
dignified  and  commanding  presence  made  an  impression  on 
me  which  I  have  never  forgotten.  My  awe  might  have  been 
somewhat  diminished  if  I  could  have  looked  forward  lialf  a 


1798-1821.]  ADMITTED  TO  THE  BAB.  57 

century  and  seen  myself  occupying  the  same  distinguished 
position. 

Brownville  was  a  quiet,  pkasant  village  of  very  moderate 
dimensions.     The  inhabitants  consisted  chiefly  of  the  laboring 
classes,  with  two  or  three  families  only  of  w^hom  the  general 
visited.     After  testing  my  capacity  by  giving  me  two  or 
three  despatches  to  write,  he  intrusted  to  me  nearly  all  of  his 
general  official  correspondence ;  yet  in  a  country  village,  free 
from  social  exactions,  I  still  had  a  good  deal  of  time  at  my 
disposal,  and  I  did  not  fail  to  avail  myself  of  it  to  pursue  my 
studies.     The  prospect  of  a  long  peace  seemed  to  me  to  afford 
little  opportunity  for  gaining  distinction,  and  I  decided  to 
commence  the  study  of  the  law,  with  a  view  to  resign  my  mil- 
itary commission  and  engage  in  civil  pursuits.    I  commenced, 
like  most  law  students,  with  the  inevitable  Blackstone,  and, 
with  some  friendly  counsel  from  the  village  lawyer,  I  made 
very  respectable  progress  in  my  new  undertaking  during  the 
two  summers  I  was  under  his  supervision.      The  winters  I 
passed  in  Washington,  gaining  more  and  more  knowledge  of 
the  world,  and  becoming  acquainted  with  most  of  the  distin- 
guished men  of  that  day,  but  with  little  respite  from  the 
social  exigencies  incident  to  my  position  for  study  and  mili- 
tary duty.     My  name,  however,  was  entered  in  the  office  of 
William  Wirt,  the  Attorney-general  of  the  United  States,  and 
under  his  friendly  auspices  I  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  of  the 
District   of   Columbia,  although  never  engaged  in  practice 
there.     My  most  familiar  association  was  with  Mr.  Calhoun, 
then  Secretary  of  War  under  Mr.  Monroe's  administration, 
and  for  several  years  after  I  left  Washington  a  confidential 
correspondence  was  carried  on  between  us.     Political  differ- 
ences in  1828  estranged  us ;  but  we  sat  together  in  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1846-47,  and  with  no  diminution  of  our 
mutual  respect  and  good-will. 

Mr.  Calhoun  was  a  man  of  singular  personal  purity,  and  his 
charms  of  conversation  were  irresistible,  particularly  to  young 
men,  who  always  received  from  him  especial  kindness  and 


58  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

courtesy.  His  intellectual  powers,  the  vicissitudes  of  his 
career,  and  his  peculiar  construction  of  the  Constitution,  form 
too  large  a  theme  for  these  reminiscences.  He  was  a  contem- 
porary and  a  competitor  with  Webster  and  Clay  for  political 
honors,  and  a  frequent  antagonist  with  them  in  debate  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States ;  and  it  may  be  justly  said  that  he 
came  out  of  these  encounters  w^ithout  forfeiting  his  claim  to  a 
place  in  the  same  plane  of  public  distinction. 

In  the  spring  of I  w^ent  wath  General  Brown  on  an 

excursion  into  the  interior  of  Virginia,  the  chief  object  of 
which  was  to  pay  a  visit  to  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Jeiferson. 
Our  first  pause  w^as  at  Montpelier,  the  residence  of  the  former, 
in  Orange  County.  It  w^as  under  his  administration  that  the 
general  received  the  commission  which  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  military  reputation,  and  I  need  not  say  that  the  meeting 
was  a  cordial  one  on  both  sides.  We  passed  two  days  with 
him,  charmed  with  his  interesting  and  instructive  conversa- 
tion, the  graceful  and  unaffected  hospitality  of  his  wife,  and 
the  devoted  attention  of  his  son,  Payne  Todd.  Mr.  Madison 
was  of  low  stature  and  quiet  manners,  and  with  no  physical 
traits  to  mark  the  eminence  he  had  attained ;  but  his  conver- 
sation, though  simple  and  unpretending,  would  soon  have  im- 
pressed one  entirely  ignorant  of  his  political  career  with  the 
conviction  that  he  was  a  man  of  great  intellectual  power,  with 
a  large  and  varied  experience  in  public  affairs. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  whose  house  (Monticello),  in  Albemarle 
County,  we  reached  the  night  of  the  day  on  which  we  left 
Montpelier,  contrasted  strongly  in  person  and  manners  with 
Mr.  Madison.  He  was  tall,  dignified,  and  stately,  less  conver- 
sational, except  when  warmed  by  a  congenial  topic,  but  com- 
menting wdth  singular  frankness  and  freedom  on  men  as 
well  as  things.  I  cannot  better  illustrate  this  last  trait  than 
by  repeating  a  remark  in  regard  to  Mr.  Monroe,  w^ho  was 
President  of  the  United  States  from  1817  to  1825,  and  to 
wliom,  I  believe,  he  was  attached  by  a  life-long  friendship. 
"  Monroe,"  he  said,  "  was  a  man  of  remarkable  judgment  and 


1798-1821.]     A   GLIMPSE  OF  PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON.  59 

common-sense.  If  an  object  was  placed  before  liim  he  would 
be  sure  to  reach  it,  but  he  could  never  tell  you  how  he  got 
there."  He  spoke  of  the  family  of  Louis  XYI.  with  great 
contempt,  with  an  obvious  sympathy  with  the  French  Eevo- 
lution,  apart  from  its  atrocities.  The  leaning  of  Mr.  Madison 
in  the  same  direction  may  be  referred,  perhaps,  without  a 
forced  construction  to  tlie  fact  that  he  gave  a  French  name  to 
his  residence.  Mr.  Jefferson  must  unquestionably  be  consid- 
ered, when  his  varied  accomplishments  are  taken  into  account, 
the  most  remarkable  man  of  his  time.  He  was  a  natural  phi- 
losopher, profoundly  versed  in  political  science,  an  accom- 
plished musician,  and  a  tasteful  architect.  His  house,  design- 
ed by  himself,  was  a  faultless  specimen  of  Italian  architecture. 
I  was  much  addicted  in  my  young  days  to  drawing,  and  as  I 
was  finishing  a  sketch  of  it  he  came  along,  and,  looking  over 
my  shoulder,  said,  much  to  my  gratification,  "  Yery  exact."  I 
believe  this  sketch  furnished  the  illustration  in  Handall's  Life 
of  Jefferson.  The  preceding  year,  while  at  an  evening  party 
in  'New  York,  at  which  there  was  a  good  deal  of  music.  Cap- 
tain Bibby,  the  host,  said  to  me,  "  I  see  you  are  very  fond  of 
music ;  do  you  play  on  any  instrument  ?"  I  answered  that  I 
played  a  little  on  the  violin.  "  That,"  said  he, "  was  my  instru- 
ment when  I  w^as  a  young  man."  He  then  told  me  that  he 
was  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  British  General  Frazer,  who  was 
killed  at  Saratoga  a  few  days  before  the  surrender  of  Bur- 
goyne ;  that  he  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  of  war  to  Charlottes- 
ville, three  miles  from  Monticello,  and  that  he  had  played 
duets  with  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  violin.  He  added,  "  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson was  one  of  the  best  amateur  violinists  I  ever  knew." 

I  mentioned  this  conversation  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  re- 
membered Captain  Bibby  perfectly ;  and  he  then  told  me  he 
had  practised  four  hours  a  day  on  the  violin  for  ten  years 
when  he  was  a  young  man ;  that  he  had  taken  lessons  of  one 
of  the  first  violinists  in  France  while  he  was  Minister  at 
Paris,  and  that  he  gave  up  his  violin  when  he  became  Secre- 
tary of  State  to  General  Washington.     He  added,  "  I  wish  I 


60  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

had  learned  to  play  on  the  harpsichord,  as  my  fingers  are  too 
stiff  for  the  violin,  for  in  that  case  I  might  have  amused  my- 
self in  my  old  age." 

I  was  very  much  surprised  at  these  personal  revelations. 
I  had  practised  on  the  violin  two  hours  a  day  for  five  years, 
and  was  able  to  play  music  not  very  difficult.  But  I  gave  up 
my  violin  soon  afterward,  for  I  said  to  myself,  "  If  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son gave  up  his  after  so  much  more  practice  than  I,  I  will 
act  on  his  suggestion,  and  learn  the  piano  sufficiently  well  to 
amuse  myself."  1  did  so ;  and  I  will  add  that  I  do  not  think 
I  have  ever  lost  any  valuable  time  by  studying  music;  for 
my  practice  has  always  been  after  full  hours  of  labor,  when 
I  should  otherwise  have  given  myself  up  to  lounging. 

The  winters  I  passed  in  Washington  were  prolific  of  excit- 
ing debates  in  Congress,  to  many  of  which  I  was  an  auditor. 
The  one  which  was  most  fruitful  of  angry  controversy,  of 
wide-spread  interest,  of  deep  feeling,  and  even  of  fears  in  tim- 
id quarters  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  was  in  regard 
to  the  admission  of  the  State  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  with 
a  provision  prohibiting  slavery  north  of  the  latitude  of  36°  30'. 
I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  hear  the  two  speeches  which,  on  op- 
posite sides  of  the  question,  were  considered  the  most  able 
and  are  to  this  day  the  most  noted — those  of  Mr.  Pinkney  of 
Maryland  against  the  prohibition,  and  Rufus  King  of  New 
York  in  favor  of  it.  It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  a 
greater  contrast  than  that  in  the  oratory  of  the  two  senators. 
Mr.  King's  was  calm,  dignified,  argumentative,  forcible,  and 
at  times  fervid.  Pinkney's  was  impassioned,  fiery,  and  some- 
times bordering  on  violence,  but  sustained  throughout  with 
surpassing  logical  power.  It  is  generally  conceded  to  have 
been  the  most  effective  effort  of  his  life ;  and  in  the  history 
of  our  public  debates  nothing,  perhaps,  is  so  much  to  be  re- 
gretted as  the  fact  that  this  speech  was  not  fully  reported. 
Rufus  King  responded  in  all  respects  to  my  conception  of  an 
old  Roman  senator,  maintaining  in  his  manner  the  quiet  dig- 
nity appropriate  to  the  undisputed  masters  of  the  greatest 


1798-1821.]  CELEBRITIES  OF  THE  PAST.  61 

empire  of  the  ancient  world.  Mr.  Pinkney  seemed  to  me 
like  one  of  the  democratic  orators  of  antiquity,  whose  aim  it 
was  to  carry  with  them  the  passions  as  well  as  the  convictions 
of  the  masses,  by  whom  the  movements  of  the  government 
were  swayed.  I  thought  in  one  or  two  instances  that  the  ve- 
hemence of  the  manner  was  disproportioned  to  the  thought 
which  it  was  intended  to  emphasize.  For  instance,  I  remem- 
ber as  he  stood  beside  his  seat  he  rushed  forward  three  or 
four  steps,  and,  with  a  tremendous  supplosio  pedis,  one  of 
the  devices  of  ancient  oratory,  he  pronounced  the  words, 
"  Distance  is  a  mighty  engine !"  Untrained  as  I  was  at  that 
time  in  the  school  of  oratory,  it  struck  me  that  the  sentiment, 
separated  from  the  accessary,  did  not  justify  so  passionate  an 
utterance.  But  of  the  immense  power  of  the  orator  and  his 
finished  delivery  no  listener  could  entertain  a  doubt. 

One  of  the  chief  celebrities  of  the  time  when  I  was  hiber- 
nating in  "Washington  was  John  Eandolph  of  Eoanoke.  He 
was  as  remarkable  in  his  dress  as  he  was  in  physical  character- 
istics. Tall,  lean,  straight  as  an  arrow,  his  ungainly  walk  was 
made  more  conspicuous  by  a  jockey-cap  and  a  cape  over  a 
long  surtout. 

Willard's  Hotel,  on  the  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  near  the 
Treasury  Department,  was  then  known  as  Strothers'.  It  was 
the  chief  hotel  in  the  city,  and  contained  many  of  the  most 
distinguished  members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Mr.  Yan 
Buren,  Louis  McLane,  and  General  Yan  Rensselaer  of  Albany, 
known  as  the  Patroon,  had  then  parlors  which  were  fashion- 
able resorts  in  the  evening.  The  most  frequented  of- these 
places  of  meeting  was  that  of  John  D.  Dickinson,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  of  Representatives,  from  Troy,  IS".  Y.  His 
daughter,  an  only  child — afterward  the  wife  of  Ogle  Tayloe, 
of  Washington — made  it  particularly  attractive  by  her  charm- 
ing manners  and  conversation,  as  well  as  by  her  musical  tal- 
ent. I  was  then  practising  on  the  violin,  and  we  played  in- 
numerable duets — generally  by  ourselves,  but  sometimes  for 
the  entertainment  of  others.     Randolph  was  an  occasional 


62  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  UIX. 

visitor,  and  paid  courtly  attentions  to  tlie  young  lady — not 
with  any  hymeneal  purpose,  for,  apart  from  the  disparity  of 
age,  he  was  notoriously  not  a  marrying  man.  One  Saturday 
evening,  when  Mrs.  Dickinson's  parlor  was  thronged  with  the 
elite  of  the  capital,  the  subject  of  conversation  was  Edward 
Everett,  then  a  young  Unitarian  clergyman,  who  had  come 
to  Washington  with  a  distinguished  reputation  as  a  pulpit 
orator,  and  whose  friends  had  obtained  permission  for  him  to 
preach  the  following  day  in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentatives.  Mr.  Eandolph  came  in  when  discussion  was  at  its 
height.  He  took  no  part  in  it,  until  Mrs.  Dickinson,  turning 
to  him,  said,  "  Mr.  Eandolph,  are  you  going  to  hear  Mr.  Ever- 
ett to-morrow  ?"  I  remember  well,  as  the  hush  of  voices  in- 
dicated the  general  interest  in  his  answer,  how  a  low  murmur 
of  mingled  import  ran  through  the  room,  as  he  replied,  in  a 
sententious  fashion  not  unusual  with  him,  and  in  his  high- 
toned,  squeaking  voice,  "  Can't  patronize  Antichrist,  madam." 
I  did  not  know  to  what  branch  of  the  Christian  Church  he 
belonged ;  it  was  quite  manifest  that  he  was  not  unwilling  to 
proclaim  himself  an  uncompromising  Trinitarian. 

[Here  my  father's  memoranda  come  abruptly  to  an  end,  and  I  must 
continue  the  work  alone,  to  my  great  regret,  and,  no  doubt,  to  that  of 
the  readers  of  the  pages  which  follow.] 


II. 

THE  ARMY. 

WASHINGTON-NEW   YORK-EUROPE. 
A..D.   1821-18S8. 


Desire  to  Leave  the  Army.  —  Law  Studies. — Presidential  Campaign  of 
1824.— Admiration  for  Mr.  Calhoun.— Contributions  to  Journals  of  the 
Period.  — "Twelfth  Night"  Party  at  the  Capital:  Miss  Wirt  the 
Queen.— Ill-health.— Doctor  Abernethy's  Prescription  for  Dyspepsia. 

— Romance.  —  Madame  Chggaraye's   School. — John  J.  Morgan. A 

Young  Debutante  at  Washington.— Engagement.— 1826 :  Marriage  to 
Catharine  Morgan.— Special  Messenger  to  Court  of  Denmark. — Tour 
through  England.— Hamburg.—  Holstein.—  Copenhagen.— Travelling 
Post  in  Sweden.— Return  Home.— Fortress  Monroe :  Trying  Experi- 
ences in  Virginia.— 1828:  Resignation  from  the  Military  Service. 


1821-1828.]  DISSATISFIED  WITS  ARMY  LIFE.  65 


II. 

My  father's  notes  of  his  childhood  and  earlier  years  come 
down  to  1821.  That  date  is  important,  as  foreshadowing  the 
transition  from  the  military  service  to  the  occupations  of  civil 
life.  He  has  mentioned  the  strong  opposition  made  to  his 
entering  the  army,  and  how  earnestly  he  was  counselled  to 
leave  it  as  soon  as  a  proper  time  should  arrive.  Inclining  to 
this  advice,  he  began,  as  early  as  the  year  1819,  to  read  law, 
and,  although  still  in  the  military  service,  pursued  his  studies 
with  a  view  to  a  change  of  profession.  The  design  is  stated 
in  a  letter  to  the  Honorable  ]S"athan  Sanford,  from  which  I 
make  the  following  extract : 

"Washington,  January  31, 1823. 

"  My  dear  Sir,— I  beg  leave  to  congratulate  you  on  your  nomination 
to  the  office  of  Chancellor  of  New  York,  and  on  the  certainty  with  which 
the  confirmation  is  announced  from  all  quarters.  In  this  event  no  one 
will  rejoice  more  sincerely  than  myself,  and  I  trust  you  will  enjoy  a  per- 
manency of  situation,  of  which  the  characteristic  instability  of  New  York 
politics  would  not  in  general  authorize  the  expectation. 

"  In  about  two  months  I  shall  leave  Washington  for  your  city,  and 
engage  earnestly  in  the  study  of  the  law.  I  have  already  studied  two 
years  within  the  limits  of  the  State ;  and  when  I  shall  have  completed 
the  legal  term,  and  have  so  familiarized  myself  with  the  details  of  prac- 
tice as  to  be  justified  in  the  belief  that  my  industry  will  procure  me 
a  subsistence,  I  intend  to  present  myself  for  admittance  at  the  Bar,  and 
divest  myself  of  all  my  military  connections." 

The  studies  referred  to  were  pursued  at  Brownsville,  and 
elsewhere  in  the  State  of  I^ew  York,  and  continued  at  Wash- 
ington under  the  direction  of  William  Wirt,  Attorney-general 
of  the  United  States. 

Long  before  my  father  resigned  his  commission  he  had 
I.— 5 


66  MEMOIRS   OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

become  well  known  as  an  able  controversialist  and  an  intelli- 
gent critic  of  public  affairs.  It  was  natural  that  he  should 
feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  politics  of  the  day.  He  seems  to 
have  taken  as  active  a  part  in  them  as  was  consistent  with  his 
position  in  the  military  service.  The  Presidential  campaign 
which  resulted  in  the  election  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  the 
year  1824,  was  hotly  contested.  Five  candidates  were  in  the 
field :  John  C.  Calhoun,  Secretary  of  War  under  President 
Monroe;  William  H.  Crawford,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State ;  Henry  Clay,  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives ;  and  General  Andrew  Jack- 
son. I  shall  have  occasion  again  to  refer  to  that  remarkable 
canvass  in  connection  with  my  father's  political  history ;  for 
the  present  it  is  sufiicient  to  say  that,  like  most  of  the  gentle- 
men of  the  army,  he  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  and  staunch 
supporter  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  whose  cause  he  advocated  with  a 
practised  and  facile  pen.  That  distinguished  statesman,  in  a 
letter  to  him  from  Washington,  September  28,  1823,  attests 
the  value  and  importance  of  his  work  as  a  writer  on  public 
affairs : 

"  I  write  at  present,  not  to  communicate  information  (for  I 
believe  my  friends  in  ]N"ew  York  are  well  informed),  but  to 
express  the  pleasure  which  I  have  derived  from  the  perusal  of 
your  letters.  I  see  the  cause  begins  to  be  supported  as  it 
ought  to  be  in  your  city.  Let  the  same  spirit  of  free,  bold^ 
and  enlightened  discussion  be  extended  to  the  other  great 
cities,  and  the  good  effects  will  soon  be  visible.  This  can  best 
be  effected  by  correspondence." 

Colonel  Charles  Gr.  Haines,  a  member  of  the  IS^ew  York  Bar, 
and  a  prominent  politician  of  that  day,  writes  to  him  about 
the  same  time,  referring  to  certain  articles  from  his  pen : 

"  It  is  proper  for  me  to  remark  that  your  essays  have  been 
republished  very  generally  throughout  the  western  country.* 
The  junior  editor  of  the  Statesman  informs  me  that  they  are 

*  /.  e.,  the  western  counties  of  the  State  of  New  York. 


1821-1828.]  LITEBAEY  INDUSTRY.  67 

remarkably  popular,  and  I  have  seen  them  reprinted  in  sev- 
eral of  the  Eastern  papers.  All  this  is  gratifying  to  me.  Any 
tribute  to  your  genius  gives  me  joy  and  pleasure." 

I  may  add  here  that  Colonel  Haines  was  Adjutant-general 
of  the  State  under  Governor  Clinton ;  that  he  and  my  father 
were  warm  friends  and  constant  correspondents;  and  that, 
upon  the  death  of  Colonel  Haines,  my  father  wrote  and  pub- 
lished an  obituary  notice  of  him. 

I  have  before  me  a  large  volume  of  newspaper  cuttings, 
containing  a  striking  proof  of  his  industry.  There  are  articles, 
published  under  divers  noms  deplume^  in  many  of  the  leading 
journals  of  Washington,  New  York,  and  Albany,  and  compris- 
ing contributions  on  all  kinds  of  subjects.  In  the  columns  of 
the  Washington  Republican'^  and  National  Intelligencer  he 
replies  to  criticisms  on  the  economy  and  efficiency  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  and  defends  the  department  of  which  Mr.  Cal- 
houn was  then  the  head  from  "gross  and  unfounded  charges." 
In  the  New  York  Statesman  for  the  years  1822  and  1823 
may  be  found  articles,  under  the  signatures  of  "Pericles," 
"  Amphion,"  and  "  Publicola,"  relating  to  the  political  state 
of  Europe,  finance,  music,  and  the  fine  arts.  He  also  gave 
a  history  of  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1812,  in  six  successive 
numbers  of  that  journal.f  The  New  York  FatriotX  contains 
dissertations  on  the  tariff,  national  defence,  and  agriculture 
and  manufactures,  together  with  a  series  of  brilliant  and  caus- 
tic letters  in  which  he  paid  special,  and  probably  unwelcome, 
respects  to  Major  Mordecai  M.  Noah.  Did  the  space  at  my 
command  permit  it,  I  might  justify,  by  reprinting  several  of 
these  communications,  the  opinion  that  they  display  a  matu- 
rity of  thought  and  a  polish  of  style,  a  force  of  logic  and  an 
amount  of  literary  attainment  remarkable  in  so  young  a  man ; 
and  that  they  had  much  to  do  with  establishing  his  reputation 
for  brightness  and  ability,  and  preparing  for  the  transition 


*  A.D.  1822,  signed  "  X."  f  a.d.  1822,  signed  "  Cimon/' 

I  A.D.  1823,  signed  "Fabius." 


68  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

from  the  narrow  sphere  of  the  military  profession  to  the 
broader  field  of  political  life.  Meanwhile,  he  did  not  deem  it 
beneath  him  to  woo  the  Muse  of  Poetry,  as  is  evident  from 
the  contents  of  another  manuscript  volume,  filled  with  copies 
of  verses  which,  no  doubt,  were  highly  appreciated  by  the  fair 
ladies  to  whom  most  of  them  were  addressed.  There  are 
acrostics  and  charades,  monodies  over  the  brevity  of  life,  com- 
plimentary stanzas  to  reigning  belles,  and  divers  sportive  effu- 
sions.   Among  these  I  find  one  headed  with  this  memorandum : 

"It  has  been  customary  in  Washington,  on  the  Twelfth- 
night  of  each  year,  to  crown  a  queen,  and  it  was  the  business 
of  the  king  to  address  her  majesty,  and  to  impose  her  regal 
honors  upon  her  head.  In  1822  Miss  Wirt  (the  daughter  of 
the  Attorney-general)  was  selected  for  queen,  and  I  had  the 
honor  of  being  selected  for  king.  The  following  address  was 
delivered  at  her  coronation,  in  full  assembly  of  heads  of  de- 
partments, members  of  Congress,  foreign  ministers,  etc." 

Then  follow  verses  such  as  might  have  been  expected  on 
the  occasion,  together  with  the  queen's  gracious  reply  to  the 
king's  address. 

It  touches  the  heart  to  read  these  little  poems,  now  dim  in 
the  faded  ink,  and  like  withered  leaves  from  which  the  color 
fled  long  since ;  yet  it  seems  hardly  worth  while  to  give  them 
a  new  life  in  these  pages.  Every  youth  has  his  dream-day, 
wherein  he  takes  naturally  to  rhyming,  and  seeks  to  express  in 
that  form  emotions  that  move  the  soul ;  but  the  era  passes  by, 
and  with  it,  perhaps,  might  better  perish  the  frail  memorials 
of  that  transitory  existence.  The  queen  of  the  Twelfth-night, 
and  her  king,  and  all  her  court,  are  dust ;  the  sound  of  their 
merriment  was  hushed  long  since ;  and  now,  in  turning  over 
these  little  compositions,  one  by  one,  I  lose  sight  of  the  young 
soldier,  and  see  him  as  he  was  forty-one  years  afterward,  gray 
and  weather-worn,  and  seated  in  his  quarters  at  Fortress  Mon- 
roe, overshadowed  by  the  wide  war-cloud,  thinking  of  country 
and  God,  and  translating  the  awful  Dies  Irce^  w^hen  the  night- 
watch  had  been  set,  and  his  own  night  was  far  spent. 


1821-1828.]     THE  WORLD-FAMOUS  DOCTOR  ABERNETHY.         69 

During  those  early  years  my  father  bore  the  cross  of  ill- 
health.  His  account  of  his  varied  miseries  and  trials  is  suffi- 
ciently entertaining  to  merit  preservation,  especially  as  it  re- 
lates a  characteristic  interview  with  one  of  the  most  learned 
and  eccentric  of  the  medical  profession  in  England.  I  take 
it  from  the  Wew  York  American.  It  is  headed  by  the  omi- 
nous word  "  Dyspepsia,"  and  begins  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  Editor,— The  multitude  of  counsellors  on  tliis  prevailing  infirm- 
ity, who  have  humanely  been  spreading  before  mankind  the  history  of 
their  experience,  and  laying  down  rules  for  our  physical  government, 
have  so  distracted  their  fellow-suflferers  by  a  variety,  and  even  a  contrari- 
ety, of  precept,  that  I  consider  it  no  more  than  charity  to  attempt  the 
solution  of  all  this  apparent  mystery  in  the  treatment  of  the  disease.  In 
the  first  place,  however,  let  us  take  a  peep  at  my  credentials.  I  have 
been  a  dyspeptic  since  the  year  1813,  and  a  confirmed  one  since  1820. 
The  foundations  of  my  complaint  were  laid  during  the  campaign  of 
1813,  by  a  slow  fever,  jaundice,  and  camp  disease  at  Sackett's  Harbor;  by 
bad  pork  {peste  soit  d  messieurs  les  contracteurs  !) ;  sleeping  in  swamps  and 
mud-puddles,  on  General  Wilkinson's  celebrated  movement  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  in  the  same  year ;  and  living  in  a  tent  at  French  Mills,  lati- 
tude 44°  K,  until  the  4th  of  December.  From  1818  to  1825  I  was  five 
times  salivated  for  the  liver  complaint — which  I  never  had ;  my  person 
was  subjected  by  the  first  physicians  of  the  country  to  every  variety  of 
process  which  the  healing  art  (ah,  much  abused  in  name!)  could  devise, 
and  at  the  end  of  that  time  I  was  discharged  as  incurable ;  and  a  host 
of  leechers,  cuppers,  bleeders,  and  apothecaries,  rife  with  my  spoils,  were 
turned  off  to  prey  upon  other  victims.  I  commenced  travelling ;  ex- 
hausted my  own  country  in  novelty,  from  Maine  to  Florida,  and  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Long  Island  Sound ;  traversed  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and 
luxuriated  as  well  as  a  miserable  invalid  might  amid  its  enchanting 
isles;  crossed  the  Atlantic — 'Mutatis  terris  quantum  oculis' — visited  al- 
most every  civilized  country  in  Europe,  and  finally  drew  up  in  despair 
at  the  den  of  that  medical  bear,  as  tlie  world  has  grossly  miscalled  him, 
Mr.  Abernethy,  of  Loudon.  He  received  me  with  great  civility,  heard  a 
few  words  of  my  story,  and  cut  me  short  as  follows  : 

"  '  Sir,  you  are  pretty  far  gone,  and  the  wonder  is  you  are  not  gone  en- 
tirely. If  you  had  consulted  common-sense  instead  of  the  medical  fac- 
ulty you  would  probably  have  been  well  years  ago.  I  can  say  nothing 
to  you  excepting  this:  you  must  take  regular  exercise,  as  much  as  you  can 
bear  without  fatigue ;  as  little  medicine  as  possible,  of  the  simplest  kind, 


70  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  this  only  when  absolutely  necessary;  and  a  moderate  quantity  of 
plain  food,  of  the  quality  which  you  find  by  experience  best  to  agree 
with  you.  No  man,  not  even  a  physician,  can  prescribe  diet  for  another : 
"  a  stomach  is  a  stomach ;"  and  it  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  reason  with 
safety  from  his  own  to  that  of  any  other  person.  There  are  a  few  gen- 
eral rules  which  any  man  of  common-sense  may  learn  in  a  week — such  as 
this,  that  rich  food,  high  seasoning,  etc.,  are  injurious.  I  can  say  no 
more  to  you,  sir :  you  must  go  and  cure  yourself.' 

"This  is  the  only  common-sense  I  have  heard  on  the  subject  of  dys- 
pepsia in  the  whole  course  of  my  life.  From  this  time  my  cure  com- 
mences ;  and,  if  I  meet  with  no  accident,  I  shall  probably  be  seen  some 
thirty  years  hence  enjoying  a  green  old  age  and  a  sound  digestion." 

These  Lopes  were  fulfilled ;  lie  did  live  to  a  green  old  age, 
attaining  nearly  eighty-one  years,  and  I  remember  how  often 
he  spoke  of  Abernethy,  in  what  veneration  he  held  him,  and 
with  what  zest  he  would  tell  of  the  interview  which  he  thus 
described. 

Still,  the  torment  of  a  subtle  disease  gave  him  much  annoy- 
ance, and  even  at  one  time  threatened  his  hopes  of  success  in 
the  life  of  a  civilian.  In  the  year  1825  he  appears  to  have 
decided  to  remain  in  the  army.  lie  writes  to  a  friend  as 
follows : 

"  My  physician  has  been  very  frank  with  me  in  relation  to  my  health, 
and  has  extended  his  view  to  my  future  course  of  life  as  connected  with 
it.  I  was  in  some  measure  prepared  for  what  he  said  by  the  opinion  of 
Dr.  Bell,  who,  in  passing  through  Philadelphia,  had  used  the  same  free- 
dom with  me.  The  conviction,  however,  which  my  mind  has  yielded  to 
their  opinions  is  not  the  less  distressing  to  my  feelings,  nor  has  it  been 
conceded  but  upon  a  course  of  independent  reflections  of  my  own.  In 
one  word,  they  have  both  expressed  the  opinion  that  I  cannot  expect  to 
regain  my  health  with  sedentary  habits,  and  that  I  must  give  up  for  a 
time,  if  not  forever,  my  new  professional  pursuits.  Dr.  Bell  went  so  far 
as  to  say  that  to  return  to  my  office  would  be  taking  a  direct  and  certain 
road  to  my  grave,  and  that  I  could  not  expect  to  enjoy  my  health,  if  I 
should  once  regain  it,  in  a  city,  with  the  regular  application  of  law  pur- 
suits. It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  the  necessity  of  abandoning  the  ob- 
jects to  which  I  have  devoted  all  my  efforts  and  thoughts  for  the  last 
six  years-  gave  a  severe  shock  to  my  feelings.  I  cannot,  however,  con- 
tend against  what  is  inevitable,  and  I  have  done  what  I  could  to  recon- 


1821-1828.]  A  MEMORABLE  INTERVIEW.  Yl 

cile  myself  to  my  fate.  ...  I  of  course  need  not  say  that,  in  abandoning 
my  new  profession,  I  again  become  dependent  on  my  commission,  which 
is  that  of  Captain  of  Artiller3\  My  regiment  is  to  be  stationed  in  New 
England  in  the  spring,  so  that  I  shall  be  in  some  city  in  my  native  sec- 
tion of  the  country  and  the  neighborhood  of  my  friends.  .  .  .  For  myself 
I  cannot  be  idle,  and  I  must  seek  in  the  army  that  preferment  for  which 
my  health  has  forbidden  me  to  hope  in  another  profession.  Perhaps  I 
could  not  be  better  provided  with  facilities  for  re-establishing  my  health 
than  by  my  New  England  destination;  but  I  have  now  an  unlimited 
furlough  for  its  recovery." 

The  cause  of  the  despondency  betrayed  in  this  letter  was 
ultimately  removed.  It  was  after  this  that  he  fell  in  with  his 
medical  "  guide,  philosopher,  and  friend,"  in  London ;  and  an 
improvement  in  health  encouraged  him  to  take  the  long-med- 
itated step  and  retire  from  the  army. 

There  was  another  desire  in  his  heart,  to  which  it  is  next  in 
order  to  refer.  I  read  with  tenderness  the  idyl  of  my  father's 
youth  ;  it  became  the  life-poem  of  his  fifty-three  years  of  man- 
hood and  old  age,  for  the  vision  never  faded  away.  It  began 
when  he  was  on  the  staff  of  General  Brown.  His  relations 
with  that  distinguished  officer  were  not  merely  those  of  an 
aide-de-camp,  but  also  of  an  intimate  and  confidential  friend ; 
in  the  general's  house  he  was  as  one  of  the  family.  It  so 
happened  that,  in  the  year  1822,  a  daughter  of  the  general's 
was  in  IS'ew  York,  at  a  celebrated  school  of  the  period  kept 
by  Mademoiselle  Desabeye,  afterward  known  as  Madame 
Chegaraye.  The  major,  having  been  sent  one  day  by  his 
chief  with  a  message  to  his  daughter,  saw  while  there,  in  the 
school  parlor,  a  young  lady  who  was  receiving  the  visit  of  a 
friend.  My  father  always  gallantly  insisted  that  it  was  one 
of  those  cases  in  which  the  first  sight  decides  the  future,  and 
that  he  made  a  resolve  at  that  moment  which,  some  years 
later,  he  was  so  happy  as  to  be  able  to  fulfil.  The  name  of 
this  young  gentlewoman  was  Catharine  Morgan ;  she  was  the 
adopted  daughter  of  John  J.  Morgan,  then  a  Member  of  Con- 
gress from  the  State  of  IS^ew  York,  and  at  that  time  absent  at 
Washington.     I  must  pause  in  this  narration  and  say  a  few 


72  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

words  about  a  man  to  whom  my  father  was  so  greatly  in- 
debted. 

John  Jordan  Morgan  was  born  in  the  city  of  !N"ew  York 
in  the  year  1768.  He  was  a  Welshman  by  descent ;  the  fam- 
ily were  loyalists  before  the  Eevolution,  and  destined  him  for 
the  Eoyal  Navy;  but  under  the  new  order  of  things  their 
prospects  changed,  and  they  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  Ee- 
public.  He  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife,  Catharine 
Warne  by  name,  a  woman  of  great  beauty  and  loveliness 
of  character,  was  a  niece  of  Colonel  Marinus  Willett.  She 
died  three  years  after  their  marriage.  A  child,  aged  four 
months,  had  preceded  her.  The  shock  of  these  successive 
afflictions  was  so  great  that  Mr.  Morgan's  health,  not  strong 
before,  gave  way,  and  he  was  sent  abroad  for  a  change  of 
climate  and  scene.  In  Lisbon  the  pulmonary  disorder,  which 
had  threatened  to  end  in  early  death,  was  arrested;  and, 
after  some  time  spent  in  travel,  he  turned  his  face  home- 
ward, restored  to  health.  He  sailed  from  Penzance  in  a 
packet -ship  bound  for  ]^ew  York.  Among  his  travelling 
companions  were  the  family  of  Mr.  Eobert  Baldwin,  for- 
merly Mayor  of  Cork,  who  was  going  out  to  seek  a  home  in 
the  IS'ew  World.  Some  two  or  three  years  afterward  he  mar- 
ried one  of  the  daughters,  Eliza  Baldwin.  The  Baldwin  fam- 
ily settled  in  Canada,  where,  by  their  talents  and  abilities,  and 
by  fortunate  intermarriages,  they  became  wealthy,  prosperous, 
and  influential.*     Some  time  after  his  second  marriage  Mr. 

*  The  party  who  sailed  from  Penzance  for  a  home  in  the  Western 
world  consisted  of  Robert  Baldwin,  his  sons  William  Warren  Baldwin 
and  John  Spread  Baldwin,  and  his  daughters  Eliza  (afterward  Mrs.  Mor- 
gan), Alice,  Anna  Maria,  who  died  unmarried,  and  Mary  Warren,  after- 
ward Mrs.  Breakenridge.  Augustus  Warren  Baldwin,  another  son,  was 
not  with  his  father  at  that  time,  being  in  the  Royal  Navy;  the  eldest 
daughter,  Barbara,  came  out  afterward.  The  Baldwin  family  became 
distinguished  in  Canada,  and  were  notable  for  integrity,  industry,  and 
intelligence.  Dr.  William  W.  Baldwin  was  both  a  lawyer  and  a  physi- 
cian, and  of  high  standing  in  each  profession.     His  son  Robert  was 


1821-1828.]     "A   GENTLEMAN  OF  THE  OLD  SCHOOLS  73 

Morgan  adopted  the  little  daughter  of  his  first  wife's  brother, 
whose  mother  also  was  dead.  The  child  had  been  christened 
Catharine  Morgan,  and  on  her  adoption  that  became  her  full 
name. 

Some  are  yet  living  who  remember  Mr.  Morgan  as  he  was 
in  the  maturity  of  his  powers.  The  image  thus  retained  is 
that  of  one  who  merited  the  somewhat  w^orn  but  just  descrip- 
tion of  "  a  gentleman  of  the  old  school ;"  no  other  phrase  ex- 
presses what  he  was.  Highly  educated  and  accomplished, 
a  good  Latin  scholar,  writing  and  speaking  the  French  lan- 
guage fluently,  and  having  the  manners  of  a  day  that  has 
passed,  he  adorned  the  society  in  which  he  moved.  He  served 
the  State  as  a  Member  of  Assembly,  and  the  country  in  Con- 
gress, and  was  at  one  time  Collector  of  the  Port  of  I^ew 
York.  While  still  a  young  man  he  made  an  investment  in 
lands  in  Madison,  Herkimer,  and  Chenango  counties,  in  this 
State,  and  for  more  than  fifty  years  he  never  failed  to  spend 
the  summer  at  a  farm  in  Brookfield,  some  twenty-four  miles 
south  of  Utica,  where  he  indulged  the  tastes  of  an  ardent  dis- 
ciple of  Izaak  Walton  and  a  lover  of  country  life.  The  lands 
w^ere  purchased  by  him,  under  patent,  from  the  State.  He 
was  fond  of  saying  that  he  was  the  first  white  man  who  ever 
owned  them.  When  he  went  there,  with  his  family,  to  take 
possession  they  had  to  find  their  way  through  the  woods  by 
the  blaze-marks  on  the  trees,  and  were  supplied  with  fish  and 


among  the  most  prominent  men  of  his  time  in  Canada,  being  a  member 
of  Lord  Elgin's  Cabinet,  and  more  than  once  Premier.  Augustus  W. 
Baldwin  was  Admiral  of  the  Blue  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  a  perfect 
specimen  of  the  old  British  officer.  John  Baldwin  made  a  fortune  in 
business,  and  left  a  large  family.  Three  of  his  sons  took  holy  orders : 
the  Rev.  Edmund  Baldwin  was  connected  with  St.  James's  Cathedral, 
Toronto ;  Maurice  Baldwin  is  now  Dean  of  Montreal ;  and  Arthur 
Baldwin  is  Rector  of  a  vigorous  parish  in  Toronto.  It  may  be  said  of 
the  original  family  and  its  descendants  that  they  were  of  an  upright, 
honorable,  clever  stock,  not  slothful  in  business,  and  distinguished  for 
their  earnest  relijjious  character  and  firm  faith. 


74  MEMOIES  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

game  by  Indians,  who  still  roamed  tlie  forest.  Mr.  Morgan 
was  one  of  those  men  who,  in  principle  intensely  democratic, 
are  personally  as  intense  aristocrats.  He  deemed  republican- 
ism the  best  form  of  government,  but  for  his  house  and  social 
relations  he  had  another  code.  There  is  a  line  which  men  are 
compelled  to  draw  who,  whatever  their  political  opinions, 
would  maintain  their  personal  dignity  and  self-respect,  and 
he  drew  it  with  rigor  and  precision.  Such  was  the  man 
who  became,  in  time,  the  young  officer's  father-in-law,  and 
remained  through  life  his  devoted  friend. 

It  may  have  been  a  year  after  the  accidental  interview 
which  I  have  described  when  Major  Dix  met  Miss  Morgan 
in  "Washington.  Her  father,  unwilling  to  leave  her  behind 
him  again,  took  her  to  the  capital  at  the  next  session  of  Con- 
gress. Mrs.  Morgan,  when  calling  one  day  on  a  lady  whose 
cards  were  out  for  a  ball,  was  asked  to  bring  her  daughter 
with  her.  She  declined,  on  the  ground  that  she  was  too 
young  to  go  into  society,  and  added,  "  She  will  be  just  fifteen 
years  old  the  day  of  your  ball."  "  That,"  replied  her  friend, 
"  is  the  more  reason  why  she  should  come :  make  it  her  birth- 
day y<^^^."  Consent  was  given;  the  young  girl  went  to  that 
ball  and,  after  that,  to  every  one  of  the  season.  The  circum- 
stances were  propitious  to  the  success  of  a  suit,  which  Major 
Dix  soon  afterward  began  to  press ;  and  the  result  was  an  en- 
gagement, which,  after  the  lapse  of  two  or  three  years,  was 
happily  terminated  by  their  marriage. 

Mr.  Morgan  took  a  warm  interest  in  the  prospects  of  his 
future  son-in-law.  He  encouraged  his  wish  to  leave  the  army 
and  pursue  the  profession  of  the  law,  foreseeing  that,  in  time, 
he  would  be  called  to  the  higher  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  the  statesman.  The  fates,  however,  appeared  unpropitious, 
and,  in  consequence  of  continued  ill  -  health,  he  became  de- 
spondent on  the  subject  of  the  desired  change.  The  pros- 
pect of  a  brilliant  career  seemed  likely  to  fade  out  altogeth- 
er ;  and  this  was  the  more  trying,  because  personal  influences 
had  been  at  work  by  which  the  door  to  civic  honors  would 


1821-1828.]     THE   WEDDED  PAIR  SAIL  FOB  ENGLAND.  75 

have  been  opened  tlie  moment  lie  should  have  laid  the  sword 
aside.  A  year  before  his  marriage  he  had  made  up  his  mind 
that  he  must  remain  in  the  army,  and  that  he  could  offer  to 
the  woman  of  his  choice  nothing  better  than  the  uncertain- 
ties and  trials  which  environ  the  lot  of  a  soldier's  wife. 

In  the  year  1826  a  convention  w^as  concluded  at  Washing- 
ton between  the  United  States  and  the  Kingdom  of  Den- 
mark, and  a  special  messenger  was  to  be  sent  to  Copenhagen, 
charged  w^ith  delivering  that  treaty  to  our  representative  in 
that  country.  The  President  instructed  Mr.  Clay  to  offer 
that  service  to  Major  Dix,  and  to  require  his  departure  on  his 
mission  with  as  little  delay  as  practicable.  The  letter  is 
dated  May  10,  the  copy  of  instructions  May  17.  On  the  29th 
of  that  month  the  marriage  of  John  A.  Dix  and  Catharine 
Morgan  took  place,  at  St.  John's  Chapel,  in  the  parish  of 
Trinity  Church,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  the  Eev.  Benjamin 
T.  Onderdonk,  an  assistant  minister  of  the  parish,  officiating. 
Immediately  after  the  wadding  they  embarked  for  England 
in  the  packet-ship  William  Thomjpson,  Captain  Bowne,  and 
arrived  at  Liverpool  on  the  29th  of  June.  A  fortnight  was 
pleasantly  passed  in  England,  during  which  they  visited  Ches- 
ter and  the  Yale  of  Llangollen,  Lichfield,  Kenilworth,  War- 
wick, and  Stratford-on-Avon,  Oxford,  and  London.  Thence, 
on  the  15th  of  July,  they  set  sail  for  Hamburg,  on  the  way  to 
Copenhagen.  I  have  before  me  a  journal  of  their  tour,  full 
of  entertaining  sketches  of  persons  and  places,  from  which  I 
shall  make  a  few  extracts,  by  way  of  a  specimen  of  their  ad- 
ventures. 

From  Hamburg  they  posted  to  Kiel,  crossing  what  was  then 
the  Danish  province  of  Holstein,  and  were  not  a  little  em- 
barrassed by  the  fact  that  no  one  could  speak  any  language 
which  they  understood,  in  consequence  of  which  they  were 
"under  the  necessity  of  exercising  a  system  of  pantomime 
whenever  they  had  any  want  to  satisfy."  On  that  painful 
progress,  says  the  writer  in  the  journal,  "  we  were  more  than 
once  compelled  to  gnaw  our  fingers  for  half  an  hour  before 


76  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

we  could  make  them  comprehend  that  we  wanted  something 
to  eat,  and  as  to  any  details  they  were  altogether  hopeless. 
"Whenever  a  gleam  of  intelligence  shot  across  their  features 
in  the  course  of  the  dumb -show  we  were  carrying  on,  the 
exclamation  always  was,  '  Blotter  und  hrod,  yaw  P  and  bread 
and  butter  was  all  that  we  could  get.  By  the  middle  of  the 
second  day  we  were  almost  reduced  to  desperation  for  the 
want  of  meat,  and  we  looked  al*ound  in  vain  for  something 
which  would  convey  the  idea  of  animal  food.  ]N^ot  a  fowl,  a 
pig,  or  a  sheep  was  to  be  seen  in  the  yard ;  we  even  glanced 
about  for  a  kitten  or  a  puppy,  but  our  researches  were  in  vain, 
and  we  were  finally  compelled  to  dine  on  '  hiitter  und  hrod^ 
as  we  had  breakfasted  that  morning  and  supped  the  night 
before." 

From  Kiel  they  crossed  to  Copenhagen.  Official  duties 
having  been  performed,  some  time  was  spent  in  visiting 
places  of  interest  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  There  is  a 
graphic  account  of  their  attempt  to  effect  an  entrance  into 
the  palace  of  Fredericsborg : 

"  On  the  27th,  immediately  after  breakfast,  we  disposed  our- 
selves for  an  inspection  of  the  interior  of  the  palace,  and  after 
passing  through  the  gates  we  looked  around  for  some  one  to 
direct  us.  The  first  animate  object  was  a  boy,  of  a  sort  of 
Flibbertigibbet  air  and  manner,  drawing  rain-water  from  a 
barrel,  which  he  w^as  watching  with  the  strictest  vigilance  in 
order  to  put  the  tap  in  at  the  very  nick  of  time — when  the 
liquid  should  reach  the  brim  of  the  receiving  vessel.  "We 
asked  him  in  English  where  we  could  find  the  keeper  of  the 
palace,  and  were  probably  just  as  well  understood  as  we 
should  have  been  if  we  had  addressed  him  in  Hebrew  or 
Chaldaic.  He  answered  in  Danish,  which  was  about  as  intel- 
ligible to  us  as  any  of  the  languages  spoken  at  Babel  at  the 
time  of  the  confusion ;  but  in  both  these  operations  he  kept 
his  eyes  riveted  steadfastly  upon  the  water-cask.  In  this 
hopeless  condition  of  our  department  of  intelligence  we  con- 
cluded to  wait  patiently  until  the  boy's  eyes  were  somewhat 


1821-1828.]  FEOM  DENMARK  TO  SWEDEN.  77 

relieved  of  the  urgency  of  their  present  occupation.  We  did 
not  wait  long,  and  after  divers  attempts  to  light  up  his  feat- 
ures by  the  force  of  signs  with  a  ray  of  comprehension,  we 
set  off  for  a  building  across  the  court  to  which  he  motioned 
us.  At  this  building  w^e  were  motioned  to  another,  on  the 
opposite  side,  where  we  were  again  motioned  to  another.  But 
at  this  last  w^e  found  immediately  that  we  were  upon  the  right 
scent ;  for,  on  repeating  to  a  female  at  the  door  the  motions 
we  had  made  to  the  boy,  she  pointed  to  the  stairs,  up  which 
w^e  ascended  without  hesitancy.  After  knocking  a  long  time 
another  female  showed  herself,  in  slippers  down  at  the  heel,  a 
flannel  night-dress  wrapped  round  her,  and  her  hair  put  up  in 
papers  in  the  best  modern  taste.  She  looked  so  French  in 
every  respect  that  we  could  not  refrain  from  addressing  her 
in  that  language ;  and,  to  our  unspeakable  joy,  she  replied  to 
us,  with  one  of  those  half-hackneyed  and  half-natural  smiles 
which  none  but  a  Frenchwoman  can  manage  with  effect. 
Under  her  direction,  attended  by  the  keeper,  who  lodged  in 
an  adjacent  apartment,  we  at  last  commenced  an  examina- 
tion of  the  palace." 

From  Denmark  they  went  over  into  Sweden,  and  spent 
some  days  at  a  watering-place  called  Eamlosa.  Travelling  in 
that  country  at  that  time  was  attended  with  difficulties  now, 
happily,  unknown.  They  had  their  own  carriage,  but  were 
dependent  for  horses  on  a  crude  post  -  service,  the  farmers 
throughout  the  country  being  required  by  law  to  provide 
those  animals  for  the  use  of  travellers,  together  with  a  wagon 
and  driver  for  persons  who  needed  them.  If  the  tourist  had 
his  own  carriage,  but  no  coachman,  the  farmer  drove ;  but 
where  there  w^ere  both  carriage  and  coachman,  the  farmer 
who  furnished  the  horses  mounted  the  box  with  the  coach- 
man, surrendering  the  reins,  and  only  assisting  in  whipping 
the  horses.     This  aid,  it  would  appear,  was  invaluable. 

"  Sometimes  we  had  horses  which  were  able-bodied  enough, 
but  so  invincibly  lazy  that  they  required  a  constant  applica- 
tion of  the  lash,  like  machines  that  stop  the  instant  the  impel- 


78  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ling  force  is  withdrawn ;  and  on  these  occasions  we  found  an 
incalculable  advantage  in  having  a  coachman  who  could  whip 
one  horse  while  the  farmer  was  whipping  the  other.  Our 
equipage  was  not  like  that  of  Iludibras,  who,  by  putting  one 
side  of  his  steed  in  motion,  was  sure  the  other  would  follow : 
we  had,  unluckily,  two  distinct  wills  to  influence,  and  they 
had  not  even  the  advantage  of  inanimate  bodies  in  a  momen- 
tum, by  which  the  movement  is^  kept  up  for  a  while  after  the 
propelling  power  ceases ;  but  the  instant  the  lash  was  removed 
from  the  back  of  either  animal  he  became  as  motionless  as  a 
statue.  This  perversity  in  our  cattle  was  a  source  of  no  little 
embarrassment  to  us  for  a  while  ;  but  by  the  ingenious  device 
of  two  whips  in  constant  operation — a  contrivance  for  which 
we  were  indebted  to  the  joint  deliberations  of  the  Swedish 
farmer  and  our  Swedish  coachman — we  managed  to  keep  the 
backs  of  both  perpetually  exercised,  and  by  this  means  the 
regular  rate  of  progression  was  maintained." 

Here  is  a  pretty  description  of  a  scene  on  the  shore  of  the 
Sound : 

"  From  the  height  you  look  down  upon  the  Sound,  but  two 
miles  distant,  and  always  whitened  with  the  canvas  of  i:)assing 
ships.  Beyond  it  lies  in  full  view  the  opposite  coast  of  Den- 
mark, but  four  miles  from  the  Swedish  shore,  covered  w^ith 
farm-houses  and  windmills,  and  more  strongly  marked  in  the 
spires  and  castellated  turrets  of  Elsinore,  where  every  trad- 
ing vessel  to  and  from  the  Baltic  is  compelled  to  stop  and  pay 
tribute.  Lower  down  lies  the  island  of  AYen,  where  Tycho 
Brahe  resided,  and  held  his  nightly  consultations  with  the 
heavens ;  and  in  the  opposite  direction  you  catch  a  glimpse 
of  the  little  Swedish  town  of  Helsingborg,  overlooked  by  a 
huge  quadrangular  tower,  which  is  fast  mouldering  into  ruin, 
upon  a  neighboring  height." 

Returning  to  Copenhagen,  they  proceeded  by  steamer  to  Lu- 
beck,  and  so  back  to  Hamburg.  A  brief  tour  through  Holland 
ended  the  Continental  expedition,  and,  embarking  soon  after 
from  an  English  port,  they  returned  to  the  United  States. 


1821-1828.]         DISCOMFORTS  OF  GARRISON  LIFE.  79 

That  autumn  Major  Dix  was  ordered  to  Fortress  Monroe. 
The  following  winter  was  spent  at  that  station.  His  young 
wife's  experience  of  domestic  life  in  a  garrison  was  equally 
novel  and  disagreeable.  To  some  of  their  trials  she  thus 
alludes  in  a  letter  home : 

"  Old  Point  Comfort,  December  21, 1826. 

"  My  dear  Father  and  Mother, — To-morrow  will  be  a  week  since 
we  arrived  here,  and  during  that  time  we  have  not  heard  from  you,  and 
there  is  no  hope  of  getting  a  letter  to-day,  for  the  Norfolk  steamboat  has 
brought  us  nothing.  We  are  expecting  our  furniture  very  anxiously,  and 
the  moment  it  comes  we  shall  take  possession  of  our  two  rooms,  without 
waiting  for  a  carpet.  We  should  build  a  kitchen,  if  we  considered  our- 
selves established  here  for  any  length  of  time.  We  have  two  very  hand- 
some rooms,  with  marble  mantel-pieces  and  folding-doors;  but  not  a 
store-room,  nor  a  closet,  nor  a  pantry  is  to  be  found  on  our  premises. 
We  are  going  to  have  pine  cupboards  made,  and  our  dinner-table  can  be 
supplied  with  meat  from  the  mess-room.  I  have  seen  nothing  here  that 
deserves  the  name  of  a  vegetable.  It  is  the  poorest  place,  I  believe,  on 
the  whole  face  of  the  earth.  The  worst  part  of  Sweden  is  a  garden  com- 
pared with  it.  I  give  you  my  word  there  is  not  an  eatable  thing  to  be 
procured  here  but  oysters  and  fish.  They  send  to  Norfolk,  and  Wash- 
ington even,  for  the  commonest  articles  of  food,  and  have  to  pay  high 
for  them;  and  then  such  servants — all  black;  and  so  careless  and  im- 
provident !  The  other  day  I  had  been  asking  repeatedly  for  wood,  and 
was  getting  almost  out  of  patience,  when  our  maid  came  and  said  to  me 
that  if  I  could  wait  a  few  moments  longer  Rippon  would  saw  some.  This 
is  always  the  case  in  Virginia,  they  tell  me.  Foresight " — [here  the  let- 
ter is  continued  in  my  father's  handwriting] — "I  suppose  Catharine 
meant  to  say,  is  a  thing  altogether  unknown  in  the  domestic  economy 
of  Virginia.  And  as  she  has  been  called  off  to  attend  to  some  engage- 
ment, I  have  taken  upon  myself  to  finish  her  letter. 

"  Since  the  first  moment  of  my  arrival  here  I  have  been  incessantly  oc- 
cupied— on  drill,  on  parade,  on  guard,  on  court-martial,  on  inspection, 
on  review ;  and  busied  with  a  thousand  other  modes  of  duty,  which 
scarcely  give  me  time  to  think.  ...  I  am  no  more  strongly  enamored 
than  I  was  before  I  came  here  of  my  profession,  although  the  duties  are 
not  very  disagreeable ;  but  everything  like  a  systematic  application  of 
the  mind  to  any  purpose  of  improvement  is  out  of  the  question.  One  is 
no  sooner  in  the  midst  of  a  reverie  on  some  interesting  or  important 
matter,  than  a  fellow  comes  in  to  break  off"  the  chain  of  thought  with — 


80  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

'  Captain,  the  sergeant  won't  let  me  have  my  rations  of  whiskey ;'  or, 

'  Captain,  Private  Such-a-one  has  got  drunk  and  lost  his  musket.' 

"Catharine  endures  her  separation  from  you  with  much  firmness, 

though  she  feels  the  whole  extent  of  the  loss.    We  both  hope  for  better 

times,  when  we  shall  all  be  united.     I  will  write  again  in  a  day  or  two, 

and  in  the  mean  time  am  ever  most  affectionately  yours, 

"  J.  A.  Dix. 

"The  New  Hampshire  delegation  have  unanimously  recommended  me 

to  the  President  for  the  appointment  I  had  in  view.    I  received  a  day  or 

two  ago  a  copy  of  the  paper  addressed  to  him."* 

A  letter  from  General  Brown  to  Mr.  Morgan  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  shows  the  esteem  in  which  my  father  was  held 
in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States : 

♦'  Head-quarters,  Washington,  January  15, 1827. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Yours  of  the  12th  this  moment  came  to  hand ;  and 
I  have  to  say,  and  with  much  pleasure,  that  I  have  heard  often  from 
Captain  Dix  and  your  daughter,  and  always  to  my  satisfaction.  Your 
son  is  gaining  an  army  character  of  great  value.  Mrs.  Yinton  had  a  let- 
ter from  Captain  Dix  a  day  or  two  since ;  all  well. 

"  Mrs.  Brown  and  Mary  will  thank  me  for  remembering  them,  with 
friendly  regard,  to  you  and  Mrs.  Morgan. 

"  I  am  yours  truly,  Jac.  Brown. 

"John  J.  Mohgan,  Esq." 

In  consequence  of  continued  ill-health,  and  on  a  strong  rec- 
ommendation from  the  post  surgeon,  Major  Dix  was  relieved 
from  duty  at  Fortress  Monroe  early  in  the  summer  of  1827 

*  The  paper  referred  to  in  the  postscript  is  as  follows : 

"  To  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

"If  it  be  contemplated  to  appoint  a  ChargC  d'Affaires  to  reside  at 
Stockholm  or  Naples,  the  undersigned  beg  leave  to  express  their  con- 
fidence in  the  integrity  and  talents  of  Mr.  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  their  wish  for  his  appointment,  should  the  public  interest 
justify  the  same.  "  Signed,  Thomas  Whipple,  Jr., 

Jonathan  Harvey, 
Joseph  Healley, 

ICHABOD   BaRTLETT, 

Nehemiah  Eastman, 
Titus  Brown." 


1821-1828.]    EESIGNATION  OF  CAPTAIN'S  COMMISSION.  81 

and  sent  to  ISTew  York.  Time  passed  on,  and  liis  dissatisfaction 
with  the  duties  of  his  profession,  dull  and  spiritless  in  time 
of  peace,  increased  ;  until  the  wish  to  leave  the  army  revived 
with  added  strength.  In  this  desire  he  was  seconded  by  his 
wife,  while  her  father,  Mr.  Morgan,  not  only  encouraged 
him  in  his  projects  but  offered  assistance,  without  which  it 
would,  perhaps,  have  been  impossible  to  take  the  contemplated 
step.  Besides  the  estate  in  Madison,  Herkimer,  and  Chenango 
Counties,  Mr.  Morgan  also  owned  lands  in  Otsego  County,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  beautiful  village  of  Cooperstown. 
For  the  care  of  these  he  needed  an  agent.  The  position  was 
offered  to  his  son-in-law,  on  condition  that  he  should  leave 
the  mihtary  service,  -^x  his  residence  in  that  region,  and  com- 
mence the  practice  of  the  law.  JS'othing  could  have  accorded 
better  with  his  inclinations,  especially  as  he  disliked  towns, 
and  had  a  strong  relish  for  a  country  life.  The  following 
documents  give  the  conclusion  to  this  period  of  the  history  : 

"West  Point,  July  29, 1828. 
"Sir,— I  have  the  honor  to  resign  my  commission  as  Captain  of  the 
Third  Regiment  of  Artillery.  After  sixteen  years'  service  in  the  army,  in 
which  I  have  lost  my  health,  I  trust  it  will  not  be  deemed  too  much  if  I 
ask  that  my  resignation  may  be  accepted  on  the  1st  of  July  or  August, 
1829,  and  that  I  be  in  the  mean  time  permitted  to  remain  on  furlough. 
I  could  not  in  less  time  make  my  arrangements  for  engaging  in  another 
profession.  I  should  have  gone  to  Providence  on  the  recruiting  service 
for  a  few  months,  but  I  thought  it  would  but  occasion  inconvenience  to 
the  Government,  if  I  were  to  go  there  and  resign  almost  as  soon  as  the 
establishment  was  formed.  This  consideration  only  has  induced  me  to 
send  in  my  resignation  at  this  time  instead  of  a  later  day ;  particularly 
as  the  place  which  I  have  purchased  is  now  under  a  lease,  so  that  I  can- 
not get  possession  of  it  for  several  months.  I  mention  all  these  circum- 
stances, although  I  indulge  the  hope  that  the  consideration  of  my  long 
service  and  enfeebled  health  will  alone  insure  the  indulgence  I  ask— the 
last  it  will  be  in  my  power  to  ask  of  my  military  superiors. 
"  I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Major-general  Macomb." 

I.— 6 


82  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

"Adjutant-general's  Oflace,  Washington,  August  6, 182S. 
"  Order  No.  41. 

"  The  resignation  of  Captain  J.  A.  Dix,  of  the  Third  Regiment  of  Artil- 
lery, has  been  accepted  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  take 
effect  the  31st  of  December  next. 

"By  Order.  R.  Jones,  Adjutant-general." 

"Adjutant-general's  Office,  Washington,  August  7, 1828. 
^^  Special  Order  No.  86. 

"  Captain  Dix,  of  the  Third  Artillery,  has  authority  to  be  absent  on 
furlough  until  the  31st  of  December  next,  when  his  resignation  will 
take  effect,  as  announced  in  '  Order '  No.  41. 

"By  order  of  Major-general  Macomb. 

"  R.  Jones,  Adjutant-general." 

And  thus  my  father's  connection  with  the  army  was  sev- 
ered— not  to  be  resumed  till  the  year  1861,  and  in  the  most 
trying  days  of  the  history  of  the  Eepublic. 


III. 

COOPERSTOWN. 

RURAL    LIFE.-THE    LAW.-PRELUDE    TO    POLITICAL 

CAREER. 

A.D.    1828-1830. 


Cooperstown. — "  Apple  Hill." — Long  Winters. — House-keeping. — OflFer 
of  a  Foreign  Appointment.  —  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse.  — First  Effort  at 
Speaking  without  Notes. — Village  Excitements ;  Eeligious  Kevivals. — 
Quiet  Years  Formative  of  the  Future. — Political  History  of  New  York. 
— Review  of  the  History  of  Parties  in  the  United  States.— Federalists. 
— Administration  of  John  Adams. — Democratic  Triumph  under  Jeffer- 
son.—The  Hartford  Convention.— De  Witt  Clinton.— The  Bucktails. — 
Convention  of  1821 ;  State  Constitution  Revised. — Colonel  Haines. — 
Major  M.  M.  Noah. — General  Brown's  Relations  to  President  Adams 
and  Governor  Clinton. — Anti-Masonic  Excitement. — Disappearance  of 
William  Morgan. — General  Jackson's  Administration. — Views  of  John 
Adams  Dix  on  Anti  -  Masonry.  —  Slavery;  African  Colonization. — 
Speeches  on  Negro  Emancipation. — Opposition  to  Abolitionism. — In 
1830  appointed  Adjutant-general  of  the  State  of  New  York. — Fare- 
well to  Otsego. 


1828-1830.]       INSENSIBLE  TO  NATURE'S  CHABMS. 


85 


III. 

The  place  at  Cooperstown  referred  to  in  the  letter  of  res- 
ignation was  purchased  by  Mr.  Morgan  for  his  son  and  daugh- 
ter in  the  year  1828.    They  took  possession  of  their  new  home 
late  in  the  autumn,  and  spent  the  following  winter  there.    The 
village  of  Cooperstown,  first  settled  by  Judge  William  Coop- 
er, A.D.  1790,  and  famous  as  the  birthplace  of  James  Fenimore 
Cooper,  our  immortal  novelist,  is   situated   at  the  southern 
end  of  Otsego  Lake,  a  lovely  sheet  of  water,  ten  miles  in 
length,  in  which  the  Susquehanna  Eiver  takes  its  rise.     My 
father's  residence  was  known  as  "  Apple  Hill."     It  was  on  an 
eminence  which  commands  a  full  view  of  the  lake ;  and  just 
below  the  bank  the  Susquehanna  pursued  a  winding  course 
beneath  the  willow-trees.     The  house  was  a  large,  old-fash- 
ioned structure,  without  pretension  to  architectural  effect,  but 
homely  and  spacious ;  an  avenue  of  great  trees  led  to  it  from 
the  village  street;  my  father's  modest  law -office  was  also 
within  the  enclosure.     He  took  delight  in  the  scenery,  and 
particularly  in  the  view  of  the  lake  from  the  veranda.     Once, 
when  a  guest  had  arrived  late  in  the  evening,  he  prepared  an 
agreeable  surprise.     Leading  him  forth  in  the  morning,  with- 
out a  word  of  introduction,  he  suddenly  showed  him  the  pros- 
pect, and  stood  awaiting  the  exclamations  of  delight  which 
ought  to  have  followed.      But  the  imperturbable  traveller, 
casting  an  indifferent  glance  about,  merely  observed,  "  Why, 
I  see  you  have  got  quite  a  pond  here^     I  have  heard  my 
father  tell  the  story  and  descant  on  his  intense  humiliation 
and  disgust.     Such  persons  as  these  are  painful  social  trials. 
It  is  related  of  a  member  of  the  fraternity,  who  was  encoun- 
tered in  Lombardy,  on  his  way  South,  and  asked  whether  he 


86  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

had  come  across  the  Alps,  that  he  replied,  "  Well,  I  guess  we 
did  come  over  risin^  groundP 

The  winters  were  terrible  for  their  length,  and  for  the 
weary  hiding  of  the  earth  under  the  snow ;  not  so  hard,  how- 
ever, as  those  in  his  native  New  England,  where  sometimes 
the  ground  would  crack  open  with  a  loud  report  under  the 
effect  of  the  frost.  There  was  one  long,  long  winter,  when, 
from  I^ovember  until  April,  they  never  once  saw  the  ground ; 
and  my  mother  knelt  down  and  kissed  the  first  bright  blade 
of  grass  in  the  spring.* 

I  have  old  letters,  good  store,  which  passed  between  Apple 
Hill  and  I^o.  14  Bond  Street,  the  country  and  the  town  homes. 
They  tell  of  the  changes  of  the  seasons,  the  hard  winters,  the 
hopeful  spring-tides,  and  the  mellow  autumn  days.  In  the 
summer  all  were  together.  My  father  threw  himself  with  his 
characteristic  ardor  into  the  pursuits  of  rural  life,  declining 
no  responsibility  of  a  householder.  \Yriting  to  his  wife,  in 
JS'ew  York,  on  the  30th  of  April,  1829,  he  says : 

"  It  will  be  three  weeks  since  we  parted,  and  I  verily  be- 
lieve it  is  the  longest  period  of  bachelorhood  I  have  known 
these  three  years.  At  all  events  it  has  been  a  most  dreadfully 
solitary  and  gloomy  one.  We  are  very  busy ;  but,  unluckily, 
our  minds  are  not  as  attentive  as  our  hands  to  the  matters  in 
operation.  Mine  is  constantly  stealing  over  the  Yision,f 
thence  to  the  Hudson ;  and  down  its  waters,  you  know,  the 
transition  is  an  easy  one  to  the  city  and  Bond  Street.     To- 

*  Referring  to  those  New  England  winters,  my  father  told  me  how, 
when  a  little  fellow,  he  came  back  to  his  mother,  who  had  seen  him  off 
to  school,  and  solemnly  told  her  that  there  was  a  crack  in  the  ground 
too  wide  for  him  to  cross.  He  was  an  imaginative  child — one  of  those 
whose  fancy  evolves  wonders  from  its  laboratory.  He  would  gravely  tell 
of  things  which  could  not  have  taken  place — of  having  beheld  creatures 
flying  which  cannot  fly,  and  of  encounters  with  unknown  and  terrific 
beasts.  It  was  the  play  of  the  imagination ;  for  otherwise  the  lad  was 
the  soul  of  truth  and  honor,  as  the  man  was  to  the  very  end. 

t  The  name  of  a  mountain  in  the  vicinity. 


1828-1830.]  IIUBAL  FACTS  AND  INCIDENTS.  87 

morrow  is  the  1st  of  May,  and  do  ask  your  father  and  mother 
if  they  will  consider  me  unconscionable  in  thinking  of  com- 
ing for  you  in  about  ten  days.  You  know  we  shall  be  re- 
united here  soon,  and  I  am  such  a  poor  devil  without  you 
that  they  must  be  magnanimous  and  give  you  up. 

"We  are  exceedingly  engaged.  I  have  taken  down  and 
put  up  thirty-two  windows.  The  house  is  thoroughly  cleaned. 
Yesterday  and  to-day  I  have  been  laboring  at  making  fence ; 
and  the  lot  is  assuming  an  entirely  different  appearance.  I 
am  very  tired ;  it  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  labored  in  the 
fields.  I  recollect  riding  horse  to  plough  when  I  was  a  small 
boy ;  but  I  got  thrown  in  cutting  some  caper  with  the  horse, 
and  was  turned  over  to  the  school-master  as  a  bad  subject. 
To-morrow  I  hope  to  commence  the  garden  arrangements. 
The  chickens  have  come ;  and  although  there  are  only  six  hens 
they  gave  us  five  eggs  before  they  had  been  three  hours  with 
us.  The  rooster,  in  violation  of  all  good  -  manners,  deserted 
the  ladies  in  a  few  hours  after  his  arrival,  and  went  prowling 
about  the  neighboring  barn-yards ;  but  in  an  hour  afterward  he 
returned  with  as  thorough  a  trouncing  as  a  rooster  could  wish 
to  have.  He  is  all  blood  now,  and  I  venture  to  predict  that 
he  will  not  quit  his  own  premises  again  for  a  twelvemonth." 

That  these  efforts  to  please  the  7naitresse  de  maison  were 
successful  may  be  inferred  from  a  letter  written  on  her  return 
from  New  York : 

"  Coopcrstown,  May  20, 1829. 
"  My  dear  Father  and  Mother, — We  arrived  here  safely  yesterday, 
all  well,  but  very  much  fatigued.  The  roads  were  very  bad,  and,  notwith- 
standmg  careful  driving  and  excellent  springs,  my  bones  ache  yet  most 
dreadfully.  Margaret  says  she  is  enchanted  with  our  situation  and  all 
the  comforts  of  our  establishment.  You  have  no  idea  how  beautiful  we 
look;  and  then  we  have  music  incessantly — during  the  day  the  birds 
and  frogs  sing  in  chorus,  and  in  the  evening  and  at  night  the  whijDpoor- 
will  regales  us  with  his  melancholy  note.  There  have  been  a  great  many 
improvements  made  during  my  absence,  and  even  now  it  is  a  perfect  lit- 
tle paradise.  I  wish,  my  dear  father  and  mother,  you  could  take  a  peep 
at  it,  and  if  you  did  not  immediately  exclaim,  '  How  dreadful  it  would 
be  if  they  were  obliged  to  go  to  France !'  I  should  think  you  had  more 


88  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

taste  for  diplomacy  than  for  tlie  charms  of  nature.  .  .  .  The  mail  closes  in 

a  few  moments,  and  Mr.  Dix  wishes  to  say  something.     God  bless  you, 

my  dear  father  and  mother ;  and  in  the  hope  that  it  may  not  be  very  long 

before  M^e  meet  aorain,  I  am  your  affectionate  child, 

"CM.  Dix. 

"Mr.  Dix  has  just  shot  a  poor  whippoorwill,  and  he  will  send  it  to 

Mr.  Baldwin,  in  order  that  he  may  satisfy  himself  upon  the  old  disputed 

question." 

The  letter  runs  on,  but  in  my  father's  handwriting : 

"My  dear  Mother, — We  were  all  so  tired  yesterday  that  we  could 

not  make  the  effort  to  write While  Catharine  was  finishing  the  above 

I  heard  the  note  of  a  whippoorwill,  and  although  it  went  more  against 
my  conscience  than  anything  I  ever  committed,  I  shot  him  while  his 
note  was  unfinished  in  his  throat,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  long-disputed 
question  of  his  identity  with  the  night-hawk.  'Tis  a  horrid  murder, 
and  it  is  the  only  (I  may  say,  too,  it  will  be  the  last)  bird  shot  on  Apple 
Hill  while  this  domain  has  been  under  my  management. 

"  Catharine  thinks  it  is  far  better,  even  for  health,  to  be  here  than  to 
be  sitting  eight  or  ten  hours  a  day  in  a  hot  city,  even  though  it  were 
Paris,  copying  the  Minister's  despatches.  However,  if  the  appointment 
had  come,  and  not  an  inquiry,  I  should  have  accepted  it." 

The  explanation  of  the  closing  paragraph  is  given  in  a  let- 
ter addressed  to  Mr.  Morgan  by  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  who  was  at 
that  time  Secretary  of  State  under  General  Jackson.  I  copy 
it  as  it  lies  before  me : 

"  Private. 

"My  dear  Sir,— No  Charges  will  be  sent  out  before  the  meeting  of 
Congress,  and  then  the  list  of  applicants  is  immense.  Would  Major  Dix 
like  to  go  to  France  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  with  a  most  agreeable  man 
as  Minister,  and  start  by  the  first  of  ^igu^st  •  ^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^  ^^'^ 
obtain  his  appointment,  as  there  are  many  applicants,  etc.,  etc.  Let  me 
know  at  the  earliest  moment.  Remember  me  kindly  to  Mrs.  M.,  and  be- 
lieve me  to  be,  in  great  haste,  Yours  very  sincerely, 

"  M.  Van  Buren. 

"Mr.  Morgan."  "  Washington,  May  11, 1829. 

This  offer,  on  being  communicated  to  my  father,  was  at 
once  declined.      His  reasons,  though  not  stated  to  Mr.  Yan 


1828-1830.]     COOPERSTOWN  AND  FENIMOBE  COOPER.  89 

Buren,  were,  that  it  came  in  the  form  of  a  friendly  inquiry 
merely;  that  there  was  no  certainty  of  his  being  appointed, 
in  case  his  assent  had  been  given ;  and  that  it  would  have  made 
his  position  a  very  embarrassing  one,  if  the  President,  on  be- 
ing advised  with,  should  not  have  deemed  it  proper  to  make 
the  appointment.  If  the  inquiry  had  been  put.  in  the  shape 
of  a  direct  offer  it  would  have  been  accepted,  as  the  impor- 
tance of  the  mission  gave  the  station  an  extraordinary  value. 

The  society  of  Cooperstown,  though  small,  was  agreeable. 
Mr.  James  Fenimore  Cooper  and  his  family  were  in  Europe, 
but  others  of  the  name  remained,  who,  with  the  Bowers, 
Phinneys,  Pomeroys,  and  Metcalfes,  formed  a  delightful  cir- 
cle. At  the  north  end  of  the  lake  was  "Hyde,"  the  country- 
seat  of  Mr.  Hyde  Clark,  who  had  married  the  widow  of  Mr. 
Eichard  Cooper.  My  father's  house  was  generally  full  of 
guests ;  among  them  was  one  whose  fame  has  since  that  day 
become  world-wide,  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse.  A  painter  of  no 
small  reputation,  and,  I  think.  President  of  the  IS'ational 
Academy  of  Design,  yet  scantly  furnished  with  ducats,  as  is 
the  wont  with  devotees  of  the  graphic  arts,  he  came  to  Coop- 
erstown with  a  mind  to  paint  a  portrait  or  two,  and  was  in- 
vited to  Apple  Hill.  My  mother  seems  to  have  appreciated 
the  solemnity  of  the  situation.     She  writes : 

"  I  get  along  admirably  with  my  visitors,  or  rather  visitor, 
Mr.  Morse,  of  whom  I  felt  a  little  afraid,  considering  that  I 
had  seen  him  only  twice  before,  besides  his  having  been  to 
Europe,  and  being  a  member  of  the  to7i^  as  well  as  literary 
and  philosophical  societies.  He  is  a  very  agreeable  man,  and 
the  admiration  of  all  the  young  ladies  here,  notwithstanding 
he  is  a  widower  with  three  children,  and  here  and  there  a 
gray  hair.  He  takes  admirable  portraits :  the  price  is  twenty- 
five  dollars." 

A  cousin  of  my  mother's,  Margaret  Willett  (the  same  whom 
she  mentions  in  her  letter  of  May  20),  daughter  of  the  old 
Colonel  Marinus  Willett,  and  then  a  young  and  beautiful  girl, 
was  with  them  at  Apple  Hill.     To  her  charms  the  portrait- 


90  MEMOIllS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

painter  was  so  far  sensible  that  lie  put  lier  and  my  mother 
into  a  landscape  which  he  painted  for  Mr.  Dewitt  Bloodgood, 
of  Albany.  Many  years  afterward  this  picture  came  into  my 
father's  possession,  and  thenceforth  formed  one  of  the  chief 
treasures  of  his  little  gallery.  The  scene  is  taken  from  Apple 
Hill ;  the  lake  and  its  enclosing  hills  are  in  the  distance ;  state- 
ly pine-trees  stand  at  the  side,  and  in  the  foreground  are  two 
young  ladies  grouped  near  the  stump  of  some  old  monarch  of 
the  "  forest  primeval,"  over  which  relic  they  have  carelessly 
thrown  their  shawls. 

In  Cooperstown  my  father  made  his  first  attempt  at  public 
speaking.  The  Eev.  Mr.  Tiffany,  pastor  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  invited  him  to  address  the  Sunday-school.  The  occa- 
sion must  have  been  deemed  important,  for  he  made  elabo- 
rate preparation ;  and  having  written  out  what  he  intended  to 
say,  and,  as  he  supposed,  committed  it  perfectly  to  memory, 
set  forth,  rashly  leaving  the  manuscript  at  home.  "  I  remem- 
ber," writes  one  who  was  present,  "  just  how  he  looked,  as  he 
stood  a  short  distance  from  the  front  pews.  He  went  on  very 
smoothly  for  some  time ;  but  then,  forgetting  what  came  next, 
and  becoming  confused,  and  not  being  especially  familiar  with 
the  subject,  he  had  to  make  his  way  out  of  it  as  best  he  could. 
I  was  so  confused  myself  that  I  never  could  remember  how 
he  did  it.  When  we  reached  home  the  first  thing  he  asked 
was  how  I  felt  when  he  broke  down.  He  often  spoke  of  it 
in  after-years,  with  great  amusement  over  his  ill-success  on 
that  first  appearance  as  a  public  speaker." 

Some  of  our  most  fluent  orators  can,  no  doubt,  recall  simi- 
lar incidents  in  their  own  experience.  Such  failures  may, 
perhaps,  be  almost  necessary  to  insure  a  final  success.  It 
was  so  with  my  father,  who  in  after-life  spoke  with  perfect 
self-possession,  used  no  notes,  and  appeared  completely  inde- 
pendent of  external  helps  in  his  oratory. 

Half-way  up  the  lake  stood  a  large  building,  known  as  the 
Fish  House,  to  which  the  people  resorted  in  excursions  and 
picnics.     A  boat,  having  as  its  motive-power  a  pair  of  super- 


1828-1830.]  AX  INSIGHT  OF  VILLAGE  LIFE.  91 

animated  horses,  plied  to  and  fro,  carrying  many  a  merry  par- 
ty, duly  supplied  with  the  implements  of  the  angler's  craft. 
Feasts  and  dances  followed  on  their  landing.  In  the  autumn, 
when  the  salmon-trout  came  out  of  the  lake,  it  was  a  pretty 
sight  to  see  the  river  below  us  filled  with  boats,  each  having 
a  blazing  pine-knot  in  the  bow,  by  the  light  of  which  men 
speared  the  fish  as  they  rose  toward  the  flame. 

I  have  before  me  an  amusing  letter,  written  by  my  mother 
to  a  young  girl  who  had  been  near  them  at  boarding-school; 
it  gives  a  pleasant  insight  into  their  village  life  : 

"My  dear  C, — I  received  your  last  letter  the  other  evening,  just  as  I 
was  preparing  to  pour  out  tea  for  a  party  of  old  married  ladies :  sociable 
visits  are  all  the  rage  nowadays,  and  I  have  been  going  the  rounds  of 
the  village  in  this  mode  of  entertainment.  There  has  not  been  a  party 
since  you  left  here,  so  you  have  nothing  to  regret  on  that  score.  You 
have  heard,  no  doubt,  of  the  'awakening'  in  our  Presbyterian  Church, 
and  would  be  amazed  to  see  the  alterations  occasioned  by  it  in  some  of 

your  friends.     A  smile  has  not  visited  the  countenances  of  Rachel 

or  Mary for  many  a  long  day,  and  they  both  look  as  pale  and  emaci- 
ated as  if  they  were  '  without  hope,'  instead  of  having  experienced  it. 

Maria ,  Helen ,  and  the  two 's,  are  also  among  the  ^  changed.'' 

Mr.  Tiffany  has  profited  by  the  example  of  his  neighbor  church,  and 
made  very  great  exertions  toward  the  advancement  of  his  own.  He  lias 
service  in  the  church  every  Wednesday  evening,  besides  three  classes  for 
religious  instruction,  which  he  attends  to  weekly;  the  married  ladies, 
the  young  ladies,  and  about  eighteen  gentlemen,  young  and  old;  so  that 
I  think  even  you  would  not  have  been  in  very  great  danger  of  total  ruin 

this  winter.     There  is  a  prayer-meeting  every  evening  at  Mr. 's,  and 

often  before  sunrise  young  and  old  are  seen  wending  their  way  toward 

the  house  of  prayer.    Mr.  and  Mrs. and  Miss ,  all  members  of 

the  meeting,  have  left  it,  and  become,  I  hope,  good  Episcopalians.    Mrs. 

and  Mrs. do  not  visit,  and  scarcely  speak  when  they  meet ; 

mutual  intolerance  seems  to  be  the  cause  of  the  trouble  between  them. 
Of  your  beaus  I  know  nothing,  excepting  that  they  are  alive  and  well ; 

Mr. is  still  in  Mr. 's  office ;  and  every  Sunday  I  hear  the  notes 

of  Mr. 's  flute  mingling  with  the  choir.     Old  Mr. peeps  abroad 

now  and  then,  and  has  found  his  way  to  Apple  Hill  just  once  since  you 
left  us.  The  children  are  well,  and  unite  with  me  in  love  to  you,  your 
mother,  and  sisters." 


92  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

Quiet  and  commonplace  as  was  my  father's  life  during 
the  three  years  spent  in  the  pretty  village  by  the  lake,  it  has 
a  peculiar  interest  as  the  preparation  for  a  career  among  the 
most  brilliant  recorded  in  the  history  of  our  country  —  the 
prelude  to  honor,  influence,  and  their  attendant  cares ;  thence 
was  he  to  go  forth,  led  by  God's  providence,  to  fill  in  turn  al- 
most every  position  of  trust  which  it  was  in  the  power  of  his 
fellow-citizens  to  bestow.  He  who  was  destined  to  become 
Adjutant-general  of  the  State,  Secretary  of  State  and  Super- 
intendent of  Public  Instruction,  member  of  the  State  Legisla- 
ture, Senator  of  the  United  States,  Assistant  Treasurer  and 
Postmaster  of  the  city  of  ]^ew  York,  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  a  foreign  court,  member  of  the  Cabinet  at  the  most  critical 
epoch  in  our  national  history.  Major-general  in  the  United 
States  service,  and  Governor  of  the  State  of  JS'ew  York,  com- 
pleted his  preparation  for  the  half  century  of  responsibility 
and  toil  in  the  tranquillity  and  comparative  obscurity  of  a 
rural  life.  To  that  life  he  was  always  devoted ;  more  and 
more  fondly  did  his  heart  turn  to  it  as  circumstances  forced 
him  farther  away.  But  a  sense  of  his  fitness  for  public  life 
was  growing  in  certain  quarters  where  able  men  were  needed ; 
and  it  was  not  possible  that  such  a  one  as  he,  trained  in  the 
school  of  the  army,  well  read  in  the  law,  already  a  finished 
scholar,  master  of  three  or  four  languages  besides  his  own, 
highly  connected,  accomplished  in  many  arts,  and  cultivated 
by  foreign  travel,  could  be  hidden  away.  There  were  those, 
in  short,  who  knew  what  he  was,  and  wanted  the  help  which 
he  was  fitted  to  give. 

It  cannot,  I  think,  be  doubted  that  he  must  have  displayed 
at  that  time  the  qualities  for  which  he  was  noted  in  after- 
life— the  sagacity  and  good  judgment,  the  activity  and  energy, 
the  tireless  industry  and  the  versatile  genius,  which  guarantee 
success.  His  reputation,  indeed,  was  already  made ;  nothing 
was  wanting  but  the  opportune  moment  to  call  him  to  higher 
duties  and  a  wider  sphere.  That  moment  soon  arrived ;  and, 
with  it,  another  change  in  the  varied  history.     Beginning  life 


1828-1830.]       POLITICS  IN  THEIB  PlilSTINE  DAY,  93 

as  a  soldier,  he  had,  after  fourteen  years,  resigned  his  commis- 
sion and  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law.  Scarcely  four 
years  elapsed  before  he  put  off  the  robe  of  the  jurist  and  en- 
tered on  the  higher  duties  of  the  politician  and  the  statesman. 
They  stood  high  in  those  days ;  it  may  not  be  so  now.  Then 
it  was  an  advance  to  go  from  the  Bar  to  public  life ;  when 
office  sought  men,  not  men  the  office ;  when  to  be  a  scholar 
and  a  gentleman,  to  be  conspicuous  for  good-breeding,  literary 
attainments,  and  high  social  position  was  neither  a  disadvan- 
tage nor  likely  to  impair  the  prospect  of  success ;  ere  yet  the 
pathway  to  distinction  had  become  a  gauntlet-race  between 
lines  of  vulgar  and  selfish  inferiors,  whom  he  must  flatter  and 
propitiate  who  would  secure  their  support. 

And  here,  perhaps,  as  well  as  anywhere,  I  may  add  this— in 
which  they  who  knew  him  best  will  bear  me  out— that  all  his 
life  through  he  was  what  he  was  at  the  outset— the  same  hon- 
est, sterling  character,  ever  true  to  his  convictions,  and  con- 
sistent when  tried  by  standards  that  do  not  change;  and 
especially  that  he  was  a  man  who  detested  the  lower  arts  of 
the  politician.  Using  that  word  in  the  sense  which  it  now 
bears,  it  would  be  incorrect  to  speak  of  mj  father  as  a  politi- 
cian ;  he  should  rather  be  called  a  man  of  state.  He  was  not 
of  those  who  manoeuvre  to  gain  a  public  position.  One  after 
another  offices  came  to  him;  not  through  his  bidding  for 
them ;  often  against  his  will ;  simply  because  men  needed  the 
help  which  they  knew  him  able  to  give.  I  wish  to  emphasize 
the  fact  that  in  my  father  there  was  no  resemblance  to  the 
politician  of  our  day ;  and  the  proof  is,  that  he  was  never 
popular  in  political  rings,  but  rather  detested  by  the  men  who 
compose  them.  It  is  easy  to  account  for  a  dislike  which  they 
did  not  affect  to  conceal.  They  could  not  depend  on  him  to 
farther  their  selfish  aims,  nor  count  on  him  for  personal 
favors  in  return  for  partisan  support;  he  was  above  their 
plane,  and  they  lost  no  opportunity  to  do  him  a  mischief 
when  they  could.  It  would  not  be  true  to  say  of  him  that 
he   disliked   office,  position,  and  power.     A  man  naturally 


94  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

likes  to  do  wliat  lie  knows  he  can  do  well,  and  lie  tliorouglily 
understood  the  science  of  governing.  But  this  he  did  un- 
selfishly, without  personal  ambition,  on  high  principle,  with- 
out dread  of  criticism,  for  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth, 
in  the  fear  of  Almighty  God.  Therefore  his  part  was  that 
of  the  statesman,  and  therefore  was  he  disliked  and  mistrusted 
by  the  common  politicians,  w^ho  gave  him  their  support  only 
when  they  could  not  help  it,  br  when  they  hoped  to  profit 
indirectly  by  an  influence  which  they  could  not  bend  to  do 
them  a  favor. 

I  hope  to  justify  this  estimate  of  my  father's  character  as 
I  proceed.  The  time  has  come  to  begin  the  story  of  his 
political  life.  This  I  shall  attempt  to  relate  w^itli  such  aid  as 
I  could  obtain  from  books,  letters,  and  conference  wdtli  men 
familiar  with  the  transactions  of  former  days.  But,  since  this 
memoir  was  not  intended  for  the  eye  of  persons  deeply  versed 
in  American  politics,  while  yet  some  knowledge  of  them  is 
indispensable  as  we  proceed,  I  venture  to  begin  by  offering 
the  reader  what  I  have  gathered  w^ith  my  ow^n  hand  in  that 
rich  yet  tangled  field,  while  seeking  to  comprehend  the  po- 
sition and  the  course  of  one  who  ranks  among  the  most  con- 
spicuous figures  in  the  scene. 

The  author  of  the  work  entitled  "  The  History  of  Political 
Parties  in  the  State  of  New  York,  from  the  Eatification  of 
the  Federal  Constitution  to  December,  1840,"  makes  the  fol- 
lowing somewhat  discouraging  observations : 

"  It  has  often  been  remarked  by  citizens  and  politicians  of 
our  sister  States  that  the  action  of  political  parties  in  the 
State  of  JS^ew  York  was  to  them  unaccountable  and  myste- 
rious." 

And  he  adds :  "  Hundreds  of  strangers  have  said  to  me  that 
the  politics  of  New  York  were  to  them  a  perfect  enigma."* 

If  persons  familiar  with  the  political  history  of  our  country 
and  public  affairs  are  thus  perplexed,  how  much  more  difficult 

*  Vol.  i.,  p.  168. 


1828-1830.]         ''THE  VIRGINIA  PLAN"  ADOPTED.  95 

must  it  be  for  one  not  versed  in  those  subjects  to  find  his 
way  through  the  maze !  My  object  is,  not  to  discourse  at 
length  on  national  or  State  politics,  but  only  to  trace  the 
course  held  by  one  man  across  that  field ;  to  tell  why  he  chose 
the  path  which  he  pursued,  and  what  he  accomplished  as  he 
trod  it.  For  this  end,  however,  it  seems  necessary  to  take  a 
general  view  of  the  subject,  for  the  benefit  of  readers  who, 
like  myself,  desire  to  know  prominent  facts,  and  are  content 
to  disregard  questions  of  minor  importance. 

Such  a  moderate  knowledge  of  American  history  as  every 
cultivated  and  intelligent  citizen  ought  to  possess  is  sufiicient 
to  enable  the  reader  to  follow  me,  while  I  remind  him  of  the 
early  conflicts  of  the  States,  just  freed  from  the  leading-strings 
of  the  transatlantic  government.  When,  in  the  year  1Y83, 
the  Independence  of  the  Colonies  was  acknowledged  by  Great 
Britain,  the  future  became  a  subject  of  anxious  consideration. 
It  was  evident  that  the  "  Articles  of  Confederation,"  adopted 
in  1777,  were  not  sufiicient  to  hold  the  States  together,  or  to 
provide  against  external  dangers ;  a  movement  for  a  more 
perfect  union  was  inevitable.  But  at  once  several  and  diverse 
tendencies  appeared :  one  toward  a  strong,  consolidated,  quasi- 
monarchical  system,  with  a  President  and  Senate  elected  for 
life ;  another,  toward  the  establishment  of  a  series  of  inde- 
pendent democratic  governments,  confederated  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  but  separate  and  autonomous.  In  addition  to 
these  two  there  was  a  third  idea — a  compromise  between  the 
extremes,  known  as  "  the  Virginia  Plan  " — which  in  its  main 
features  was  ultimately  adopted. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  there  was  strong  opposition  to 
the  formation  of  the  National  Union.  The  "State  Sover- 
eignty "  idea  was  ably  represented  there,  and  party  lines  were 
first  drawn  on  that  question.  Alexander  Hamilton,  a  genius 
of  the  highest  order,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Federalists ; 
George  Clinton,  the  popular  Governor  of  the  State,  led  the 
opposition.  The  United  States  Constitution  was  adopted  in 
1788,  under  the  protest  of  the  New  York  delegates,  Hamilton 


96  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

alone  excepted :  of  the  nine  States  whose  assent  constituted 
its  ratification  ^N'ew  York  was  not  one.  "When  the  fact  be- 
came known  in  New  York  the  question  was  raised,  whether 
to  enter  the  Union  or  to  stand  apart,  independent  and  untram- 
melled. The  Antifederalists  gave  way  reluctantly,  and  un- 
der protest,  and  thus,  with  hesitation  and  difficulty,  E^ew  York 
came  into  the  Union.  It  was  a  triumph  for  the  Federalists ; 
but  it  left  them  face  to  face  with  a  discontented  and  able 
opposition. 

Upon  the  refusal  of  General  "Washington  to  serve  a  third 
term  as  President,  John  Adams,  a  Federalist,  was  elected  his 
successor.  At  that  time  John  Jay  was  Governor  of  New 
York.  The  National  and  State  Governments  were  both  Fed- 
eralist, and  in  full  accord.  But,  as  often  happens,  the  beaten 
party  was  really  the  stronger  of  the  two,  and  it  took  but  a  lit- 
tle while  to  demonstrate  the  fact.  The  spirit  of  democracy, 
or  republicanism  (for  the  opposition  party  claimed  for  itself 
both  those  names),  was  in  the  air ;  and  a  course  had  begun 
which  no  human  power  could  have  prevented  from  running 
to  its  logical  end. 

Looking  back  to  those  days,  one  sees  that  the  Federalists 
were  doomed.  They  contributed,  no  doubt,  also,  by  more  than 
one  blunder,  to  their  fall;  or  it  may  be  that,  like  the  House 
of  Bourbon,  they  could  not  see  and  would  not  learn,  and  were 
too  honorable  to  change  their  convictions.  The  constitu- 
tion of  the  State  Government  was  anything  but  democratic. 
There  was  a  body  known  as  the  "  Council  of  Eevision,"  which, 
acting  with  the  governor,  had  an  absolute  veto  on  the  acts  of 
the  Legislature.  There  was  a  system  by  which  the  governor, 
with  a  "  Council  of  Appointment,"  had  the  entire  political 
patronage  of  the  State,  and  disposed  of  every  office.  The 
right  of  suffrage  was  much  restricted.  When  the  Legislature 
assembled  the  custom  was  that  the  governor  should  appear 
and  make  them  a  speech,  to  which  they  returned  a  formal  re- 
ply. Many  other  customs,  which  had  obtained  under  the 
ante-Eevolutionary  domination,  were  kept  up.     Imagine  how 


1828-1830.]  THE  ANTIFEDERALISTS  PREVAIL.  97 

the  spirit  of  republicanism  fretted  and  chafed !  The  Federal- 
ists, in  power,  used  their  opportunity  to  maintain  their  posi- 
tion. To  do  this  they  were  forced  to  employ  an  unpopular 
machinery,  and  made  it,  thereby,  still  more  unpopular ;  while 
their  adversaries,  partly  from  a  firm  belief  in  democracy,  and 
partly  from  the  sheer  necessity  of  gaining  power,  denounced 
the  existing  system,  and  demanded  reform.  The  well-known 
sympathy  of  the  Federalists  with  England,  and  their  detesta- 
tion of  the  French  Eevolution,  added  to  the  prejudices  which 
were  daily  growing  against  them. 

The  year  which  followed  the  election  of  the  elder  Adams 
was  one  of  furious  political  excitement.  The  friends  of  his 
administration  were  denounced  as  in  treasonable  correspond- 
ence with  Great  Britain,  and  intending,  by  a  series  of  gradual 
changes,  to  uproot  republicanism  and  establish  a  limited  mon- 
archy. Doubtless  these  charges  were  unfounded  ;  but  it  is  as 
certain  that  the  Federal  party  did  not  believe  in  the  people, 
nor  think  it  possible  that  a  pure,  representative,  popular  gov- 
ernment could  succeed.  We  do  not  doubt  the  purity  of  the 
motives  of  the  Federalists  of  1798 ;  but  as  little  can  we  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  the  Kepublicans  in  supposing  that  a  gradual 
subversion  of  the  government  was  in  progress  by  those  in 
power.  Such  an  impression  gave  to  the  opposition  a  tremen- 
dous ela7i. 

Accordingly,  in  the  year  1800  the  Democratic  or  Eepubli- 
can  party  triumphed.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  elected  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States ;  George  Clinton,  Hamilton's  life- 
long adversary,  was  still  Governor  of  E"ew  York ;  and  all  over 
the  Union  the  Antifederalists  were  victorious. 

If  anything  were  needed  to  complete  the  ruin  of  the  Fed- 
eralists it  was  the  attitude  assumed  by  many  of  them  during 
the  war  of  1812-15.  That  conflict  was  the  expression  of  an 
intense  hostility  to  Great  Britain,  and  a  sense  of  insults,  in- 
juries, and  wrongs  which  stung  the  American  people  to  the 
quick,  and  led  them,  though  comparatively  weak,  to  strike 
back  blow  for  blow.  But  the  Federahsts,  who,  notwithstand- 
I.— 7 


98  MEMOIES  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ing  tlieir  discomfiture,  still  continued  to  act  as  a  party,  op- 
posed the  war.  Nay,  so  disastrous  were  some  of  the  features 
of  the  conflict,  that  Federalism  revived,  notably  in  New  Eng- 
land and  New  Jersey,  and  distinguished  itself  by  at  least  one 
remarkable  performance.  While  the  State  of  New  York, 
under  Governor  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  stood  by  the  general 
government,  and  voted  men  and  supplies  for  the  war,  unterri- 
fied  even  by  the  capture  and  burning  of  Washington  in  Au- 
gust, 1814,  there  were  signs  in  the  New  England  States  of  a 
design  to  secede  from  the  Union,  set  up  a  separate  govern- 
ment, and  make  peace  with  Great  Britain.  Such  tendencies 
appear  to  have  sought  expression  in  the  notorious  "  Hartford 
Convention,"  which  met  in  December,  1814,  and  of  which  the 
history  forms  an  important  episode  in  our  national  annals. 
But  the  Peace  of  Ghent,  in  1815,  brought  these  schemes  to 
an  end,  strengtlijened  the  government,  and  prostrated  the 
Federalists,  who  never,  as  a  party,  returned  to  power.  They 
continued,  by  their  old  name,  as  an  element  in  politics ;  but 
the  arm  was  fallen  from  the  shoulder-blade  and  broken  at 
the  bone. 

My  father  and  grandfather  were  both  in  the  array  during 
those  trying  years,  and  devoted  heart  and  soul  to  the  Ameri- 
can cause.  It  was  then  that  my  father  formed  the  opinion  of 
the  Federalists  which  he  always  held,  and  of  which  he  has  left 
a  record,  from  which  I  shall  make,  at  this  point,  some  extracts. 
It  is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  felt  disgust  for  those  who 
opposed  the  war ;  such  was  the  natural  sentiment  of  the  ill- 
clad,  half -starved,  suffering  soldiers  toward  those  at  home  who 
could  not  conceal  their  sympathy  with  the  enemies  of  the 
United  States  Government.  His  views  of  the  Hartford  Con- 
vention, and  of  the  principles  and  history  of  the  Federalists, 
come  in  here  in  their  proper  place.  They  are  contained  in 
an  article  published  in  the  Albany  Daily  Argus,  and  headed, 
'^3Ir.  Justice  Story  and  the  Hartford  Convention. — The  Fed- 
eral Party,  and  the  Importance  of  our  National  UnionP 
Of  the  Hartford  Convention  he  says : 


1828-1830.]  THE  AIMS  OF  TEE  FEDERALISTS.  99 

"  We  believe  tliere  is  nothing  better  settled  in  the  public  mind  than 
the  conviction  that  the  Hartford  Convention,  in  its  various  relations  of 
time  and  purpose,  was  inimical  in  the  highest  degree  to  our  national 
tranquillity  and  honor.  ...  We  consider  it  as  the  most  prominent  case 
of  infidelity  to  the  interests  of  the  country  that  has  yet  arisen  under  our 
free  institutions ;  we  conceive  it  to  have  been  infinitely  more  mischiev- 
ous in  its  tendences  than  the  two  petty  insurrections  which  occurred  in 
the  early  stages  of  the  government,  because  it  was  sanctioned  by  some 
of  the  first  names  in  New  England ;  and  we  should  regard  any  diminu- 
tion of  the  opprobrium  which  has  fallen  upon  it  as  the  result  of  indifier- 
ence  to  our  social  and  political  blessings." 

He  then  proceeds  to  treat  of  tlie  opponents  of  the  war  of 
1812,  and  of  the  history  and  aims  of  the  Federalists,  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  There  are  many  individuals  now  living,  and  bearing  about  them  in 
scars  and  physical  infirmities  honorable  testimony  of  their  dangers  and 
exposure  in  the  country's  service,  who  will  not  readily  forget  the  sneers 
and  execrations  with  which  they  were  followed  in  leading  through 
Massachusetts  their  little  bands  of  combatants  to  the  theatre  of  hostili- 
ties. They  cannot  readily  forget  the  attempts  which  were  made  to  si- 
lence the  drum,  to  dissuade  the  citizens  from  enlisting,  and  from  provid- 
ing those  indispensable  supplies  of  money  and  subsistence  which  were 
required  for  the  support  of  the  public  forces.  There  are  many  others 
wdio  witnessed  the  constant  opposition  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation 
on  the  floor  of  Congress  to  all  bills  for  levying  new  forces,  and  even  for 
supplying  with  food  and  munitions  those  which  were  already  levied  and 
contending  in  the  field  of  battle  against  the  enemies  of  the  Republic. 
These  are  things  not  to  be  forgotten,  and  we  believe  we  are  not  uncliar- 
itable  in  saying  that  they  are  not  easily  to  be  forgiven.  Yet  we  are  told 
that  the  Federal  party  failed,  not  through  treachery — '  for  truer  spirits 
the  world  could  not  boast'— but  through  despondence.  Despondence 
may  produce  inactivity  and  an  abandonment  of  spirit ;  but  we  apprehend 
that  it  is  a  more  vehement  impulse  that  excites  to  open  opposition,  and 
so  obscures  the  sentiment  of  patriotism  as  to  lead  its  subjects  to  seek 
success  at  the  expense  of  their  country's  reputation.  In  Great  Britain 
political  opposition  has  always  restricted  itself  to  such  a  course  of  meas- 
ures as  would  consist  with  the  duty  which  every  citizen  or  subject  owes 
to  the  community  or  state  of  which  he  is  a  member:  it  has  never  per- 
verted or  obliterated  the  sentiment  of  country,  or  so  depraved  the  heart 
and  the  reason  as  to  make  the  disgrace  more  acceptable  than  the  glory 


100  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

of  the  public  arms.  "We  take  a  position  of  the  truth  of  which  we  are 
well  assured  when  we  say  tliat  the  Federal  party,  in  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  especially,  rejoiced  in  the  failure  of  our  military  enterprises 
and  in  the  triumph  of  the  British  forces  over  ours. 

"  The  writer  of  this  article  will  never  forget  that  he  himself  was  at  a 
private  dinner-table  in  Boston,  in  1812,  when  the  news  of  General  Hull's 
surrender  was  received,  and  that  a  gentleman  bearing  one  of  the  most 
respectable  names  in  that  city  gave  as  a  toast — 'A  similar  fate  to  all  our 
generals !'  He  was  then  a  youth ;  but  he  still  retains  a  strong  sense  of 
the  disgust  which  this  impiety  excited  upon  his  own  unformed  senti- 
ments, although  it  was  received  with  applause  by  twelve  or  fifteen  per- 
sons of  strong  minds  and  refined  education. 

"  We  are  disposed  to  overlook  altogether  the  opposition  of  the  Federal 
party  to  the  government  during  the  long  series  of  embarrassments  which 
preceded  the  war.  Tlie  country  was  at  peace,  or  at  least  was  involved 
in  no  declared  hostilities  with  foreign  powers ;  and  the  measures  of  the 
Federal  party,  however  indispensable  in  particular  cases,  were  fairly 
adopted  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  influence  of  their  opponents. 
A  strong  distinction  is  to  be  taken  between  measures  agreeing  in  all 
particulars,  excepting  the  single  one  of  belonging  to  a  state  of  peace  or 
a  state  of  war.  A  declaration  of  hostilities  is  the  common  signal  at 
which  all  parties  are  bound  to  unite  in  rallying  around  the  standard  of 
the  country.  Upon  this  the  Federal  party  throughout  the  country 
divided  in  1812;  and  it  is  this  division  that  will  constitute  the  criterion 
of  their  admission  to  the  public  confidence.  Those  who  abandoned  the 
party  at  that  epoch,  and  supported  the  government  in  its  trials,  cannot 
be  distinguished  from  the  most  meritorious  classes  of  citizens.  Those 
who  continued  to  oppose  the  principle  of  the  war,  but  still  contributed 
their  best  exertions  to  bring  it  to  an  honorable  termination  by  sharing 
its  perils,  contributing  to  its  resources,  or  by  voting  supplies  of  men  and 
money  in  Congress,  are  entitled  to  the  same  honorable  distinction.  But 
we  avow  our  total  want  of  charity  for  those  who  contributed  all  in  their 
power  to  embarrass  the  government,  to  obstruct  the  successful  prosecu- 
tion of  hostilities,  and  who  were  willing  to  purchase  the  downfall  of  the 
prevailing  party  at  the  price  of  the  public  dishonor.  That  there  were 
many  such,  we  know ;  tliat  they  composed  a  majority  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Federalists,  we  fear,  if  we  do  not  believe.  We  deny  to  these  all 
claim  to  public  confidence,  because  we  consider  their  aberrations  as 
the  result,  not  of  infirmity  of  judgment,  but  of  depravity  of  principle, 
wliich  time  has  no  power  to  change.  The  oblivion  which  the  author  of 
the  article  under  review  implores  is  their  only  refuge ;  but  it  is  not  to  be 
won  by  palliating  their  ofiences  and  asserting  their  purity :  the  outraged 


1828-1830.]  TRENCHANT  ANIMADVERSION,  101 

sensibility  of  the  public  must  be  conciliated  by  their  silence,  by  a  studi- 
ous concealment  of  their  guilt;  by  trusting  to  its  mercy,  and  not  by 
appealing  to  its  justice. 

"  We  are  told,  also,  that  the  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Federal  party  can 
never  be  extinguished.  To  our  ears,  we  confess,  these  are  unaccustomed 
sounds,  and  we  do  not  feel  that  the  reason  or  the  heart  responds  to  the 
sentiment.  We  know  that  many  illustrious  individuals  of  that  party 
contributed  to  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  organization  of 
the  government  under  it,  and  that  some  of  their  early  measures  were 
well  chosen  for  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  But  we  know,  also,  that 
as  many  distinguished  members  of  the  Republican  party  bore  their  share 
in  those  early  operations  of  government;  that  the  career  of  the  Federal 
party  was  marked  at  its  first  stages  by  a  perversion  of  the  fundamental 
doctrines  of  our  Republican  system,  and  that  it  went  on  with  headlong 
precipitation  to  an  extremity  which  wrought  its  own  downfall  by  arous- 
ing the  popular  indignation.  We  cannot  but  feel  also  that  such  is  the 
irresistible  tendency  of  the  principles  upon  which  that  party  proceeded, 
and  that,  in  the  vicious  examples  which  they  have  interwoven  with  our 
public  history,  they  have  done  an  injury  to  the  cause  of  liberal  institu- 
tions, which  could  have  found  no  adequate  redress  but  in  the  accom- 
panying retribution  which  fell  upon  them  in  the  fulness  of  their  pros- 
perity and  strength. 

"  We  appeal  to  the  writer  of  the  article  under  review  to  say  whether 
Washington  or  Hamilton,  or  any  other  illustrious  name,  which  he  claims 
as  belonging  to  the  Federal  party  at  the  organization  of  the  govern- 
ment, would  have  been  found  in  its  ranks  in  1813  ?  We  have  in  strict- 
ness nothing  to  do  with  the  party  in  its  infancy.  Most  parties  are  virt- 
uous and  disinterested  in  the  season  at  which  they  take  their  rise.  But 
they  are  to  be  judged  by  their  results — by  the  evils  or  benefits  which 
are  the  natural  consequences  of  their  principles.  It  was  impossible  that 
the  principles  of  the  Federal  party  should  produce  much  else  than  evil, 
for  they  were  in  direct  hostility  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
system  to  which  they  arc  applied.  As  the  reviewer  admits,  the  Federal 
party  *  wanted  a  just  confidence  in  our  free  institutions,  and  in  the  moral 
ability  of  the  people  to  Uphold  them ;'  whereas  our  whole  political  sys- 
tem proceeds  upon  the  assumption  that  the  people  are  competent  to  self- 
government.  It  was  a  necessary  consequence  of  this  fundamental  error 
that  measures  should  be  adopted,  even  in  the  most  virtuous  days  of  the 
party,  in  counteraction  of  the  first  principles  of  tlie  Republic ;  that  it 
should  be  considered  necessary  to  infuse  a  more  energetic  action  into 
the  machine  of  government,  and  to  diminish  the  control  of  the  people 
over  it,  by  usurping  the  exercise  of  powers  which  they  had  reserved  to 


102  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

themselves.  No  obligation,  which  any  member  or  members  of  the  Fed- 
eral party  have  conferred  on  the  country,  can  counteract  the  evils  of 
these  precedents;  and  how  stands  the  account,  when  we  follow  out  their 
principles  to  the  consequences  in  which  they  terminated — to  a  long  and 
vindictive  struggle  against  the  supremacy  of  the  people,  to  a  factious 
opposition  when  the  necessities  of  the  country  demanded  tlieir  aid  and 
sympathy,  and  to  a  treacherous  indifference  to  the  public  interests  when 
all  was  finally  put  at  hazard  by  an  appeal  to  arms  ?  This  is  a  fearful 
balance,  which  we  are  sure  no  friendly  hand  will  attempt  to  strike ! 

"  We  repeat,  the  only  refuge  for  the  Federal  party  is  in  oblivion ;  and 
he  who  seeks  to  palliate  its  errors  inflicts  upon  it  the  greatest  of  inju- 
ries; he  excites  recollections  which  might  not  have  been  disturbed,  and 
calls  forth  expositions  alike  ungrateful  to  the  feelings  of  their  authors, 
and  reproachful  to  the  character  of  those  whose  conduct  and  actions 
furnish  the  occasion  for  them." 

The  Federalists  received  tlieir  death-blow,  as  a  political  or- 
ganization, in  the  year  1815.  The  instability  of  temporal  af- 
fairs, however,  generally  forbids  a  long  enjoyment  of  prosper- 
ity. Scarcely  were  Hepublicans  victorious,  when  they  began 
to  disintegrate.  Murmurs  were  heard,  from  time  to  time, 
against  the  "  Virginia  Dynasty,"  and  lines  were  drawn  be- 
tween North  and  South.  There  were  symptoms  of  trouble 
long  before  that  day.  The  Presidents  of  the  United  States 
had,  for  twenty-four  years  out  of  twenty-eight,  been  taken 
from  Virginia:  George  Washington  for  his  two  terms, 
Thomas  Jefferson  for  as  many  more ;  Madison  for  eight  more 
years.  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  had  served  but  one  term. 
The  Madison  administration  now  nominated  another  Virgin- 
ian, James  Monroe,  for  the  succession.  The  movement  dis- 
pleased many  at  the  North  ;  and  dissensions  and  divisions  fol- 
lowed which  ultimately  had  the  effect  of  breaking  up  the  Ke- 
publicans.  Mr.  Monroe's  election  did  not  heal  the  breach,  but 
merely  postponed  the  inevitable  catastrophe :  Governor  Tomp- 
kins went  into  office  wdth  him  as  Vice-President. 

At  this  time  there  rose  to  power  one  of  the  most  remarka- 
ble men  that  New  York  ever  produced.  De  Witt  Clinton, 
nephew  of  the  first  Governor  of  this  State,  was  for  many 


1828-1830.]     THE  CLIQUE  KNOWN  AS  "BUCETA1LS»  103 

years  the  centre  about  which  the  political  sphere  revolved :  it 
may  be  said  that  the  people  of  New  York  were  gathered  into 
two  hostile  camps,  as  Clintonians  and  Anti-Clintonians.  In 
1818  a  permanent  separation  took  place  between  the  support- 
ers and  opposers  of  his  administration,  though  both  sides  be- 
longed to  one  and  the  same  political  school.  The  opposition 
to  Governor  Clinton  was  headed  by  Martin  Yan  Buren,  the 
most  skilful  politician  of  his  day ;  he  was  the  life  and  soul  of 
an  organization  which  ultimately  became  dominant  in  the 
State.  In  the  city  of  New  York,  and  out  of  Tammany  Hall, 
sprung  up  a  clique  of  able  and  restless  men  known  as  the 
"Bucktails."  Hostile  to  Clinton,  they  constituted,  as  has 
been  said,  "  an  organized  opposition  to  the  State  administra- 
tion, and  political  opponents  to  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
State  represented  by  the  governor  as  its  chief." 

In  the  year  1821  a  great  revolution  occurred  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  though  without  the  effusion  of  blood  or  the 
help  of  bayonets.  At  a  convention  held  at  Albany  the  con- 
stitution of  the  State  was  revised,  or  rather  made  over,  so 
that  old  things  passed  away,  and  changes  which  would  have 
been  considered  impossible  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  were 
effected.  It  was  a  complete  triumph  for  the  Antifederalist, 
Anti-Clintonian  Democracy;  from  that  date  the  Clintonian 
party,  as  such,  ceased  to  exist.  To  enumerate  the  changes  is 
unnecessary ;  they  were  in  the  line  of  Eepublican  progress, 
and  among  those  things  which  logically  follow  on  the  appli- 
cation of  certain  principles.  The  last  vestiges  of  the  ancient 
regime  passed  away,  and  the  government  became  popular  in 
spirit  as  well  as  in  name. 

On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1823,  Governor  Joseph  C. 
Yates  was  inaugurated  at  Albany.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
State  of  New  York  was  at  that  time  in  profound  political 
peace. 

But  the  clearest  weather  is  often  a  breeder  of  the  heaviest 
storm,  and  in  the  following  year  that  unity  was  shivered  all 
to  pieces.     In  the  United  States  the  Presidential  question  de- 


1<G4:  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ranges  everything  else ;  tlie  battle  for  the  chief  magistracy, 
which,  unhappily  for  us,  occurs  once  in  every  four  years,  is  the 
measure  of  the  progress  of  events  and  the  state  of  parties. 
To  the  question  who  should  succeed  Mr.  Monroe  discordant 
replies  were  given ;  and  no  less  than  five  Richmonds  took  the 
field,  in  the  persons  of  Calhoun,  Clay,  Jackson,  Adams,  and 
Crawford.  Of  these  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  Secretary  of  War,  was 
the  favorite  of  the  younger  army  men.  My  father,  then  sta- 
tioned at  Washington,  and  aide  to  the  general  of  the  army, 
was,  as  I  have  previously  observed,  one  of  his  ardent  support- 
ers. Mr.  Yan  Buren,  on  the  other  hand,  a  Senator  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  and  still  actively  interested  in  New  York  politics, 
took  the  side  of  William  H.  Crawford.  The  Crawford  move- 
ment was  so  distasteful  to  many  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
that  a  party  of  considerable  strength,  known  as  the  People's 
Party,  was  formed,  rather  to  oppose  him  than  to  support 
any  particular  candidate.  The  opposition  was  successful,  and 
resulted  in  the  election  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

In  that  celebrated  campaign  my  father  took  an  active  j)art. 
Among  the  means  employed  to  defeat  Mr.  Crawford  was  the 
establishment  of  a  newspaper  in  this  city,  called  the  IS^ew 
ITork  Patriot.  Its  editor.  Colonel  Charles  G.  Haines,  was  a 
native  of  New  Hampshire,  a  man  of  ability,  and  an  intelli- 
gent, zealous  politician.  The  more  immediate  object  of  the 
attacks  of  the  Patriot  was  Major  Mordecai  M.  Noah,  the  edi- 
tor of  a  rival  journal.  My  father,  a  warm  friend  and  con- 
stant correspondent  of  Colonel  Haines,  wrote  for  the  Por 
triot,  advocating  the  cause  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  taking 
special  and  particular  delight  in  vivisecting  Major  Noah. 

The  inauguration  of  Mr.  Adams  in  1825  was  followed  in  a 
few  months  by  the  return  of  De  Witt  Clinton  to  power  in  the 
State  of  New  York.  The  manner  of  this  re-appearance  was 
intensely  dramatic;  it  constituted  the  sensation  of  the  day. 
The  vCrawford  party,  then  in  the  ascendant  in  the  Legisla- 
ture, intending  to  place  their  adversaries  in  a  dilemma,  rashly 


1828-1830.]  A  RETROSPECTIVE  GLANCE.  105 

attacked  Mr.  Clinton,  and  turned  liim  out  of  a  minor  office 
which  he  had  held  for  many  years.  The  result  was  to  make 
him  the  most  popular  man  in  the  State.  Aroused  at  an  un- 
called-for and  wanton  affront  like  this,  men  started  up  on  all 
sides,  called  meetings,  lighted  bonfires,  launched  anathemas  at 
the  political  blunderers  at  Albany,  and  vowed  that  Mr.  Clin- 
ton's wrongs  should  be  avenged.  It  is  certain  that  Mr.  Yan 
Buren,  always  shrewd  and  sagacious,  had  nothing  to  do  with 
this  business,  the  result  of  which  was  ruinous  to  the  man 
whom  he  supported.  A  coalition  took  place  between  the 
People's  Party  and  the  friends  of  Mr.  CHnton;  and  in  the 
autumn  of  1825  he  was  again  elected  Governor  of  the  State 
of  I*^ew  York.  One  of  his  earliest  acts  was  to  call  Colonel 
Haines  to  Albany  and  make  him  his  Adjutant-general. 

In  connection  with  this  period  in  the  history  of  our  State 
politics  I  present  the  reader  wdth  the  following  letter,  which 
shows  the  head  of  the  army  in  the  light  of  Mentor  to  his  im- 
petuous young  friend,  and  contains  a  just  tribute  to  Mr.  Clin- 
ton. It  is  dated  at  head-quarters,  June  22, 1825,  midway  be- 
tween the  inauguration  of  the  President  and  the  election  in 
!N"ew  York.  After  some  remarks  of  little  interest  here  the 
general  continues : 

"  You  must  be  aware  that,  as  General-in-cliief,  it  is  very  desirable  that 
I  should  be  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the  President;  and  as  he  has 
made  me  understand  how  desirous  he  was  and  is  for  my  good-will,  we 
can  but  march  on  together  in  good-fellowship.  I  say  to  you  that  Mr. 
Adams  has  my  regard,  and  I  wish  him  so  fortunate  as  to  be  re-elected 
without  opposition.     I  must  not  be  suspected  of  any  other  sentiment. 

"  My  feelings  in  relation  to  Mr.  Clinton  are  of  a  different  character. 
He  is  a  man  very  much  after  my  own  heart.  Such  men  as  Clinton  are 
always  ready  to  put  all  to  hazard  in  a  great  cause.  They  do  not  stop  to 
calculate  when  they  should  act.  De  Witt  Clinton  has  carried  liis  coun- 
try forward  a  quarter  of  a  century  at  least,  by  the  undoubting  movement 
he  made  in  commencing  the  New  York  canals.  I  mention  this  to  show 
my  estimate  of  his  mind.  Had  he  been  Governor  of  New  York  in  1813 
he  would  have  taken  possession  of  Canada  very  for  down  the  St.  Law- 
rence as  a  duty  and  as  a  business  of  course  about  which  not  much 


106  MEMOIRS  OF  JORX  ADAMS  DIX. 

speaking  or  writing  would  have  been  called  forth.  It  would  have 
turned  upon  the  efficiency  of  a  single  mind  acting  ujDon  a  great  body 
like  New  York,  and  the  utter  insignificance  of  Canada  to  Quebec  at  the 
opening  of  the  war.  Mr.  Clinton  is  no  ordinary  man,  and  though  his  fame 
is  as  lasting  as  the  waters  of  the  great  lakes,  he  will  be  politically  iDros- 
trated  again,  if  he  and  his  distinguished  friends  are  found  in  the  ranks 
aorainst  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Clinton  and  his  friends  must  not  be  found  in 
opposition  to  the  administration  of  Adams,  if  they  intend  to  hold  the 
government  of  New  York.  If  you  cannot  bring  yourself  to  entertain 
kind  feelings  toward  Mr.  Adams,  you  can,  I  hope,  desire  the  political 
prosperity  of  Mr.  Clinton.  If  so,  give  him  your  most  zealous,  your  most 
devoted  support  as  Governor  of  New  York,  and  never  allow  him  to  be 
represented  as  in  opposition  to  the  National  Government.  Re-elect  him 
by  some  twenty  thousand  majority,  and  then,  yes,  then  keep  quiet,  at 
least  modest,  on  the  Presidential  question.  I  am  out  of  all  patience 
with  the  ridiculous,  the  empty  friends  of  Governor  Clinton,  who  name 
him  for  the  office  so  well  filled  by  Mr.  Adams  before  they  are  sure  of 
even  the  State  of  New  York. 

"  You  are  presumed  to  know  me ;  you  do  know  me ;  and  on  all  proper 
occasions  I  ask  you  to  say  that  I  am  devoted  to  the  administration  of 
Adams,  and  that  I  think  the  State  of  New  York  would  be  disgraced  if 
she  should  again  forget  what  is  due  to  Clinton. 

"Mr.  Adams  is  willing  to  believe  you  are  his  friend.  Your  burlesque 
of  Governor  Troup's  Message*  is  too  good  to  be  lost.  It  gave  the  Presi- 
dent a  few  moments  of  the  most  hearty  enjoyment.  Be  not  alarmed : 
he  can  enjoy  a  good  thing  in  silence  as  well  as  any  man. 

"  What  think  you  of  our  friend  Calhoun's  speeches  to  the  South  ?  I 
pray  God  that  he  may  prosper,  but  believe  me  when  I  say  that  he  cannot 
be  President  of  this  happy  country  before  he  is  turned  of  sixty.  He  will 
be  convinced  of  this  truth  before  he  is  much  older,  and  then  he  may 
place  his  influence  where  it  may  serve  the  cause  of  a  great  man.  Write 
me  often  and  fully.  Yours,  Jac.  Brown."! 


*  George  M.  Troup,  Governor  of  Georgia,  and  a  pronounced  "  States 
Rights"  man. 

t  By  way  of  sequel  to  this  letter  I  have  placed  in  the  Appendix  a 
document  which,  probably,  now  first  sees  the  light.  It  was  found  among 
my  father's  private  papers,  endorsed  by  him,  and  carefully  put  away.  It 
is  interesting,  not  only  as  a  contribution  to  the  political  history  of  the 
era,  but  also  as  showing  how  intimate  were  the  relations  between  Gen- 
eral Brown  and  my  father,  and  how  ample  were  his  opportunities  of 


182&-1830.]       ACTIVE  POLITICAL  CAREER  BEGINS.  107 

I  have  readied  tlie  year  in  which  my  father's  active  politi- 
cal life  began.  It  was  during  the  canvass  of  1828.  Andrew 
Jackson  and  John  C.  Calhoun  were  candidates  for  the  Presi- 
dency and  Yice-Presidency.  General  Jackson  was  supported 
by  those  who  opposed  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Adams.  In  Ot- 
sego County  a  Republican  committee  was  formed,  of  which 
my  father  was  chairman.  In  maintaining  the  cause  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson  he  was  also  obliged  to  resist  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable political  movements  that  ever  agitated  the  people  of 
the  State  of  New  York. 

In  the  summer  of  1826,  while  Major  Dix  was  in  Europe  on 
his  mission  to  the  Danish  Court,  a  great  sensation  was  caused 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Buffalo  by  the  disappearance  of  one 
William  Morgan.  This  man,  a  member  of  the  Order  of 
Free  and  Accepted  Masons,  suddenly  vanished  from  the  sight 
of  his  friends ;  nor,  to  this  hour,  is  it  certainly  known  what 
w^as  his  fate.  But  he  had  betrayed  the  secret  of  the  Order, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  was  murdered  by  members  of 
that  society.  Investigation  disclosed  the  fact  of  the  nocturnal 
journey  of  a  coach,  drawn  by  relays  of  swift  horses,  and  the 
conveyance  of  a  mysterious  victim  to  the  borders  of  Lake 
Erie ;  and  there  were  rumors  of  the  launching  of  a  boat  on 
the  gloomy  waters  at  midnight,  and  its  return  with  one  man 
less  than  it  bore  away.  The  whole  western  part  of  the  State 
became  excited  over  the  crime ;  that  excitement  became  in- 
tense as  time  passed  on,  and  it  was  found  impossible  either  to 
detect  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrage  or  ascertain  the  fate  of 

studying  the  movements  of  that  day.  Whatever  helps  us  to  discover 
the  motives  and  comprehend  the  thoughts  of  men  in  high  position  is  of 
general  benefit;  and  no  one  can  fail  to  observe,  in  reading  the  follow- 
ing paper,  how  keen  was  the  sense  of  honor  of  tlie  public  men  of  that 
day,  to  whom  it  was  matter  of  grave  concern  that  the  shadow  of  a  sus- 
picion of  their  motives  should  fall  upon  the  record  of  their  lives.  The 
subject  referred  to,  as  will  be  seen,  is  the  attitude  of  Mr.  Calhoun  before 
the  country  in  connection  witli  the  Presidential  canvass  of  the  year  1824. 
{See  Appendix,  No.  I.) 


108  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

their  victim.  Failing  in  the  attempt  to  bring  the  criminals 
to  justice,  the  people  in  that  part  of  the  State,  conceiving  a 
horror  of  Freemasonry,  determined  to  obtain,  through  the 
ballot,  some  reparation  for  the  murder  of  Morgan.  They  ac- 
cordingly resolved  that  no  man  belonging  to  the  Order  of 
Masons  ought  to  hold  any  public  office ;  and  they  made  this 
the  issue  wherever  called  upon  to  vote. 

The  movement  had,  at  the  outset,  no  reference  to  the  polit- 
ical question  of  the  hour.  It  showed  itself  first  in  the  local 
elections  of  the  autumn  of  1826,  as  a  personal  matter  exclu- 
sively— no  Mason  of  any  party  was  to  be  voted  for  or  allowed 
to  hold  office.  It  was  the  result  of  a  feeling,  partly  of  terror, 
and  partly  of  indignation  against  a  secret  society,  which  ap- 
peared to  be  able  to  spirit  men  out  of  this  world  with  impu- 
nity, and  defended  the  acts  of  its  members  to  any  extent 
to  which  they  might  go.  As  time  passed  on  the  excitement 
increased;  the  Antimasons,  as  they  were  called,  enraged  at 
the  failure  of  each  successive  attempt  to  detect  the  authors  of 
the  crime,  and  stimulated  by  fresh  disclosures  of  the  incidents 
of  that  fatal  summer's  night,  kept  growing  in  number,  until 
they  began  to  carry  county  after  county,  and  assumed  pro- 
portions which  astonished  the  leaders  of  the  old  parties,  and 
made  them  doubtful  what  course  to  pursue.  Political  Anti- 
masonry  had  as  yet  no  existence ;  but  it  became  daily  more 
evident  that  the  movement  must  ultimately  take  that  di- 
rection. 

Thus  matters  stood  when  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams 
drew  toward  its  end,  and  the  question  of  the  succession  came 
up.  The  people  of  this  State,  other  than  those  engaged  in 
the  Antimasonic  movement,  divided,  part  desiring  the  re- 
election of  the  President,  and  part  favoring  a  change.  It  be- 
gan to  be  believed  that  Governor  Clinton  and  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
who  at  that  time  was  still  in  the  United  States  Senate,  would 
unite  in  supporting  General  Jackson  for  the  Presidency.  But 
General  Jackson  was  not  only  a  Mason,  but  very  high  in  the 
Order.    Governor  Clinton  also  belonged  to  it.    The  friends  of 


1828-1830.]         GENERAL  JACKSON  INAUGURATED.  109 

Mr.  Adams  saw  that  to  carry  the  State  for  him  against  Jack- 
son it  would  be  of  infinite  value  to  secure  the  Antimasonic 
vote.  But  the  difficulty  lay  here :  that  the  Antimasons,  bent 
solely  on  their  one  idea,  declined  to  unite  with  either  party, 
and  refused  to  merge  their  organization  in  any  other.  Such 
was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Governor  Clinton  passed  from 
the  scene.  He  died  suddenly,  on  the  11th  day  of  February, 
1828,  at  a  moment  when  his  popularity  and  influence  were 
greater,  perhaps,  than  at  any  former  period  of  his  life. 

In  the  autumn  of  that  year  occurred  the  elections  for 
President  of  the  United  States  and  Governor  of  the  State  of 
]S'ew  York.  The  party  who  styled  themselves  National  Re- 
publicans supported  Mr.  Adams  for  President,  and  Francis 
Granger  for  Governor.  Had  the  Antimasons  joined  them 
the  alliance  would  have  been  irresistible:  instead  of  doing 
so,  they  put  up  a  candidate  of  their  own,  Solomon  Southwick. 
The  selection  could  hardly  have  been  more  unfortunate.  The 
result  was  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  Governor  by  the 
Jackson  party,  although  the  Antimasons  carried  fifteen  coun- 
ties, and  polled  nearly  seventy  thousand  votes.  Their  move- 
ment had  assumed  gigantic  proportions. 

General  Jackson  was  inaugurated  March  4, 1829.  He  im- 
mediately invited  Governor  Yan  Buren  to  a  place  in  his  cabi- 
net, as  Secretary  of  State.  The  invitation  was  accepted ;  and 
on  the  12th  of  March  Lieutenant-governor  Enos  B.  Throop 
became  Acting  Governor  of  this  State.  The  condition  of 
ISTew  York  politics  was  critical.  Of  the  thirty-six  electoral 
votes  General  Jackson  had  received  twenty,  the  remaining 
sixteen  being  cast  for  Mr.  Adams.  The  Antimasonic  voters, 
having  no  Presidential  candidate  of  their  own,  united  with 
the  supporters  of  Mr.  Adams  against  General  Jackson,  and 
thus  the  electoral  vote  was  nearly  equally  divided.  As  the 
National  Republicans  were  declining,  while  the  Antimasons 
remained  enthusiastic  and  hopeful,  it  seemed  possible  that  the 
latter  might  become  the  great  opposition  party  of  the  future. 
In  effect,  in  the  year  1830,  as  we  shall  see,  they  polled  128,000 


110  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

votes,  and  came  near  electing  tlieir  candidate  for  governor. 
They  were  already  preparing  to  extend  their  organization 
into  other  States,  to  hold  a  National  Convention,  and  to  take 
steps  to  secure,  if  possible,  the  Presidency. 

It  was  with  this  singular  body,  in  the  earlier  stage  of  its  his- 
tory, that  my  father  had  to  contend,  as  a  supporter  of  General 
Jackson  and  Mr.  Yan  Buren.  During  the  years  1828, 1829, 
and  1830  he  was  actively  engaged  in  the  Jackson  movement, 
as  chairman  of  the  Republican  Committee  of  Otsego  County. 
His  name  is  signed  to  more  than  one  address  to  the  electors 
of  that  county,  in  which  the  character  of  political  Antima- 
sonry  is  critically  analyzed.  According  to  him,  it  was  no 
longer  inspired  by  an  honest  and  virtuous  feeling  growing 
out  of  the  violence  committed  on  the  person  of  Captain  Mor- 
gan, and  aiming  at  the  punishment  of  the  perpetrators,  but 
had  become  a  political  instrument  for  the  elevation  of  ambi- 
tious men  to  power.  He  held  that  its  principles  involved  an 
indiscriminate  condemnation  of  the  innocent  and  the  guilty; 
that  it  had  proved  itself  proscriptive,  uncharitable,  and  bar- 
barous ;  that  in  certain  parts  of  the  State  it  had  separated 
parents  and  children,  friends  and  neighbors,  dissolved  the 
very  ties  of  blood,  and  in  more  than  one  case  invaded  the 
altars  of  religion,  showing  itself  to  be  the  same  spirit  which 
in  other  countries  had  shaken  the  fabric  of  society  to  its 
foundations,  and  filled  them  with  scenes  of  disorder  and  ca- 
lamity.* For  these  and  other  reasons,  he  strenuously  op- 
posed a  party  which,  already  identified  with  the  fanatics  of 
an  earlier  date,  and  now  rapidly  taking  the  shape  of  a  purely 
political  organization,  disputed  the  field  with  the  old  Demo- 
cratic Republicans,  and  aimed  at  securing  the  control,  not  of 
the  State  of  ]^ew  York  only,  but  ultimately  of  the  l^ational 
Government.  In  an  article  published  in  the  FreemarCs  Jou7'- 
naly  May,  1829,  he  thus  discusses  the  subject : 

*  Addresses,  dated  Cooperstown,  October  20,  1829,  and  October  25, 
1830,  and  issued  by  the  Republican  Central  Corresponding  Committee. 


1828-1830.]     POLITICAL  ANTIMASONBY  ANALYZED,  HI 

"  There  are  but  two  views  in  which  it  is  capable  of  presenting  itself— 
first,  as  a  moral,  and,  second,  as  a  political  question ;  and  these  we  shall 
briefly  examine. 

"  First,  as  a  moral  question.  There  can  be  no  difierence  of  opinion  as 
to  the  outrage  ofiered  to  the  civil  institutions  of  the  country  and  the 
principles  of  humanity  in  the  violence  committed  on  the  person  of  Mor- 
gan. It  is  an  act  whicli  carries  its  own  condemnation  with  it  into  tlie 
heart  of  every  one ;  and  it  deserves  tliat  all  the  energy  of  the  laws  should 
be  exerted  to  visit  upon  those  concerned  in  it  a  retribution  suited  to  its 
enormity.  But  it  is  difficult  to  perceive  in  what  manner  it  differs  essen- 
tially from  ordinary  offences  of  the  same  denomination.  In  degree  it 
certainly  bears  no  comparison  with  the  repeated  murders  of  Patty  Can- 
non and  her  coadjutors,  which  have  recently  been  brought  to  light  in 
Delaware ;  and  if  the  motives  which  instigate  to  enormities  of  this  sort 
deserve  a  comparison,  it  would  be  an  extremely  difficult  task  to  deter- 
mine the  relative  degrees  which  revenge  and  avarice  bear  to  each  other 
in  the  scale  of  guilt.  If  it  be  said  that  the  abduction  of  Morgan  was  the 
result  of  a  combination,  and  a  deliberate  plan  matured  and  executed  by 
a  mutual  counsel  and  a  concerted  action,  the  reply  is  that  the  same  char- 
acteristics belong  to  the  otlier  cases  which  have  been  cited;  that  they 
are  violent  aggravations  of  the  guilt;  that  no  effort  should  be  spared  to 
pursue  the  culprits  into  tlieir  most  secret  retreats,  and  to  lay  bare  the 
conspiracy  to  its  minutest  and  most  distant  ramifications.  If  it  be  as- 
serted that  it  was  only  by  means  of  the  Masonic  institution  that  the  mur- 
der of  Morgan  could  be  perpetrated  and  concealed,  we  deny  the  posi- 
tion. Far  wider  and  more  desolating  conspiracies  have  been  formed  and 
executed  with  no  otlier  bond  of  secrecy  than  tliat  which  is  contained  in 
a  common  interest  and  a  common  passion.  Who,  for  instance,  believes 
that  the  conspiracy  which  w^as  near  overturning  the  Roman  Republic 
would  have  been  better  confirmed  and  concealed  by  the  mysterious  sanc- 
tions of  Masonry,  than  by  the  barbarous  pledges  which  each  one  gave  to 
his  fellows  in  the  humani  caiyoria  sanguinem  vino  permixtum  in  paterisf 
But  even  were  it  conceded  that  the  bond  of  Masonry  has  in  this  in- 
stance been  instrumental  to  the  perpetration  and  concealment  of  a  deed 
of  blood,  what  institution  is  exempt  from  the  same  imputation  ?  The 
most  extensive  and  barbarous  conspiracies  in  the  history  of  society  are 
those  which  have  been  formed,  and  in  some  instances  accomplished,  un- 
der the  sanction  of  religious  ties.  It  is  only  necessary  to  cite  the  Gun- 
powder Treason  m  England,  and  the  Eve  of  St.  Bartholomew  in  France, 
to  feel  the  force  of  this  observation.  If  it  be  said  that  the  spirit  of  Ma- 
sonry leads,  by  force  of  any  inherent  tendency,  to  the  production  of  vio- 
lence and  social  disorder,  the  history  of  society  may  safely  be  appealed 


112  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

to  for  a  refutation  of  the  assertion.  The  institution  has  enjoyed,  in  a 
quiet  and  inoffensive  way,  its  idle  mysticisms.  We  look  upon  it  with  no 
very  friendly  prepossessions ;  on  the  contrary,  we  have  always  deemed  it 
a  mere  collection  of  formalities,  unworthy  the  very  time  expended  on 
them.  But  on  this  point  we  acknowledge  our  profound  ignorance ;  and, 
in  doing  so,  we  might,  but  for  a  reluctance  to  give  pledges  with  regard 
to  our  future  course  in  life,  even  go  farther,  and  unite  with  a  fallen  poll- 
tician  in  saying  that  we  '  never  shall  be  a  Mason.'  But  the  time,  we 
trust,  is  long  past  when  the  guilt  of  a  few  members  of  any  society  is  to 
draw  along  with  it  the  condemnation  and  punishment  of  all  the  others. 
It  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  an  enlightened  age  to  separate  the 
innocent  and  the  guilty,  to  distinguish  between  individuals  and  the 
societies  or  institutions  of  which  they  chance  to  be  members.  It  is  the 
province  of  ignorance  and  barbarism  to  punish  the  individual  by  anni- 
hilating the  mass,  to  retribute  particular  guilt  by  general  condemnation. 
The  abduction  of  Morgan  is  unquestionably,  as  to  all  the  guilty,  a  remove 
from  the  refinements  and  charities  of  the  age  toward  the  rudeness  and 
barbarism  of  ages  which  are  past.  To  visit  that  act  with  indiscriminate 
punishment  would  be  a  similar  remove  on  the  part  of  the  whole  com- 
munity. That  such  will  be  our  course  we  are  not  yet  prepared  to  be- 
lieve :  that  such  a  doctrine  can  long  be  even  covertly  propagated  w^e  do 
not  believe.  The  whole  matter  of  Morgan,  as  a  moral  question,  resolves 
itself  into  a  case  of  great  simplicity.  An  outrage  has  been  committed 
against  the  laws,  which  have  appointed  the  penalty  and  prescribed  the 
method  of  investigation.  If  they  are  inadequate,  in  this  case,  to  detect 
the  authors,  it  is  the  result  of  that  imperfection  in  which  all  human  insti- 
tutions participate;  and  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  far  more  atrocious 
deeds  of  violence  and  cruelty  have  eluded  forever  the  researches  of  man, 
and  are  reserved  for  that  final  retribution  which  no  device  of  art,  no 
bond  of  secrecy,  can  escape. 

"  Second,  as  a  political  question.  As  long  as  the  efforts  of  Antima- 
sonry  were  honestly  directed  to  the  detection  and  exposure  of  a  crime 
and  the  punishment  of  its  perpetrators,  it  was  purely  a  moral  questiou. 
But  in  the  course  of  its  progress  it  has  assumed  a  totally  different  com- 
plexion, not  only  by  means  of  new  elements  combined  with  it,  but  by 
means  of  the  new  objects  which  it  proposes  for  attainment ;  and  it  has 
now  become  entirely  a  political  question.  It  is  almost  unnecessary  to 
trace  the  influences  by  which  this  excitement  has  been  gradually  con- 
verted, from  a  virtuous  and  disinterested,  into  a  base  and  personal  im- 
pulse. The  history  of  all  free  governments,  in  which  great  results  are  to 
be  produced  by  acting  upon  public  opinion,  is  prolific  in  instances  of  the 
same  nature.     There  is  always  a  body  of  disappointed  individuals,  the 


1828-1830.]        BIBIH  OF  A  NEW  ''WHIG''  PARTY.  113 

outcasts  and  remnants  of  party ;  men  who  are  ever  sagacious  in  discover- 
ing that  a  decliuing  cause  has  '  no  ground  of  principle,'  and  that  a  rising 
one  is  the  cause  of  religion  and  philanthropy ;  whose  hopes  of  success 
depend  upon  disturbing  the  established  order  and  institutions  of  society; 
and  who  are  always  prompt  to  advocate  excitement  of  any  species,  with- 
drawing its  efforts  from  its  legitimate  aims,  and  going  on  in  friendly 
companionship  in  its  course  to  power.  Among  the  Antimasons  there  are 
many  virtuous  individuals,  who  will  in  future  times,  when  the  present 
indignation  shall  have  had  its  crisis,  be  surprised  at  the  transition  which 
has  taken  place  in  their  measures,  while  their  motives  have  remained  the 
same— who  will  be  unable  to  comprehend  how  they  have  been  deluded 
into  the  support  of  men  whom,  in  dispassionate  moments,  they  would 
deem  utterly  unworthy  of  their  co-operation  and  confidence.  It  should 
have  been  a  reflection  with  every  honest  man,  when  the  efforts  of  Anti- 
masons  were  first  pointed  to  the  acquisition  of  political  power,  whether 
he  would  be  willing  to  share  political  power  with  such  coadjutors. 
Nothing  but  undue  passion  could  have  overlooked  the  inquiry  or  ob- 
scured the  reply.  Happily  the  inquiry  has  now  become  a  common  one, 
and  the  process  of  separation  is  going  on  so  rapidly  that  we  may  soon 
expect  to  see  the  Antimasonic  phalanx  reduced  to  a  meagre  array  of 
bigotry  and  prejudice,  supported,  or  rather  enfeebled,  by  those  derelicts 
of  party  who,  for  the  last  ten  years,  have  been  volunteers  at  every  gath- 
ering, and  fugitives  at  every  defeat. 

"  The  whole  matter  of  Antimasonry,  as  a  political  question,  resolves 
itself  into  a  very  simple  proposition,  which  this  community  is  called  on 
to  decide.  Shall  the  reins  of  government  be  continued  in  the  hands  of 
the  party  which  now  holds  them— the  party  which  has  always  been 
faithful  to  the  great  cause  of  Republican  principles— the  party  with  which 
all  our  most  grateful  recollections  and  our  best  hopes  are  associated ;  or 
shall  this  party  be  abased,  and  insanity  and  passion  be  elevated  to  the 
seats  of  power?  We  would  not  wrong  this  community  so  much  as  to 
entertain  the  slightest  doubt  of  the  manner  in  which  this  question  will 
be  put  at  rest.  Even  if  the  issue  of  the  late  elections  in  the  very  strong- 
holds of  this  new  political  sect,  where  its  merits  are  best  appreciated, 
had  not  brought  us  unerring  assurance  of  its  approaching  downfall, 
respect  for  the  people  of  this  State  would  forbid  us  to  entertain  a  sus- 
picion which  would  be  equally  inconsistent  with  their  good-sense  and 
justice,  and  with  the  intellectual  light  of  the  age  in  which  we  live." 

The  Antimasonic  movement  ultimately  died  out;  but  in 
expiring  it  gave  birth  to  a  new  party,  which  in  after-years 
I.— 8 


114  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  JDIX. 

^attained  to  the  political  control  of  the  State  of  l^ew  York. 
Assuming  the  title  of  "Whig,"  and  thus  cunningly  casting 
on  the  old  organization  the  reflection  of  Toryism,  this  new 
organization  disputed  the  field  with  such  success  that,  in  the 
year  1839,  its  candidate,  William  H.  Seward,  was  elected  Gov- 
ernor. Thus  parties  rise  and  decline,  succeeding  one  another 
in  a  measured  procession,  and  each  perishing,  apparently,  of 
diseases  engendered  in  its  full  prosperity. 

I  proceed  to  a  subject  which  began  to  engage  my  father's 
serious  thoughts  during  his  residence  in  Otsego  County. 
The  question  of  slavery  was,  undoubtedly,  one  of  the  gravest 
that  ever  engaged  the  attention  of  American  statesmen.  On 
this  his  views  never  changed;  they  were  the  same  in  1829  as 
in  1859.  What  they  were  may  be  seen  from  two  addresses 
delivered  by  him,  one  in  Cooperstown,  in  1829,  the  other  in 
Albany,  two  years  later,  in  the  interests  of  the  Colonization 
Society. 

A  plan  for  colonizing  the  free  blacks  of  the  United  States 
in  some  foreign  country  was  first  proposed  in  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  of  Tirginia ;  in  the  year  1816  a  joint  resolution 
was.  adopted,  with  only  ten  dissenting  voices  in  both  branches 
of  that  body,  authorizing  the  Executive  of  the  State  to  solicit 
the  aid  of  the  general  government  in  attaining  the  contem- 
plated objects.  Similar  resolutions  were  soon  afterward  pass- 
ed by  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  of  Maryland,  Georgia,  and 
Tennessee,  all  looking  to  the  colonization  of  the  free  blacks  of 
the  United  States  in  some  distant  region,  where  they  might 
participate,  in  fact  as  well  as  in  form,  in  the  benefits  of  a  free 
and  independent  government,  and  enjoy  the  consideration 
and  privileges  from  which  they  were  debarred  here  by  the 
structure  of  society  and  individual  prejudice.  The  first  prac- 
tical attempt  to  give  effect  to  these  declarations  was  made  in 
the  year  1816,  when  a  society  was  organized  in  the  city  of 
Washington,  with  Judge  Washington,  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  at  its  head,  under  the  name  of  the  Soci- 
ety for  Colonizing  the  Free  People  of  Color  of  the  United 


1828-1830.]    COOPERSTOWN  AND  AFRICAN  COLONIZATION.    115 

States.  Under  the  auspices  of  this  society  several  establish- 
ments were  formed  at  Cape  Monserrado  and  its  vicinity,  on 
the  Gold  Coast  of  Africa ;  an  extensive  tract  of  country,  under 
the  name  of  Liberia,  was  ceded  to  the  society,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  colonization,  by  the  surrounding  tribes  of  natives ; 
and  the  results  were  so  successful  as  to  lead  to  attempts  to 
extend  the  influence  of  the  Society  by  every  suitable  means, 
especially  as  the  enterprise  rested  on  the  exertions  of  individ- 
ual zeal  and  benevolence. 

Accordingly,  a  meeting  of  citizens  of  the  county  of  Otsego 
was  held  at  the  Court-house  in  the  village  of  Cooperstown, 
on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of  November,  1829,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  propriety  of  forming  an  auxiliary  society. 
Samuel  ]N'elson,  Circuit  Judge,  and  one  of  the  Yice-Presidents 
of  the  State  Society,  took  the  chair ;  and  Levi  Beardsley,  of 
Cherry  Valley,  was  appointed  secretary.  The  objects  of  the 
meeting  having  been  stated  from  the  chair,  the  following 
resolution  was  offered  by  Mr.  Dix  : 

^'Resolved,  That  this  meeting,  entertaining  a  high  sense  of  the  benefits  to 
be  expected  from  African  colonization,  proceed  to  organize  a  County  So- 
ciety, as  an  auxiliary  of  the  State  Society  of  New  York,  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  the  transportation  to  Liberia  of  such  free  people  of  color 
as  may  be  disposed  to  be  transported  to  that  colony." 

The  resolution  was  moved  in  an  able  address ;  and,  as  this 
was  the  first  public  occasion  on  which  the  subject  had  been 
agitated  in  Otsego  County,  the  speaker  went  more  extensively 
into  detail  than  would  otherwise  have  been  necessary,  in  ex- 
plaining the  design  of  the  American  Colonization  Society, 
the  advantages  which  it  promised,  and  the  progress  which 
had  been  made  in  the  execution  of  its  objects. 

The  same  subjects  were  handled  in  another  speech,  made  at 
the  Capitol  in  Albany,  April  2, 1831,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
first  anniversary  meeting  of  the  ^New  York  State  Colonization 
Society,  at  which  General  Dix  was  present  by  special  invi- 
tation. 


116  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

I  refer  to  these  two  speeches  in  order  to  show  my  father's 
estimate  of  the  institution  of  slavery ;  how  j)rofoiind  was  his 
horror  of  it,  and  how  keen  his  sense  of  the  evils  resulting 
from  it ;  while  at  the  same  time  he  felt  the  grave  difficulties 
of  the  subject,  and  respected  the  position  and  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  those  persons  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
slave-holders.  Keferring  to  the  free  blacks,  and  the  benefits 
which  they  would  derive  from  emigration,  he  says : 

"There  is  not  in  the  history  of  civilization— nay,  not  in  the  history  of 
barbarism  itself— an  instance  of  degradation  so  fixed  and  hopeless  as 
that  to  which  this  unhappy  race  is  consigned  among  us.  It  would  be 
inaccurate  to  say  that  Nature  has  set  up  between  us  and  them  an  insuper- 
able barrier.  But  certain  it  is  that  the  difference  of  color,  which  is  in 
the  order  of  nature,  has  grown,  through  the  infamous  institution  of  slav- 
ery— through  the  act  of  man  and  not  of  God — to  be  a  living  memento 
of  bonds  and  servitude  which  Nature  herself  cannot  efface.  Among  the 
nations  of  antiquity  there  was  no  such  obstacle  to  tlie  elevation  of  the 
slave  to  the  grade  of  the  master.  There  was  no  difference  of  color,  no 
constitutional  incongruity  of  the  species,  by  means  of  which  the  act  of 
manumission  could  possibly  leave  behind  it  a  vestige  of  degradation. 
Freedom  exhibited  itself  to  him  with  all  the  allurements  of  consideration 
and  equality ;  it  excited  the  spirit  of  ambition,  and  animated  the  exertions 
of  industry.  Accordingly  we  find  in  the  ranks  of  servitude  men  who 
added  lustre  to  the  age  in  which  they  lived.  But  I  hazard  nothing  in 
saying  that  if  these  men  had  sprung  up  among  this  outcast  race,  no 
brilliancy  of  genius  could  have  silenced  the  suggestions  of  prejudice  and 
raised  them,  as  they  were  raised,  to  the  level  of  their  masters.  It  is  in 
vain,  under  the  influence  of  such  discouragements,  that  civil  rights  and 
equality  of  political  privileges  are  extended,  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and 
philanthropy,  to  blacks  among  us.  It  is  a  mere  mockery  of  freedom, 
when  our  prejudices  render  inoperative  all  concessions  in  their  favor; 
when  they  are  still  consigned,  by  the  condemnations  of  opinion,  to  an  in- 
feriority without  hope  and  without  limit.  It  is  impossible  that  such  a 
condition  of  moral  proscription  can  bring  forth  any  fruit  of  excellence  or 
virtue.  Ambition  and  the  very  hope  of  distinction  are  poisoned  at  their 
source;  debasement  grows  into  a  habit,  and  the  sense  of  subjection  be- 
comes a  part  of  the  mind  itself  I  know  that  it  has  been  asserted  that 
the  African  race  is  originally  inferior  in  point  of  mental  endowments  to 
the  race  of  whites.  Sir,  this  is  not  a  proper  occasion  for  entering  into  a 
discussion  of  this  question ;  but  it  is  worthy  of  reflection  whether  this 


1828-1830.]   ADVOCACY  OF  FREED  NEGRO  COLONIZATION.    117 

deduction,  which  professes  to  be  drawn  from  certain  peculiarities  of  or- 
ganization, or  from  the  degraded  condition  of  the  blacks  among  us— I 
say  it  is  worthy  of  our  reflection  whether  this  is  not  a  mere  arbitrary 
deduction,  whether  it  is  not  at  war  with  all  legitimate  philosophy,  and 
whether  there  is  not  an  unpardonable  degree  of  moral  presumption 
in  attempting  the  solution  of  such  a  problem  with  such  uncertain 
lights. ...  At  all  events,  it  would  be  both  unjust  and  unphilosophical 
to  deduce  their  inferiority  from  the  very  degradation  which  we  our- 
selves have  created,  to  expect  any  bright  examples  of  virtue  or  genius 
from  those  whom  we  have  oppressed  for  a  long  series  of  generations 
with  all  the  burdens  of  an  ignominious  servitude,  and  whom  we  have 
finally  endued  with  nominal  freedom,  merely  to  degrade  them  still  far- 
ther with  a  moral  proscription  as  oppressive,  and  more  insulting,  than 
the  very  bonds  with  which  it  has  been  exchanged. 

"I  am  aware,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  condition  of  the  free  blacks 
among  us  is  altogether  without  remedy ;  that  here  they  must  forever  re- 
main outcasts  from  the  pale  of  our  afi'ections  and  almost  of  our  sympa- 
thies. It  is  only  necessary  for  each  of  us  to  refer  to  his  own  breast  to 
feel  that  this  is  the  fact.  For  where  is  the  man  who  would  admit  them 
to  farther  privileges,  who  would  elevate  them  to  his  own  rank  in  society 
or  give  them  access  to  the  bosom  of  his  family?  Where  is  the  man  who 
does  not  feel  that  tliey  are  a  burden  and  an  encumbrance  to  the  body 
politic,  pressing  with  a  leaden  weight  upon  its  foundations,  disfiguring 
its  proportions,  and  impairing  its  strength  ?  Sir,  it  is  this  very  convic- 
tion— the  conviction  that  their  condition  here  is  without  remedy — which 
should  render  us  the  more  sensible  to  the  long  series  of  injustice  with 
which  they  have  been  visited ;  which  should  stimulate  us  to  do  all  in 
our  power  to  provide  for  them  a  refuge  from  their  present  debasement, 
where  they  may  assume  their  proper  rank  in  the  scale  of  being,  and 
where  at  least  their  degradation  may  not  be  perpetuated  by  rearing  up 
their  children  and  forming  their  minds  amid  associations  of  inferiority 
and  social  subjection." 

Again,  he  says : 

"  It  is  worthy  of  l-eflection  whether  any  sincere  friend  of  emancipation 
can,  without  inconsistency,  withhold  his  assistance  from  the  plan  of  col- 
onization— whether  it  is  not  a  misconceived  and  a  misdirected  mercy, 
which  would  strike  off  the  fetters  of  the  slave  to  consign  him  to  a  state 
of  moral  proscription  difilering  from  physical  bondage  only  in  the  name. 
Emancipation,  as  it  exists  among  us,  is,  in  fact,  a  mere  exchange  of  phys- 
ical for  moral  servitude ;  and  if  the  latter  is  not  attended  with  all  the 


118  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

restrictions  of  tbe  former,  neither  is  it  attended  with  the  parental  super- 
vision and  providence  which  are  often  its  companions." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  views  of  one  who  uttered 
the  following  words : 

"  Considered  as  a  mere  measure  of  political  economy,  colonization  has 
as  strong  a  claim  upon  us  in  its  tendency  to  hasten  the  extinction  of 
slavery  as  any  measure  which  can  be  devised  for  the  promotion  of  the 
productive  industry  of  the  United  States.  It  is  an  opinion  as  ancient 
as  slavery  itself,  that  the  labor  of  bondmen  is  gradually  destructive  of 
the  soil  to  which  it  is  applied." 

Then,  after  fortifying  this  view  by  a  variety  of  arguments 
and  illustrations  from  Pliny,  Tacitus,  and  other  writers,  an- 
cient and  modern,  and  by  the  result  of  our  own  experience, 
he  continues : 

"  It  is  not  merely  because  slavery  is  an  impediment  to  the  develop- 
ment of  our  national  resources  that  its  presence  among  us  is  to  be  de- 
plored. It  is  an  impediment  also  to  the  assertion  of  the  rank  which  we 
claim  to  hold  among  the  advocates  of  the  rights  of  man.  It  may  not 
put  at  hazard  the  success  of  the  great  experiment  which  we  are  carrying 
on  of  the  competency  of  mankind  to  self-government;  for  it  is  not  incon- 
sistent with  its  success  that  he  who  is  fitted  for  freedom  should  hold  in 
bondage  his  fellow-man.  But  it  involves,  unquestionably,  a  denial  of  the 
fundamental  doctrine  of  our  political  institutions,  that  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness  are  natural  and  inalienable  rights.  It  is  a 
degradation  of  the  tenure  of  freedom  from  a  principle  above  all  human 
law  to  the  principle  of  brute  force — the  principle  from  which  despotism 
itself  derives  its  title.  It  may  not  impair  the  stability  of  our  free  insti- 
tutions, but  it  impairs  our  influence  in  promoting  the  diffusion  of  their 
principles.  For  who  shall  be  bound  to  attend  to  the  assertion  of  rights 
by  us  which  we  refuse  to  recognize  in  others?  With  what  effect  can 
we  pronounce  the  eulogium  of  free  institutions  when  our  utterance  is 
mingled  and  confounded  with  the  accents  of  oppression  and  servitude  ? 
We  have,  unquestionably,  a  justification  in  the  fact  that  slavery  was  im- 
posed upon  us  against  our  wishes,  during  our  dependence  upon  a  foreign 
state;  but  this  circumstance  will  cease  to  be  a  justification  the  moment 
we  falter  in  our  exertions  to  redress  the  injury. 

"  In  speaking  these  sentiments  I  say  nothing  to  which  the  sentiments 
of  every  liberal  gentleman  in  the  South  will  not  respond.     Nor  do  I 


1828-1830.]  EXPLICIT  VIEWS  ON  SLAVERY.  119 

fear,  Sir,  that  their  utterance  here  will  be  misapprehended.  I  believe  the 
universal  feeling  of  this  assembly  will  bear  me  out  in  saying  that  the 
slave-holding  States  themselves  would  not  be  more  ready  than  we  to 
resist  any  attempt  to  exterminate  the  unquestionable  evil  of  slavery  by 
measures  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution  under  which  we  live.  That 
it  has  been  abolished  wath  us  is  the  happiness  of  an  accidental  position ; 
that  it  still  exists  in  other  sections  of  the  Union  is  the  misfortune  of 
theirs.  When  and  in  what  manner  it  shall  be  abolished  within  the  lim- 
its of  individual  States  must  be  left  to  their  own  voluntary  deliberations. 
The  Federal  Government  has  no  control  over  this  subject :  it  concerns 
rights  of  property  secured  by  the  Federal  compact  upon  which  our  civil 
liberties  mainly  depend;  it  is  a  part  of  the  same  collection  of  political 
rights ;  and  every  invasion  of  it  would  impair  the  tenure  by  which  every 
other  is  held.  For  this  reason  alone,  if  for  no  other,  we  would  discoun- 
tenance and  oppose  any  attempt  to  control  it  by  unconstitutional  inter- 
ference. .  . .  The  American  Society  has  disclaimed  from  the  first  moment 
of  its  institution  all  intention  of  interfering  with  rights  of  property 
recognized  by  the  Federal  compact  to  which  the  States  are  parties.  It 
contemplates  no  purpose  of  abolition ;  it  touches  no  slave  until  his  fet- 
ters have  been  voluntarily  stricken  off  by  the  hand  of  his  own  master : 
all  its  purposes  are  subordinate  to  the  rules  of  public  law  and  the  sug- 
gestions of  private  justice  and  humanity.  But  it  is  to  the  South— to 
Virginia — that  we  are  indebted  for  the  origin  of  this  great  plan;  and  we 
are  indebted  to  that  State  at  least  for  a  co-operation  in  every  plan  which 
has  tended  to  elevate  the  human  character  or  to  promote  the  interests  and 
honor  of  the  Republic.  Her  voice  was  raised  against  the  intrusion  of 
slaves  upon  her  during  her  Colonial  subjection ;  and,  faithful  to  her 
principles,  she  was  the  first  among  the  Southern  States  in  endeavoring  to 
free  herself  from  the  incumbrance  when  she  had  risen  to  Independence." 

These  extracts  present  as  clearly  as  possible  the  views  of 
the  speaker  on  the  terrible  subject  to  which  they  relate.  He 
regarded  slavery  as  in  itself  an  evil,  a  blot  on  our  institu- 
tions, and  an  injury  to  us  politically,  socially,  and  morally. 
Still,  it  was  an  evil  which  had  been  forced  upon  us,  and  one 
which  must  be  left  to  work  itself  out.  The  process,  though 
slow,  would  be  sure ;  under  the  pressure  of  irresistible  laws 
it  must  gradually  disappear.  I^o  one  might  justly  interfere 
with  it  where  it  already  existed ;  the  rights  of  the  owner 
of  slaves  must  be  respected  and  maintained.     Still,  the  ulti- 


120  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

mate  abolition  of  tlie  institution  was  merely  a  question  of 
time ;  he  looked  for  it  with  assurance  as  a  thing  greatly  to  be 
desired,  and  in  this  he  claimed  that  the  sympathies  even  of 
intelligent  Southerners  must  be  with  him.  His  closing  words 
are  strong  and  forcible : 

"  We  are  bound  "by  every  motive  of  patriotism  to  promote  the  emigra- 
tion of  a  caste,  whose  presence  among  us  is  an  impediment  to  the  devel- 
opment of  our  national  resources,  to  the  progress  of  our  social  improve- 
ment, and  to  the  fulfilment  of  our  destinies  as  a  great  people.  And  we 
are  bound  by  our  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberal  government  to  unite 
in  the  execution  of  a  plan  of  which  the  most  distant  result  may  be  the 
extinction  of  an  institution  which  stands  alone  and  isolated  among 
the  other  institutions  of  society — a  solitary  monument  of  a  barbar- 
ous AGE." 

Such  were  my  father's  views  on  the  question  which  embar- 
rassed our  statesmen  from  the  first,  and  ultimately  led  to  the 
Civil  "War.  I  think  they  never  changed.  He  was  no  aboli- 
tionist in  the  technical  sense  in  which  the  word  came  to  be 
used,  but  he  cordially  disliked  slavery,  and  desired  its  extinc- 
tion; yet  not  by  measures  which  would  have  invaded  the 
rights  of  our  Southern  brethren  under  the  compact  of  the 
Federal  Constitution. 

In  the  year  1830  the  home  at  Cooperstown  was  broken  up. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  summer  the  ofiice  of  Adjutant-gen- 
eral of  the  State  of  New  York  became  vacant,  in  consequence 
of  the  death  of  its  incumbent,  Nicholas  F.  Beck.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  political  friends,  Mr.  Dix  allowed  his 
name  to  be  presented  to  Governor  Throop.  He  did  not,  how- 
ever, desire  the  appointment ;  he  was  happy  and  contented  in 
his  quiet  country  home  by  the  beautiful  lake.  Writing  to  an 
intimate  friend,  on  the  18th  of  July,  he  says : 

"  I  allowed  my  name  to  be  presented  to  the  Governor,  with 
the  expectation,  at  the  time,  that  I  could  pass  at  least  seven 
months  here.  I  am  told,  however,  that  my  residence  must  be 
in  Albany,  and  I  am,  therefore,  thinking  of  withdrawing  my 
name.     There  is  much  to  be  considered  on  both  sides.     The 


1828-1830.]  APPOINTED  ADJUTANT-GENEBAL.  121 

salary  is  only  $800,  but  the  Adjutant-general  is  one  of  <  the 
Eegency,'  and  shares  a  portion  of  the  odium  of  all  mishaps 
which  occur  in  the  administration  of  the  government — a  re- 
sponsibility which  would  be  particularly  agreeable  to  me.  In 
short,  it  is  a  political  station,  besides  being  a  military  post 
of  considerable  importance — and  a  station,  too,  in  immediate 
connection  with  the  government.  My  means  of  forming  ac- 
quaintances and  of  attracting  public  attention  would  be  highly 
favorable.  On  the  other  hand,  I  must  break  up  my  establish- 
ment here,  abandon  my  law  business,  which  is  increasing,  and 
give  up  my  hopes  from  popular  favor.  I  know  not  what  to 
do,  and  I  must  decide  before  I  can  receive  the  benefit  of 
your  counsels." 

On  the  20tli  he  writes  to  the  same  friend : 

"  As  to  the  Adjutant-generalcy,  I  have  concluded  to  let  the 
matter  take  its  course.  I  shall  make  no  exertion  to  obtain 
it.  My  name  is  before  the  Governor,  and  I  do  not  wish  the 
appointment,  unless  he  wishes  me  to  take  it." 

When  the  offer  came  it  w^as  accepted.  His  promotion  had 
been  rapid,  yet  not  more  so  than  might  have  been  expected. 
It  is  observed  by  Hammond  that,  "from  the  character  and 
talents  of  Mr.  Dix,  and  more  especially  from  the  knowledge 
he  had  acquired  of  military  science  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  his  selection  by  Governor  Throop  as  Adju- 
tant-general was  very  judicious,  and  the  appointment  was 
approved  by  the  public."* 

In  a  letter  dated  December  19, 1830,  my  father  says : 

"  I  am  compelled  to  write  you  in  great  haste,  and  can  only 
say  that  we  are  breaking  up  house-keeping  to  go  to  Albany. 

"It  is  with  great  regret  that  I  leave  this  place.  I  have 
been  happy  here,  and,  what  is  more,  quiet  and  tranquil.  I 
now  go  to  scenes  of  turbulence  and  commotion;  and,  al- 
though I  am  fond  of  active  life,  I  have  no  doubt  that  I  shall 
look  back  with  regret  upon  the  peaceful  valleys  of  Otsego." 

*  Vol.  ii.,  p.  241. 


IV. 

ALBANY. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL-SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 
SUPERINTENDENT   OF    COMMON    SCHOOLS- 
MEMBER    OF    THE   LEGISLATURE. 

A.D,    1830-184:3. 


Albany. — Military  Affiiirs  of  the  State. — Report  on  the  Militia  System. — 
General  Jackson's  Second  Term. — Society  Melee  at  Washington ;  Mrs. 
Eaton. — Rejection  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  Nomination  as  Minister  to  Eng- 
land.— Governor  Marcy. — 1833  :  Secretaiy  of  State. — Nullification. — 
Speech  at  the  Capitol  at  Albany. — Thorough  Organization  of  New 
York  Democracy. — "The  Albany  Regency." — Report  on  Public  Ed- 
ucation.— Report  on  the  Geological  Survey  of  the  State. — Decisions  as 
Superintendent  of  Common  Schools. — Financial  Distress  in  1834. — 
Rise  of  the  Whig  Party. — William  H.  Seward. — Coin  and  Paper-mon- 
ey.— Wild  Speculations. — 1836:  Election  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  Presi- 
dent.— Banking  Business,  and  the  Sub-treasury. — Troubles  in  Canada ; 
the  "  Sons  of  Liberty." — Papiueau,  McKenzie,  Rolph. — 1838 :  Triumph 
of  the  Whigs. — Retirement  into  Private  Life. — Albany  Society. — Home 
Life.— School.— St.  Peter's  Church.— The  Rev.  Horatio  Potter.— The 
Log-cabin  and  Hard-cider  Campaign,  in  1839. — Editorial  Labors. — 
"The  Northern  Light."— Literary  Work.— 1841 :  Elected  Member  of 
the  Legislature.— Illness  of  Mrs.  Dix. — 1843 :  Departure  from  Albany. — 
Voyage  to  Madeira. 


1830-1842.]       QUITS  COOFEESTOWN  FOR  ALBANY.  125 


IV. 

The  removal  from  Cooperstown  to  Albany  took  place  in 
the  depth  of  the  winter.  For  the  twelve  following  years  my 
father  resided  in  that  city,  enjoying  the  genial  and  pleasant 
society  of  the  place.  His  life  was  one  of  incessant  activity 
and  industry.  He  filled  three  or  four  offices  of  importance 
in  succession,  and  threw  himself  with  ardor  into  the  work  de- 
manded by  each. 

As  Adjutant -general  he  had  the  supervision  of  military 
affairs  in  the  State  of  'New  York.  The  security  of  the 
civil  order  depends  upon  its  possessing  ample  means  of  de- 
fence against  external  enemies,  and  of  protection  from  law- 
less and  seditious  persons  at  home.  For  these  purposes 
standing  armies  are  employed  by  despotic  and  monarchical 
governments ;  while  republics  have  been  accustomed  to  rely 
on  the  vigilance  and  patriotism  of  the  great  body  of  the  citi- 
zens. To  raise  and  train  an  adequate  and  efficient  militia  is, 
therefore,  an  object  of  great  importance  in  a  country  like  our 
own.  Among  the  duties  of  Congress,  as  prescribed  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  is  that  of  providing  a  na- 
tional militia,  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  in- 
surrections, and  repel  invasions.*  It  is  the  duty  of  the  States 
to  promote  the  design  by  such  additional  legislation  as  is 
adapted  to  insure  the  efficiency  of  our  ^National  Guard. 

A  report  on  the  subject  of  the  Militia  System  of  the  State 
of  New  York  was  made  to  the  Legislature,  January  5,  1832, 
by  the  Adjutant-general.  It  may  be  found  in  full  in  vol.  ii. 
of  his  Speeches  and  Addresses.    It  was  called  forth  by  a  refer- 

*  Art.  II.,  sec.  viii.,  12, 13, 15, 16, 18. 


126  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ence  to  him  of  certain  bills  which  had  been  introduced  in  the 
previous  session.  The  tendency  of  those  bills  was  to  treat 
the  militia  system  as  superfluous  and  burdensome,  and  still 
farther  to  diminish  its  efficiency.  These  attacks  upon  the 
system  were  not  confined  to  the  Legislature  alone,  but  were 
set  on  foot  in  the  principal  cities  by  mock  organizations, 
which  paraded  the  streets  in  fantastical  garb  and  absurd  par- 
aphernalia, in  derision  of  the  militia.  The  same  spirit  was 
prevalent  elsewhere.  In  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in 
the  session  of  1830-'31,  a  committee  was  instructed,  by  a  vote 
of  fifty-two  majority,  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  abolish  all  drills,  in- 
spections, and  reviews  of  the  militia,  and  such  a  bill  was  re- 
ported accordingly.  The  effect,  however,  was  to  alarm  the 
conservative  men  of  the  House,  and  cause  them  to  look  into 
the  principles  of  the  institution,  and  the  alternative  which  its 
abolition  presented.  After  a  fortnight's  debate  the  bill  was 
rejected  by  a  majority  of  fifty  -  six,  and  another  was  intro- 
duced giving  greater  encouragement  to  the  militia  than  any 
passed  since  the  war  of  1812.  General  Dix  was  in  corre- 
spondence with  the  Adjutant-general  of  Massachusetts,  Wil- 
liam H.  Sumner,  on  these  matters,  as  regards  which  the  two 
officers  appear  to  have  been  of  one  mind.  His  views  are  pre- 
sented in  his  report  already  referred  to.  He  argued  that  the 
safety  of  the  Republic  required  that  the  whole  body  of  the 
people  should  be  trained  to  arms,  and  that  a  sufficient  organi- 
zation of  our  military  force  sliould  be  kept  up  to  maintain, 
against  external  and  internal  dangers,  the  public  rights  and 
those  of  the  private  citizen.  Instead  of  approving  the  bills 
referred  to  him,  he  therefore  urged  a  more  thorough  organi- 
zation and  equij)ment  of  the  militia,  in  view  of  dangers 
abroad  and  at  home.  It  becomes  a  great  people  to  be  always 
prepared  for  war,  and  able  to  resist  and  suppress  internal  dis- 
order and  violence.  While,  under  our  institutions,  a  standing 
army  is  inadmissible,  there  ought  to  be  ample  provision  for  a 
National  Guard,  and  for  the  education  of  officers  to  take  the 
men  into  the  field  whenever  it  may  be  necessary.     He  re- 


1830-1842.]      EXPOSED  SITUATION  OF  NEW  YORK.  127 

garded  the  militia  of  the  United  States,  provided  for  by  the 
Constitution,  as  a  strictly  military  institution,  peculiar  in  its 
character  to  the  civil  order  of  which  it  was  designed  to  be 
the  protection  and  support ;  the  aim  being  to  arm  and  disci- 
pline every  citizen,  so  as  to  be  prepared  to  sustain,  in  all 
emergencies,  by  the  united  force  of  the  whole  community,  a 
system  established  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole.  He  did  not 
deny  that  there  were  defects  in  the  militia  system ;  his  train- 
ing as  a  soldier  made  him  competent  to  discover  them  and 
to  suggest  improvements ;  but  his  dread  of  a  large  standing 
army  is  evident,  and  he  considered  that  the  true,  source  of 
national  order  and  safety  is  the  intelligence  and  patriotism 
of  the  citizens.  As  to  remedies,  he  thought  that  they  must 
be  sought  from  Congress,  and  not  from  the  State  Legislat- 
ures ;  the  general  government  had  cognizance  of  the  subject, 
and  the  duty  of  the  State  organizations  was  to  carry  out 
constitutional  provisions,  not  to  reverse  or  nullify  them.  In 
this  view  of  the  paramount  powers  of  Congress,  and  the  pro- 
priety of  looking  to  them  for  the  necessary  remedies  for  ex- 
isting defects,  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia 
appear  to  have  concurred."^ 

Eeferring  to  the  peculiar  local  situation  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  he  speaks  of  the  importance  and  value  of  that  uni- 
formed volunteer  force  which  has  now  grown  to  our  splen- 
did "  First  Division :" 

"  Looking  to  external  dangers,"  he  observes,  "  the  city,  from 
its  exposed  situation,  should  be  covered  by  a  more  numerous 
and  better-trained  force  than  would  be  required  if  its  position 
were  more  central.  But  the  danger  from  abroad  is  not  the 
only  one.  Wherever  great  wealth  is  accumulated  are  sure  to 
be  found  those  vices  which  se6k  an  unlawful  sustenance  by 
preying  upon  it.     Great  numbers  of  persons  without  visible 


*  The  reader  may  refer,  in  this  connection,  to  the  report  of  General 
Townsend  and  that  of  the  Military  Committee  of  the  New  York  Legis- 
lature, in  1881. 


128  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

occupations  have  their  habitations  within  the  city ;  and  the 
detection  of  crimes  has  more  than  once  led  to  the  exposure  of 
organized  bands  of  marauders,  depredating  under  the  cover 
of  secrecy  upon  the  property  of  the  citizens.  The  dangers  to 
be  apprehended  from  riots  and  resistance  of  the  public  author- 
ities are  much  increased  by  the  presence  of  such  an  abandoned 
class  of  transient  persons.  That  these  elements  of  disorder 
have  not  led  ere  this  to  far  more  serious  evils  is,  perhaps,  to 
be  ascribed  to  the  restraint  of  a  numerous  and  well-trained 
volunteer  force,  capable  of  being  arrayed  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing in  defence  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens.  In 
this  view  the  uniformed  corps  of  the  city  may  be  regarded 
as  a  part  of  the  municipal  police,  and  in  times  of  emergency 
by  far  the  most  efficient  part.  The  destruction  of  these  corps 
would  expose  the  vast  wealth  of  the  city  to  depredation,  and 
the  public  order  to  scenes  of  violence  and  confusion." 

Several  chapters  have  been  added  to  the  history  of  the 
'New  York  mobs  since  that  day ;  and  each  attempt  on  their 
part  to  break  loose  confirms  the  justness  of  these  views.  The 
First  Division  of  the  New  York  State  ]^ational  Guard  has 
been  growing  constantly  in  efficiency.  The  interest  of  the 
Adjutant-general  in  it  was  rewarded  by  the  sight  of  its  fine 
condition  when,  many  years  afterward,  he  became  its  Com- 
mander-in-chief. 

I  shall  make  but  one  more  extract  from  this  report.  It 
concludes  in  the  following  impressive  terms : 

"  Nothing  could  be  more  animating  to  the  enemies  of  liberal  govern- 
ment than  to  behold  the  people  of  the  United  States,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  inconsiderable  evils,  voluntarily  laying  aside  their  arms,  and 
declining  to  prepare  themselves,  by  exercise  and  discipline,  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  social  institutions  and  privileges  which  their  ancestors  pur- 
chased with  years  of  suffering  and  a  profuse  expenditure  of  treasure  and 
blood.  No  other  event,  it  is  conceived,  would  furnish  evidence  so  con- 
clusive of  the  decline  of  that  moral  spirit  in  the  people  upon  which  our 
public  liberties  are  dependent. 

"As  a  final  observation,  it  may  be  remarked  that,  by  impairing  the 
efficiency  of  the  militia,  the  strongest  argument  is  furnished  in  favor  of 


1830-1842.]      A  EAMPABT  AGAINST  ALL  ENEMIES.  129 

increasing  the  regular  army.  Whenever  it  shall  become  apparent  that 
the  former  is  inadequate  to  the  public  defence— a  period  which  may  be 
indefinitely  postponed  by  a  continuance  of  martial  exercises— the  whole 
responsibility  of  maintaining  the  public  order  must  be  confided  to  regu- 
lar troops,  in  the  pay  and  under  the  control  of  the  central  government. 
Under  such  circumstances  the  close  of  a  war  would  no  longer  be  a  si<y- 
nal  for  disbanding  the  army  employed  in  carrying  it  on,  but  it  would 
be  kept  up  as  a  provision  both  against  internal  and  external  dangers. 
Without  reference  to  the  incompatibility  of  this  order  of  things  with  the 
great  principles  of  our  political  system,  the  vast  expense  of  such  a  mili- 
tary preparation  would  be  a  constant  drain  upon  our  public  wealth,  and 
impair  our  ability  to  meet  future  exigencies,  by  diverting  our  resources 
from  the  higher  and  more  beneficial  purposes  of  improving  our  internal 
condition.  In  a  word,  it  is  only  under  the  protection  of  the  militia  sys- 
tem that  the  country  is  enabled  at  the  termination  of  every  contest  to 
lay  aside  the  more  massive  and  burdensome  parts  of  its  armor,  and  to 
become  prepared,  with  energies  renewed  by  that  very  capacity,  for  suc- 
ceeding scenes  of  danger." 

The  views  presented  in  tliis  report  were  amply  vindicated 
during  the  late  Civil  War.  Without  the  aid  of  the  militia 
regiments,  which  marched  to  the  defence  of  the  national 
capital  at  the  first  note  of  alarm,  the  Federal  Government 
might  have  been  overturned  or  driven  from  its  seat  by  the 
insurgents ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  arguments  are  as  ap- 
plicable to  the  subject  now  as  when  presented  to  the  Legis- 
lature nearly  half  a  century  ago.  The  report  constitutes  a  de- 
fence of  the  system  of  a  IsTational  Guard  as  an  essential  ingre- 
dient in  the  political  organization  of  the  State.  The  necessity 
of  such  a  rampart  against  the  public  enemies  can  never  again 
be  doubted.  The  dangers  which  menace  our  peace  and  pros- 
perity are  greater  now  than  ever  before;  nor  are  they  likely 
to  diminish,  so  long  as  base  men  are  able,  by  the  abuse  of  uni- 
versal suffrage  in  our  large  cities,  to  secure  and  retain  power, 
and  so  long  as  the  philosophical  theories  of  the  Socialist  de- 
ceive the  ignorant  with  their  fallacious  promise,  and  the  out- 
breaks of  the  Communist  stimulate  the  passions  of  the  mob. 

Brought  into  immediate  connection  with  the  government, 
General  Dix  found  himself  at  once  affected  by  the  agitations 
I.— 9 


130  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

of  the  period  and  a  sharer  in  the  political  fortunes  of  those  in 
public  office.  The  times  were  full  of  excitement.  In  the 
year  1830  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York  were  broadly 
divided  into  two  great  parties :  the  Democratic  Republicans,  or 
Jackson  Democrats,  and  the  "  National  Eepublicans,"  as  they 
called  themselves.  General  Jackson  was  in  the  White  House, 
and  the  State  administration  was  in  the  hands  of  his  friends. 
But  a  powerful  organization  had  been  formed,  with  a  view  to 
elect  Henry  Clay  to  the  Presidency  in  1833 ;  and  although 
General  Jackson,  when  first  nominated,  had  declared  his  un- 
willingness to  serve  a  second  term,  his  views  had  undergone  a 
change.  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  his  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, then  Yice-President,  were  already  spoken  of  for  the  suc- 
cession. General  Jackson  was  determined  that,  w^hatever  else 
might  happen,  Mr.  Calhoun  should  not  have  his  place ;  and, 
owing  to  the  strength  of  the  movement  for  Mr.  Clay,  and  un- 
der the  influence  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren's  friends,  the  President 
yielded,  and  consented  to  run  for  the  second  term.  It  does 
not  belong  to  this  biography  to  treat  at  length  of  the  many 
exciting  events  of  General  Jackson's  administration,  such  as 
the  rejection  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren  as  Minister 
to  England  ;  the  veto  of  the  bill  for  the  renewal  of  the  charter 
of  the  United  States  Bank ;  and  the  fearful  feud  at  the  capi- 
tal, when  society  was  convulsed  on  the  subject  of  the  wives 
of  the  Ministers  of  the  Army,  the  Navy,  and  the  Treasury, 
and  when  the  Cabinet  was  broken  up,  after  the  President's 
failure  to  arrange  the  visiting  lists  of  Mesdames  according  to 
his  pleasure.  The  latter  story  reads  like  genteel  comedy. 
Nothing  can  be  more  entertaining  tlian  to  discover  the  old 
hero  of  New  Orleans  in  ignominious  retreat  before  Mrs.  Cal- 
houn and  Mrs.  Ingham,  Mrs.  Branch  and  Mrs.  Berrien,  who, 
notwithstanding  the  ukase  from  the  White  House,  resolutely 
refuse  to  visit  Mrs.  Eaton  or  to  invite  her  to  visit  them ;  nor 
can  one  fail  to  be  impressed  by  the  agitated  protests  of  their 
husbands,  who  assure  the  President  that  as  to  matters  of  this 
nature  they  are  powerless  to  oblige  him,  and  must  decline  the 


1830-1842.]    MR,  VAN  BUBEN'S  FORTUNATE  ISOLATION.       131 

attempt  to  coerce  their  wives  into  visiting  anybody  whom 
they  had  made  up  their  minds  not  to  visit.  In  vain  did  the 
old  hero  storm  and  rage,  becoming,  indeed,  "so  much  excited 
that  he  was  like  a  roaring  lion."  Meanwhile,  Mr.  Yan  Buren 
(fortunate  in  being  a  widower)  prudently  kept  out  of  the  melee 
—the  only  calm  personage  in  the  tableau.  This  was  in  the  year 
1830.  The  next  year  Mr.  Van  Buren  resigned ;  the  Cabinet 
was  shivered  to  pieces,  and  a  new  one  was  formed ;  and  from 
that  time  Mr.  Calhoun  severed  his  relations  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  and  took  his  own  course,  regardless 
of  old  associations. 

During  the  following  year  the  political  excitement  in- 
creased; the  whole  country  was  in  a  ferment  about  the 
United  States  Bank,  the  tariff,  the  threatening  attitude  of 
South  Carolina,  and  the  coming  Presidential  election.  Fresh 
fuel  had  been  added  to  the  flame  by  the  insult  offered  to  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  which  I 
have  already  referred.  Appointed  Minister  to  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  he  went  to  England  in  September,  1831,  although 
the  nomination  had  not  yet  been  acted  on  by  the  Senate, 
which,  indeed,  was  not  to  meet  until  the  following  December. 
Meanwhile,  an  opposition  was  developed,  under  influence  hos- 
tile to  the  President,  by  whom  the  new  minister  had  been  ap- 
pointed, as  well  as  to  Mr.  Yan  Buren  himself,  who  was  already 
regarded  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  More  than  two 
months  had  elapsed  since  Mr.  Yan  Buren's  arrival  in  London 
before  the  Senate  met.  A  long  delay  ensued  after  his  name 
had  been  sent  in,  until,  in  January,  1832,  by  the  casting-vote 
of  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  nomination  was  rejected.  Nothing  could 
have  been  more  mortifying  than  the  position  in  which  that 
distinguished  gentleman  was  thus  placed.  The  action  of  the 
Senate  was  without  a  precedent  in  the  history  of  our  diplo- 
matic service,  and  the  indignation  caused  by  his  treatment 
was  prodigious.  His  friends  in  the  Legislature,  together  with 
many  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Albany,  concurred  in  calling 
a  public  meeting  to  denounce  the  action  of  the  Senate.     Gen- 


132  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

eral  Dix  was  the  first  speaker.  He  discussed,  not  merely  the 
direct  occasion  which  had  called  forth  that  protest,  but  also 
the  history  of  the  negotiations  with  Great  Britain  on  the  sub- 
ject of  our  commercial  intercourse  with  her  IS^ew  England 
Colonies. 

"  It  is  well  known,"  he  said, "  that  this  is  the  first  instance  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  government  in  which  the  nomination  of  a  Minister  by  the 
President  has  been  rejected  by  the  Senate  after  entering  on  the  duties 
of  his  ofiice.  The  President  is  charged  by  the  Constitution  with  the 
management  of  our  relations  with  foreign  states ;  and  it  has  always  been 
deemed  proper  that  he  should,  as  the  responsible  person,  have  the  selec- 
tion of  his  agents.  So  novel  and  extraordinary  was  this  case,  that  it  was 
confidently  expected  by  many  that  a  removal  of  the  injunction  of  secrecy 
would  exhibit  sufficient  evidences  of  the  necessity  of  making  it  an  ex- 
ception to  the  general  rule.  It  has  exhibited  no  such  thing ;  it  has  dis- 
closed nothing  of  which  the  public  were  not  already  apprised,  nothing 
which  has  not  already  been  pronounced  upon  by  the  judgment  of  the  peo- 
ple. It  is  true,  we  are  informed  by  private  letters,  that  imputations  derog- 
atory to  the  moral  character  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  were  introduced  into  the 
Senate — imputations  contradicted  by  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life,  imputa- 
tions sustained  by  no  proof,  disreputable  in  their  grossness  to  the  indi- 
viduals who  gave  countenance  to  them,  and  insulting,  beyond  measure 
insulting,  to  the  body  to  which  they  were  addressed.  If  they  shall  ever 
see  the  light,  they  will  be  indignantly  resented  by  all  parties,  whatever 
may  be  their  political  predilections,  as  an  outrage  to  justice  and  truth." 

The  only  reason  of  a  public  nature  relied  on  as  a  justifica- 
tion for  the  rejection  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren  appears  to  have  been 
the  tenor  of  his  instructions  to  Mr.  McLane  upon  the  negotia- 
tion of  the  latter  with  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  the  West 
India  trade.  After  an  argument  in  defence  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren 
on  this  point,  General  Dix  concluded  by  showing  that  politi- 
cal hostility  to  the  President  was  the  moving  spring  of  the 
attack  on  the  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James.  He  ends 
with  these  words : 

"  I  will  no  longer  occupy  the  attention  of  this  meeting.  I  feel  that  I 
have  already  too  long  occupied  it,  although  much  remains  to  be  said. 
I  am  persuaded  that  I  do  not  overrate  the  justice  of  the  American  people 
when  I  say  that  there  is  no  refuge  for  the  authors  of  this  blot  upon  the 


1830-1842.]       BENE  WED  POLITICAL  EXCITEMENT.  133 

national  character,  and  that  time  will  record  their  indelible  disgrace. 
They  will  stand  before  the  world,  not  merely  in  the  light  of  men  who 
have  brought  dishonor  upon  the  character  of  the  country,  but  in  the  still 
more  odious  light  of  political  adversaries,  who,  in  ministering  to  the  pur- 
poses of  injustice  and  persecution,  have  accomplished  a  double  object 
of  personal  revenge.-' 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  attack  on  Mr.  Yan  Buren, 
by  directing  general  attention  to  him,  as  a  sufferer  under  a 
malicious  persecution,  proved  to  be  one  of  the  causes  of  his 
nomination  by  the  Baltimore  Convention,  in  the  following 
May,  for  the  office  of  Yice-President. 

In  the  autumn  of  1832  the  Presidential  election  took  place, 
as  well  as  that  for  Governor  of  this  State.  General  Jackson 
was  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  Republicans;  Henry 
Clay  w^as  nominated  by  the  ]S"ational  Eepublicans ;  while  the 
political  Antimasons  supported  Mr.  "William  Wirt.  On  the 
question  of  Governor  the  N'ational  Republicans  and  Anti- 
masons  united  on  Francis  Granger;  the  candidate  of  the 
Administration  party  was  William  L.  Marcy.  The  result  was 
that  Mr.  Marcy  received  a  majority  of  about  13,000,  while 
the  President  was  kept  in  office  for  a  second  term.  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  the  successful  rival  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  was  elected  Yice- 
President,  and  thus  advanced  one  step  nearer  to  the  highest 
prize  in  American  politics. 

The  election  of  Governor  Marcy  caused  a  vacancy  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  whicli  was  filled  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  Silas  Wright,  then  Comptroller  of  the  State.  Aza- 
riali  C.  Flagg  became  Comptroller  in  Mr.  Wright's  place,  and 
General  Dix  w^as  made  Secretary  of  State,  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Flagg.  His  appointment,  January  15, 1833,  was  accepted  on 
the  following  day. 

With  the  opening  of  that  year  came  a  renewal  of  excite- 
ment in  the  political  world.  The  policy  of  the  government 
on  the  tariff  question  had  assumed  a  grave  significance  in  con- 
sequence of  the  action  of  South  Carolina,  where  the  doctrine 
was  now  advanced  that  a  State  has  the  right  to  nullify  the 


134  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

laws  of  Congress  and  secede  from  the  Union.  The  President 
had  already  announced,  in  a  proclamation  dated  December  10, 
1832,  the  course  which  he  intended  to  take  in  case  the  advo- 
cates of  nullification  should  force  a  crisis  ;  and,  as  an  adminis- 
tration measure,  a  bill  was  pending  in  Congress,  introduced 
by  Mr.  Yerplanck,  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  had  for  its  ob- 
ject a  reduction  of  the  tariff,  with  a  view  to  such  limitation  of 
the  revenues  of  the  country  to  its  expenditures  as  should  be 
consistent  with  the  simplicity  of  the  government  and  an  efii- 
cient  public  service.  This  reduction  was  strongly  opposed  by 
the  manufacturing  interest  in  the  Northern  and  Eastern  sec- 
tions of  the  country.  Under  these  circumstances  a  move  was 
made  in  Albany  to  obtain,  if  possible,  an  expression  of  public 
opinion  adverse  to  the  Tariff  Bill ;  and  for  that  purpose  a  pub- 
lic meeting  was  called,  to  take  action,  as  was  said,  on  the  Presi- 
dent's proclamation  and  on  Mr.  Yerplanck's  measure.  The 
promoters  of  this  movement  appear  to  have  concealed  their 
object  so  successfully  as  to  induce  large  numbers  of  the  Presi- 
dent's friends  to  sign  the  call ;  but  when  they  discovered  that 
the  real  design  was,  while  approving  the  course  of  the  Presi- 
dent toward  the  South  Carolina  malcontents,  to  oppose,  and 
instruct  our  representatives  in  Congress  to  oppose,  any  farther 
legislation  on  the  tariff,  the  indignation  of  the  victims  of  the 
ruse  was  intense,  and  they  resolved  to  repair  to  the  meeting, 
defeat  its  objects,  and  give  true  expression  to  their  sentiments 
on  questions  before  the  people.  The  leading  part  in  this  pro- 
gramme was  assigned  to  the  newly-chosen  Secretary  of  State. 
The  meeting  was  held  in  the  City  Hall.  It  was  called  to 
order,  and  organized  without  opposition,  by  those  who  had 
originally  moved  in  the  affair.  Then  a  series  of  resolutions 
was  read ;  but  before  the  question  could  be  taken  on  their 
adoption  General  Dix  arose  and  asked  a  hearing.  He  said 
that  he  was  not  prepared  to  give  his  assent  to  all  the  reso- 
lutions; to  those  which  related  to  the  tariff  he  felt  it  his 
duty  to  object ;  and  he  moved,  as  a  substitute,  a  series  which 


1830-1842.]    GENERAL  DIX'S  PROPHETIC  ADDRESS.  135 

he  read.  A  scene  of  great  confusion  followed ;  an  attempt 
was  made  to  prevent  him  from  being  heard ;  but  loud  cries 
at  once  arose  from  all  parts  of  the  hall,  and  he  was  called 
to  the  main  staircase,  whence  he  addressed  the  assemblage  in 
a  speech  which  was  received  with  long  and  loud  applause. 
Subsequently  the  uproar  was  renewed,  and  a  scene  of  tumult 
was  presented  which  the  witnesses  describe  as  beggaring  de- 
scription, with  shouts  and  cries  of  "  Order !"  "  Question  on  the 
substitute,"  "  Question  on  the  resolutions,"  etc.,  the  original 
promoters  of  the  meeting  exhausting  their  efforts  to  control 
the  assembly.  At  this  stage  of  proceedings  Mr.  Livingston, 
ascending  the  staircase,  exclaimed,  at  the  top  of  his  clear  voice, 
''Friends  of  Andrew  Jackson  and  of  the  substitute^  to  the 
Capitol  I  Here  we  have  no  fair  chance  of  heing  heard !  " 
The  cry  w^as  echoed  by  a  thousand  voices ;  some  two-thirds  of 
those  present  at  once  left  the  building  and,  with  loud  cheers, 
proceeded  to  the  Capitol.  The  great  hall  of  that  edifice  was 
filled  to  overflowing  in  a  very  few  minutes.  Judge  Suther- 
land was  called  to  the  chair ;  Chancellor  Walworth  and  Gen- 
eral Gansevoort  were  appointed  vice-presidents,  and  General 
Dix  and  William  Seymour,  secretaries.  Addresses  were  made 
by  gentlemen  previously  prevented  from  speaking;  an  en- 
thusiastic endorsement  of  the  administration  was  given ;  and 
resolutions  offered  by  General  Dix,  and  including  the  substi- 
tute previously  offered  by  him  at  the  City  Hall,  wxre  adopted 
with  great  cheering  and  without  a  dissenting  voice;  while 
copies  of  his  speech,  and  of  that  of  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Butler, 
were  requested  for  publication. 

There  are  parts  of  this  address  which  have  a  prophetic 
sound ;  they  breathe  that  intense  devotion  to  the  Union 
w^hich  was  with  him  a  ruling  passion.  Alluding  to  the 
spectre  of  Secession,  even  then  looming  on  the  view,  he  said : 

"  If  the  value  of  the  Union  shall  be  drawn  into  doubt  for  a  moment  in 
the  mind  of  any  one,  let  him  advert  to  the  condition  of  the  country  when 
it  was  formed :  let  him  follow  out  its  history  during  the  half-century, 
now  nearly  complete,  that  we  have  lived  under  it :  let  him  contemplate 


136  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

the  wealth,  the  strength,  the  national  character,  the  public  security,  and, 
above  all,  the  internal  tranquillity,  which  it  has  brought.  Let  him  learn 
from  all  this  the  value  of  that  sacred  tie  which  binds  us  together  as  one 
people,  vast  as  is  the  surface  over  which  we  are  spread,  uniting  those 
who  with  an  unconquerable  enterprise  have  penetrated  the  forests  be- 
yond the  Alleghanies  with  the  regions  of  cultivation  from  which  they 
came.  And  then  let  him  turn  to  the  reverse  of  the  picture.  Let  him 
merely  contemplate  the  first  fruits  of  disunion.  Let  him  behold  the  fab- 
ric of  our  government,  the  only  existing  monument  to  popular  liberty, 
upturned  from  its  deepest  foundations;  disorder  and  confusion  over- 
spreading the  face  of  the  land ;  hostile  forces,  bearing  the  same  fraternal 
blood,  arrayed  against  each  other,  and  animated  by  new  and  unnatural 
impulses  into  the  most  fierce  and  unrelenting  animosity.  Finally,  let 
him  behold  the  seceding  State  appealing  to  some  foreign  power  for  pro- 
tection against  her  sisters,  whose  fellowship  she  had  abjured;  and  from 
the  proud  condition  of  equality  in  the  noblest  Union  of  free  and  enlight- 
ened States  the  world  ever  saw,  sinking,  irretrievably  sinking,  into  the 
degradation  of  Colonial  dependence  !  I  envy  not  the  man  who  can  dwell 
without  emotion  upon  scenes  like  these — who  can  stand  without  falter- 
ing upon  the  precipice  of  disunion  and  look  into  the  abyss  beneath.  .  . . 
"The  considerations  by  which  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  Union 
is  supported  are  not  to  be  measured  by  our  own  interests  alone.  I  have 
said,  and  I  repeat,  that  it  is  connected  with  the  cause  of  liberal  institu- 
tions throughout  the  world.  A  separation  of  these  States  would  be  a 
direct  retrogradation  in  the  career  of  free  government.  Such  an  event 
would  come  strongly  in  aid  of  the  principles  which  in  other  countries 
are  arrayed  against  the  extension  of  popular  rights.  It  behooves  us, 
then,  to  advert  to  the  relation  which  we  bear  to  other  nations.  We 
stand  before  the  world  in  a  position  which  no  other  country  ever  occu- 
pied. Our  social  and  political  institutions ;  the  great  results  which  we 
have  accomplished  by  our  enterprise  and  industry  in  converting  a  vast 
wilderness  from  barrenness  to  fertility;  the  principles  of  political  right, 
which  we  have  reduced  to  successful  practice  upon  a  theatre  almost  un- 
bounded in  extent,  attract  to  us  the  attention  of  the  whole  civilized 
world.  The  friends  of  free  government,  wherever  they  are  to  be  found, 
turn  to  us  as  to  the  last  hope  of  liberal  institutions;  and  with  an  anxie- 
ty the  more  intense,  as  all  the  lessons  which  history  has  furnished  have 
for  them  been  lessons  of  discouragement.  On  us  is  devolved  the  solemn 
responsibility  of  solving  the  problem,  whether  the  highest  degree  of  so- 
cial happiness  and  political  liberty  may,  under  the  same  form  of  govern- 
ment, be  combined  with  strength,  security,  and  wide  extent  of  territory. 
We  are  literally  performing  an  experiment  which  may  settle  forever  the 


1830-1842.]  MEN  OF  WORTH  IN  THE  PAST.  I37 

competency  of  mankind  to  self-government.  A  vast  responsibility  rests 
upon  us,  a  responsibility  to  be  measured,  not  by  our  interests  alone,  but 
by  the  power  of  our  example  over  the  fortunes  of  other  countries ;  a  re- 
sponsibility only  to  be  borne  and  fulfilled  by  maintaining  inviolate,  in 
the  whole  extent  of  their  application,  the  great  principles  which  we  have 
assumed  and  announced  to  the  world  as  the  only  just  basis  of  human 
government. 

"  Let  us,  then,  deeply  impressed  with  a  sense  of  this  high  responsi- 
bility, esteem  no  other  obligation  so  imperious  as  that  of  discharging  it. 
Let  us  not  forget  that  the  fabric  of  this  Union,  once  torn  from  its  foun- 
dations, can  never  be  reconstructed  with  its  present  proportions  and 
strength ;  that  no  human  art  can  re-assemble  its  scattered  materials,  and 
relay  them  as  they  now  are  laid.  ...  Let  us  do  all  that  justice,  all  that 
liberality  demands.  Let  us  discharge  every  obligation  due  to  fraternal 
friendship  and  union When  we  shall  have  done  all  this,  if  the  tem- 
pests of  disaffection  shall  still  overspread  our  political  horizon,  menacing 
the  durability  of  government  and  of  civil  liberty— if  the  storm  must 
come— then  may  we,  with  no  other  regret  than  that  which  so  painful 
an  alternative  must  excite,  rally  around  the  Constitution  of  the  country, 
and,  in  the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  pledge  to  each 
other  '  our  lives,  our  property,  and  our  sacred  honor '  for  its  defence." 

ISTever  was  a  political  body  in  better  condition  or  more 
thorouglily  organized  than  the  Democratic  Eepublican  party 
at  the  beginning  of  Governor  Marcy's  administration.  It  is 
refreshing  to  look  back  and  study  the  character  and  quality 
of  the  men  who  then  held  the  reins.  At  the  head  of  the  na- 
tion was  General  Jackson,  distinguished  not  more  for  his  iron 
will,  nerve,  and  determination  than  for  his  exalted  patriotism 
and  unchallenged  honesty  and  integrity.  Mr.  Yan  Buren, 
one  of  the  ablest  and  purest  of  statesmen,  occupied  the  Yice- 
President's  chair,  as  chief  officer  of  the  United  States  Senate. 
Governor  Marcy  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  ability — calm, 
wise,  judicious.  The  officers  of  the  State  Government  were : 
John  Tracy,  Lieutenant-governor ;  John  A.  Dix,  Secretary  of 
State;  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  Comptroller;  Greene  C.  Bronson, 
Attorney  -  general ;  and  Abraham  Keyser,  Treasurer.  The 
President  enjoyed  an  immense  and  well-deserved  popularity ; 
the  banking  interest  was  on  the  side  of  the  government ;  An- 


138  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

timasonry  was  practically  defunct.  Those  were  halcyon  days. 
In  the  State  of  'New  York  the  practical  control  of  affairs  was 
in  the  hands  of  a  small  number  of  men,  to  whom  Mr.  Weed 
had  given  the  name  of  "  The  Albany  Eegency."  Prominent 
among  them  were  Silas  Wright,  Edwin  Croswell,  Benjamin 
Knower,  James  Porter,  and  General  Dix.  They  were  men  of 
great  sagacity  and,  above  all,  honest — as  it  has  been  well  re- 
marked, aggressively  honest;  not  satisfied  with  being  above 
reproach  themselves,  but  refusing  to  tolerate  in  those  whom 
they  could  control  what  their  own  fine  sense  of  honor  did 
not  approve.  The  action  of  the  Democratic  party  was  deter- 
mined by  the  deliberations  of  these  leading  men ;  they  ruled 
with  a  sway  under  which  public  affairs  were  sure  to  be  pru- 
dently and  ably  administered.  With  the  Governor  they  were 
in  constant  and  confidential  communication.  I  have  heard 
my  father  relate  how  they  were  always  favored  with  the  first 
reading  of  Mr.  Marcy's  Messages,  which  he  submitted  to  their 
censure  or  approval  before  sending  them  to  the  Legislature ; 
and  that  on  such  occasions  they  endeavored  to  ascertain  what 
portions  the  Governor  deemed  best,  with  a  view  to  make  them 
the  special  mark  of  criticism.  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  now  far 
advanced  in  years,  and  probably  more  familiar  than  any  liv- 
ing man  with  the  history  of  the  politics  of  the  State  of  !N"ew 
York,  in  a  conversation  which  I  held  with  him  recently,* 
broke  forth  into  an  eloquent  panegyric  on  the  old  Regency. 
Himself  one  of  their  most  earnest  and  honest  opponents  in 
those  days,  he  yet  bore  witness  to  their  virtues,  and  said  that 
he  had  never  known  a  body  of  men  who  possessed  so  much 
power  and  used  it  so  well.  Their  enemies,  he  added,  found 
neither  flaw  in  their  character  nor  blot  on  their  names,  nor 
could  they  ever  gain  an  advantage  over  them,  excepting  in 
those  rare  instances  in  which  they  made  mistakes  in  their 
policy,  thereby  showing  themselves  to  be  fallible  men. 

General  Dix  held  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  from 

*  Written  in  July,  1880. 


1830-1842.]     GENEBAL  DIX  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE.         139 

February  1, 1833,  until  February  4, 1839.  His  labors  during 
those  six  years  were  incessant.  The  subject  of  public  educa- 
tion belonged  to  his  department,  since  the  Secretary  of  State 
was  also  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools ;  and  to  him,  un- 
doubtedly, the  State  of  JSTew  York  is  indebted  in  great  meas- 
ure for  its  Public  School  system.  An  act  of  the  Legislature 
was  passed  May  2,  1834,  entitled,  ''An  Act  concerning  the 
Literature  Ftmdy  As  it  related  to  the  education  of  the 
teachers  of  our  common  -  schools,  under  the  direction  of  the 
Eegents  of  the  University,  a  certified  copy  of  it  was  sent  to 
that  Board.  They  referred  it  to  Messrs.  Dix,  Biiel,  and  Gra- 
ham, with  directions  to  prepare  and  present  to  the  Eegents  a 
plan  for  carrying  the  provisions  of  the  act  into  operation. 
The  report,  wTitten  by  Mr.  I}ix,  as  chairman  of  the  committee 
of  reference,  was  given  to  the  Eegents  at  their  annual  meet- 
ing, January  8,  1835.  It  forms  the  basis  of  the  system  of 
education  of  teachers  in  the  common-schools  of  this  State. 

An  examination  of  this  report,  which  is  contained  in  the 
second  volume  of  the  "  Speeches  and  Occasional  Addresses," 
cannot  fail  to  interest  those  who  regard  the  liberal  education 
of  its  future  citizens  as  essential  to  the  stability  of  a  free  gov- 
ernment. The  writer,  after  reviewing  the  systems  pursued  in 
France,  Germany,  and  Prussia,  gives  an  historical  sketch  of 
common-school  instruction  in  this  State.  The  leading  and 
acknowledged  defect  of  the  schools  at  that  day  was  the  want 
of  competent  instructors ;  the  object  aimed  at  was  to  remedy 
that  defect,  and  to  make  our  system  of  popular  instruction 
equal  in  efficiency,  as  it  was  then  superior  in  extent,  in  propor- 
tion to  our  population,  to  any  other  in  the  world.  The  plan 
of  establishing  separate  seminaries  for  the  training  of  teachers 
appears  to  have  been  abandoned  by  the  Legislature ;  it  was 
considered  more  advantageous  to  engraft  on  existing  acade- 
mies departments  of  instruction  for  that  purpose.  The  report 
recommends  the  establishment  of  such  higher  courses  of  in- 
struction at  a  sufficient  number  of  points  to  be  easily  accessi- 
ble from  every  county  in  the  State;   and  considers,  among 


140  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

other  topics,  the  course  and  subjects  of  study,  the  duration  of 
the  course,  and  the  necessary  books  and  apparatus,  together 
with  the  evidence  of  qualification  to  teach,  which  shall  be 
given  by  individuals  trained  in  those  higher  departments. 
On  all  these  points  the  recommendations  of  the  report  are 
practical  and  minute. 

I  cannot  conclude  this  hasty  sketch  of  an  interesting  state 
paper  without  presenting  to  th^  reader  two  extracts  as  speci- 
mens of  its  style  and  substance.  The  first  of  those  relates  to 
the  object  of  education  : 

"It  should  not  be  for  a  moment  forgotten  that  the  object  of  education 
is,  not  merely  to  amass  the  greatest  possible  amount  of  information,  but 
at  the  same  time  to  develop  and  discipline  the  intellectual  and  moral 
faculties.  It  is  in  vain  that  the  stores  of  knowledge  are  enlarged,  if  the 
skill  to  apply  them  for  useful  purposes  be  not  also  acquired.  At  every 
step  the  mind  should  be  taught  to  rely  on  the  exercise  of  its  own  pow- 
ers. The  pupils  should  be  required  to  assign  reasons  for  every  position 
assumed  in  their  various  studies,  not  barely  with  a  view  to  give  them  a 
thorough  comprehension  of  the  subject,  but  for  the  purpose  also  of  cul- 
tivating that  habit  of  critical  investigation  which  is  unsatisfied  until 
every  part  of  the  subject  of  inquiry  is  understood.  The  result  of  com- 
mon-school education  in  most  cases  is  to  burden  the  memory  with  facts 
and  rules,  of  wdiich  the  proper  practical  operation  is  but  imperfectly 
comprehended.  This  defect  is  at  war  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which 
is  to  probe  to  its  inmost  c^epths  every  subject  of  knowledge,  and  to  con- 
vert the  results  of  our  inquiries  to  useful  purposes.  Practical  usefulness 
is  the  great  end  of  intellectual  discipline;  it  should  be  kept  steadily  in 
view  by  the  teacher;  and  he  will  soon  learn  that  his  lesson,  when  its  rea- 
son and  its  object  are  presented  to  the  mind  of  his  pupil,  will  arouse  an 
interest  which,  in  the  absence  of  this  full  understanding  of  the  subject, 
he  would  have  labored  in  vain  to  excite. 

"  In  the  present  condition  of  our  common  schools  much  time  is  lost  and 
labor  misapplied  by  injudicious  systems  of  instruction;  they  are  fields 
for  collecting  facts  and  details  rather  than  for  disciplining  the  faculties. 
This  radical  error  should  be  corrected.  Pupils  should  be  made  to  think 
for  themselves,  instead  of  treasuring  up  merely  the  results  of  other  men's 
thoughts.  The  great  instrument  of  reform  Avill  be  to  make  demonstration 
keep  pace  with  knowledge.  Nothing  should  be  left  unexplained;  nor 
should  anything  be  allowed  to  rest  on  mere  authority,  excepting  where, 
from  the  nature  of  the  subject,  it  admits  of  no  other  foundation." 


1830-1842.]     GENERAL  DIX'S  INTEREST  IN  GEOLOGY.  141 

The  following  picture  of  the  teacher  must,  I  think,  have 
been  painted  from  recollection  of  the  dignified  and  conscien- 
tious guides  of  his  own  youth  : 

"  The  committee  cannot  forbear  to  add  that  the  instructors,  in  the 
academies  with  which  tlie  proposed  departments  may  be  connected, 
should  labor  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  those  who  may  be  preparing 
themselves  for  the  vocation  of  teachers  a  deep  sense  of  the  responsibili- 
ty which  belongs  to  it.  There  is,  in  truth,  no  other  in  which  a  conscien- 
tious and  discreet  discharge  of  its  appropriate  duties  can  well  produce 
more  beneficial  or  lasting  effects.  It  is  from  the  conduct  and  precepts 
of  the  teacher  that  the  minds  committed  to  his  guidance  are  destined  to 
receive  impressions  wliich  may  accompany  the  individuals  through  life, 
and  give  a  determining  cast  to  the  character.  In  his  demeanor  they  may 
read  impressive  lessons  of  moderation,  forbearance,  and  self-control  j  from 
his  rules  of  government  they  may  learn  the  value  of  firmness,  justice,  and 
impartiality ;  or  they  may  find,  in  exhibitions  of  petulance,  unsteadiness 
of  purpose,  and  unjust  distributions  of  favor,  a  license  for  the  indulgence 
of  their  own  prejudices  and  passions.  Nothing  is  more  vital  to  the  suc- 
cessful government  of  the  teacher,  and  to  the  execution  of  his  plans  of 
instruction,  than  a  steady  self-command.  The  most  certain  mode  of 
bringing  his  own  authority  into  contempt  is  to  show  that  he  is  not  his 
own  master.  The  moral  atmosphere  of  the  school-room  will  be  pure 
or  impure  according  to  the  conduct  and  character  of  him  who  presides 
over  it.  On  his  example  will,  in  no  inconsiderable  degree,  depend,  for 
good  or  evil,  the  destiny  of  numbers  whose  influence  will,  in  turn,  be 
felt  by  the  political  society  in  the  operations  of  which  they  are  to  take 
an  active  part.  The  teacher  should  be  made  to  feel  so  sensibly  the  im- 
portance of  his  position,  that  it  may  be  continually  present  to  his 
thoughts,  and  become  the  guide  and  rule  of  his  actions.  He  should 
bear  perpetually  in  mind  that  he  is  the  centre  of  a  little  system,  which, 
as  time  advances,  is  destined  to  spread  itself  out  and  carry  with  it,  for 
the  benefit  or  injury  of  all  whom  it  reaches,  the  moral  influences  im- 
parted by  himself." 

With  another  department  of  our  State  annals  General 
Dix- s  name  is  honorably  associated :  I  refer  to  the  Geological 
Survey  of  the  State  of  ISTew  York.  By  resolution  of  the 
Assembly,  dated  April  18,  1835,  the  Secretary  of  State  was 
"  requested  to  report  to  the  Legislature,  at  its  next  session, 
the  most  expedient  method  of  obtaining  a  complete  geologi- 


142  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

cal  survey  of  the  State,  which  shall  furnish  a  scientific  and 
perfect  account  of  its  rocks,  soils,  and  minerals,  and  of  their 
localities ;  a  list  of  all  its  mineralogical,  botanical,  and  zoologi- 
cal productions,  and  provide  for  procuring  and  preserving 
specimens  of  the  same ;  together  with  an  estimate  of  the  ex- 
penses which  may  attend  the  prosecution  of  the  design,  and  of 
the  cost  of  publication  of  an  edition  of  three  thousand  copies 
of  the  report,  drawings,  and  geological  map  of  the  results." 

Such  were  the  large  instructions  of  the  Legislature ;  and  I 
remember  to  this  day  the  effect  produced  on  our  household. 
My  father  was  delighted  at  the  additional  work  thus  thrown 
on  him,  and  particularly  at  its  character ;  he  began  at  once  to 
collect  materials,  and  inform  himself  fully  on  the  vast  subject 
committed  to  him.  The  house  was  soon  flooded  with  books 
on  geology ;  Lyell,  Mantell,  and  other  authors  appeared,  and 
we  children  used  to  wonder  at  the  plates  representing  incom- 
prehensible monsters  (the  Plesiosaurus,  the  Megatherium,  the 
Pterodactyl,  and  heaven  knows  what  other  shapes),  which, 
far  more  awful  than  any  in  the  "  Arabian  Nights,"  confronted 
us  as  we  peeped  into  those  mysterious  volumes.  The  General 
became  an  enthusiastic  student  of  these  works,  and  enlisted 
the  family  for  the  same  pursuit.  He  entered  into  corre- 
spondence with  the  persons  then  looked  up  to  as  authorities 
in  physical  science ;  he  was  knee-deep  in  rocks  and  minerals, 
organic  remains  and  alluvial  detritus,  and  the  treasure  of  the 
animal  and  floral  kingdoms.  The  result  may  be  seen  in  his 
report  to  the  Legislature,  dated  January  6, 1836,  and  in  the 
subsequent  appearance  of  that  great  work  known  as  the 
"  Natural  History  of  the  State  of  New  York."  It  was  com- 
menced in  the  year  1837,  continued  at  intervals  during  a  pe- 
riod of  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  although,  I  believe, 
not  yet  completed,  already  consists  of  23  thick  quartos,  con- 
taining innumerable  illustrations  of  the  text.  This  work  was 
the  substantial  outcome  of  the  report  made  by  General  Dix  to 
the  Legislature  of  the  State  in  response  to  their  instructions 
in  1835. 


1830^1842.]    GENERAL  DIX'S  GEOLOGICAL  REPORT.  143 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  in  these  labors  Gen- 
eral Dix  had  the  sympathy  of  scientific  gentlemen  through- 
out the  country,  who  watched  with  interest  the  progress  of  so 
grand  a  scheme.  Professor  Silliman  writes  to  him  from  New 
Haven,  July  11, 1835,  as  follows : 

"  I  am  gratified  that  your  great  and  important  territory  is  about  to  be 
surveyed  geologically,  and  that  all  its  natural  productions  are  to  be  taken 
into  the  account. 

"  Our  first  anxiety  should  be  that  the  work  be  thoroughly  done,  and 
that  neither  the  time,  the  money,  nor  the  men  requisite  to  a  masterly 
survey  should  be  stinted.  No  doubt  you  will  feel  that  the  honor  of  the 
State  as  well  as  its  interests  and  those  of  our  country  demand  that  a 
liberal  and  enlarged  view  should  be  taken  of  the  subject.  My  friend 
and  pupil.  Professor  Hitchcock,  has  done  nobly  in  his  survey  of  Massa- 
chusetts, considering  the  means  that  w^ere  placed  at  his  disposal— still,  I 
should  regret  to  see  the  enterprise  commenced  in  New  York  even  upon 
the  Massachusetts  scale.  The  plan,  no  doubt  you  will  agree,  should  be 
such  as  to  furnish  time,  means,  and  inducements  adequate  to  an  investi- 
gation of  the  most  thorough  character." 

Governor  Cass  writes  thus : 

*'  Washington,  January  25, 1836. 
"  Dear  Sir,— I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  your  report.  You  have 
condensed,  within  the  narrowest  compass,  a  vast  mass  of  the  most  im- 
portant information,  a  complete  sketch  of  the  natural  kingdoms  of  your 
State.  I  do  trust  that  New  York  will  carry  out  this  plan.  It  would  be 
a  glorious  monument  to  all  of  you. 

"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  truly  yours.  Lew.  Cass. 

"General  Dix." 

His  old  friend,  General  Upham,  to  whom  he  referred  with 
such  warmth  in  his  autobiographical  sketch,  wrote  to  him  on 
the  same  subject : 

"  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  January  30, 1836. 
"  My  dear  Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  report  to  the  Legislature  of  New  York  in  delation  to  a  Geological 
Survey  of  that  State.  I  have  read  it  with  attention,  and  have  derived 
from  it  much  valuable  information.  I  beg  to  tender  you  sincere  thanks 
for  this  renewed  mark  of  your  attention.  The  pleasure  I  received  from 
it  is  greatly  increased  by  the  recollections  of  our  early  acquaintance,  and 


IM  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

the  deep  (I  had  almost  permitted  myself  to  add  parental)  interest  with 
which  I  have  followed  your  subsequent  course  and  rapid  advancement. 
It  has  been  to  me  a  constant  source  of  gratification  to  learn  that  in 
every  station  you  have  occupied  the  just  expectations  of  your  friends 
have  been  realized. 

"  The  confidence  and  applause  of  political  friends  follow,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  the  display  of  talents,  industiy,  and  extraordinary  exertions  in 
support  of  the  principles  they  have  adopted ;  it  seems  to  be  your  good 
fortune,  my  dear  Sir,  to  enjoy  the  confidence  and  respect  of  your  politi- 
cal opponents — at  least,  I  have  reason  to  believe  it  so,  for  from  such  has 
my  information  respecting  you  been  obtained. 

"  That  you  may  through  life  enjoy  tlie  consolations  of  an  approving 

conscience,  and  at  the  last  receive  the  Heavenly  benediction, '  Well  done, 

thou  good  and  faithful  servant,'  is  the  sincere  and  ardent  prayer  of  your 

old  friend  and 

''  Most  obedient  servant, 

"Tm^  Upham. 
"General  John  A.  Dix,  Albany,  N.  Y." 

I  shall  add  no  more  to  this  brief  notice  of  a  work  which 
reflects  lasting  honor  on  all  who  had  a  hand  in  it ;  few  at  this 
day  know,  and  those  who  knew  have  probably  forgotten,  that 
the  first  impulse  to  that  successful  enterprise  came  from  my 
father's  hand.  I  have  often  wondered  how  he  found  time  to 
do  so  much,  or  how  he  bore  the  fatigue  of  his  official  duties.  I 
have  referred  to  his  labors  in  connection  with  three  subjects 
of  vast  importance :  the  military  system  of  the  State,  the  edu- 
cation of  its  youth,  and  the  description  of  its  physical  struct- 
ure and  resources.  This  by  no  means  completes  the  cata- 
logue of  the  results  of  the  labors  of  those  years.  The  State 
Library  at  Albany  contains  the  following  documents,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  reports  to  which  I  have  called  the  reader's  at- 
tention : 

1.  Decisions  of  the  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  Selected  and  arranged  by  John  A.  Dix,  Superintendent.  .  .  . 
Published  by  the  Legislature.    Albany,  1837,  pp.  viii.,  479.     8vo. 

(All  these  decisions  are  either  by  Azariah  C.  Flagg  or  John 
A.  Dix.     Each  decision  shows  who  was  the  author  of  it.) 


1830-1842.]      FORMER  INFREQUENCY  OF  MURDER.  145 

2.  Annual  Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Superintendent  of 
Common  Schools,  as  follows : 

(a)  January  8, 1834,  pp.  104,  of  which  30  are  the  report  proper. 
(5)       "        7,1835,  "    107,        "        34       " 

(c)  »        6, 1836,  "    120,        "        47       "  " 

(d)  "  1837, 

(e)  "         5,1838,  "    109,         "         25       "  "  " 
(/)       "        3, 1839,  "    163,        "        44       "            "  "      - 

At  the  end  of  tliis  last  report  are  some  very  interesting  ob- 
servations on  tlie  libraries  of  the  district  schools,  a  subject  in 
which  he  took  great  interest.; 

3.  Special  Reports  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  during  a  period  of  six 
years,  among  which  are  one  respecting  convictions  for  criminal  offences, 
and  another  made  when  transmitting  reports  of  the  New  York  and  Erie 
Railroad  Company. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  murders  were  so  rare  in  those 
days  that,  whenever  one  occurred,  it  gave  a  shock  to  the  com- 
munity. My  impression  is  that  during  one  year  there  was 
not  a  single  conviction  for  murder  in  the  State  of  I^ew  York. 
I  remember  a  house  which  stood  near  the  roadside,  a  little 
way  below  the  city ;  in  it  a  man  named  John  Whipple  was 
murdered  by  one  Jesse  Strang,  who  was  tried,  convicted,  and 
executed  in  the  summer  of  1827.  The  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  case  gave  it  notoriety ;  and  the  scene  of  the  crime  had 
a  mysterious  fascination  for  us.  We  children  never  passed 
that  way  without  profound  sensations,  whispering  that  it  was 
the  house  in  which  ''the  murder"  was  committed.  !N"ow 
there  is  a  murder  every  day,  and  few  give  it  a  second  thought, 
so  familiar  are  we  grown  with  that  primal,  monstrous  outrage 
against  God  and  man. 

Eeference  has  been  made  to  the  thorough  organization  of 
the  Democratic  Eepublican  party  during  Governor  Marcy's 
administration.  A  powerful  combination  against  it  was  form- 
ed by  a  union  of  all  the  elements  opposed  to  the  State  and 
national  administrations.  The  success  of  this  new  movement 
was  in  great  measure  due  to  the  derangement  of  business  and 
I.— 10 


146  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

consequent  financial  distress  occasioned  by  the  action  of  tlie 
President  in  withdrawing  the  government  dej^osits  from  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  at  Philadelphia  and  placing  them 
in  local  State  institutions.  This  measure,  although  resisted 
by  Congress,  and  even  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was 
pushed  on  by  General  Jackson,  who  preferred  discharging  his 
Minister  of  Finance,  and  appointing  another  of  his  own  mind, 
to  failure  in  carrying  out  his  pet  measure.  The  consequent 
contraction  of  the  currency,  and  the  disasters  to  which  it  gave 
rise,  brought  on  a  revulsion  throughout  the  country,  the  peo- 
ple reproaching  the  national  administration  as  the  authors  of 
their  distress.  In  the  State  of  ;N"ew  York  the  evils  referred 
to  were  not  so  seriously  felt  as  elsewhere,  and  the  elections 
of  1834  resulted  in  another  victory  for  the  Democratic  party. 
Their  position,  however,  was  rapidly  becoming  critical,  con- 
fronted as  they  were  by  a  powerful  coalition  of  National  Ee- 
publicans  and  Antimasons.  The  candidate  of  the  opposition 
in  1834  was  William  II.  Seward ;  a  man  destined  to  achieve, 
within  a  few  years,  a  political  triumph  in  the  State  of  I^ew 
York,  and  subsequently  to  attain  honorable  as  well  as  perilous 
distinction  in  the  trying  years  of  the  Civil  War. 

Governor  Marcy,  in  his  annual  Message  to  the  Legislature 
in  1836,  referred  to  the  dangers  to  be  anticipated  from  a  spirit 
of  wild  and  reckless  speculation  which  was  then  abroad.  It 
appears  to  have  been  the  result  of  great  national  prosperity. 
Our  foreign  credit  was  good,  the  products  of  agriculture  com- 
manded a  high  price,  and,  since  nothing  seemed  easier  than 
to  make  money,  every  one  hastened  to  grow  rich.  It  is  said 
that  the  passion  for  speculation  in  stocks  and  real  estate  pre- 
vailed to  an  extent  unknown  in  this  country  before  that  day. 
Extravagant  schemes  of  internal  improvement  w^ere  thrust 
before  the  Legislature,  who  were  clamorously  besieged  by  the 
demand  for  appropriations  of  the  public  money  to  carry  them 
into  effect.  In  vain  the  Governor  protested  against  pledging 
the  State  credit  in  aid  of  public  works  until  the  Legislature 
should  have  provided,  by  taxation  or  otherwise,  for  paying 


1830-1842.]     INORDINATE  SPECULATION  DEPRECATED.        147 

the  interest  on  loans  for  that  purpose.  To  these  and  similar 
subjects  General  Dix  alludes  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Vice- 
President.     The  letter  runs  thus  ; 

"  Albany,  June  4, 1836. 
"  My  dear  Sir, — It  was  my  intention  to  have  written  to  you  long  ago; 
but,  to  tell  the  truth,  I  had  none  but  unpleasant  topics,  and  I  supposed 
Washington  would  furnish  vexation  enough  to  try  your  equanimity 
without  superadding  our  own.  We  had,  as  you  may  imagine,  a  most 
disagreeable  winter ;  and  although,  as  I  said  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Wright 
early  in  the  session  of  the  Legislature,  I  had  more  apprehension  on  the 
subject  of  internal  improvements  than  banks,  the  friends  of  both  contin- 
ued so  to  mix  them  up  together  that  we  have  added  near  six  millions  of 
dollars  to  our  bank  capital,  and  provided  for  increasing  our  public  debt 
about  seven  millions.  The  legislation  of  the  whole  winter  has  been  a 
matter  of  bargain  and  sale ;  and  if  we  cannot  get  a  dififerent  class  of 
men  into  the  Legislature,  the  sooner  we  go  into  a  minority  the  better. 
We  have  been  betrayed  by  the  inordinate  spirit  of  speculation  which 
is  abroad.  It  has  taken  possession  of  too  many  of  our  own  political 
friends ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  disguised  that  their  conduct  is  more  under 
the  regulation  of  pecuniary  considerations  than  motives  of  a  higher  ori- 
gin and  character.  Our  electoral  ticket  will  save  us  next  fall ;  but,  un- 
less our  selections  for  the  Legislature  are  more  judicious  than  they  were 
last  year,  another  session  will  wind  up  our  concerns  for  a  short  time,  at 
least.  I  sliould  lament  such  a  change ;  but  I  consider  it  infinitely  prefer- 
able to  the  state  of  things  which  we  have  had  this  winter.  We  must 
have  less  strength  or  more  virtue,  if  we  would  administer  the  affairs  of 
the  State  either  for  our  own  honor  or  the  public  good.  The  indications 
of  a  wholesome  purification  of  our  legislative  halls  are  favorable.  Only 
two  papers  in  the  State  assail  Colonel  Young  and  Mr.  Van  Schaick :  not 
one  undertakes  to  defend  Kemble  and  Bishop,*  excejDt  the  Troy  Budget, 
which  is  edited  by  the  former.  If  the  people  will  look  to  their  candi- 
dates for  office  tliis  fall,  we  may  do  something  next  winter  to  retrieve 
our  reputation ;  but  much  mischief  has  been  done  which  cannot  be  re- 

*  Messrs.  Kemble  and  Bishop  were  charged  before  the  Senate  with 
fraudulent  speculations  in  stocks,  and  with  complicity  in  the  transactions 
of  a  defaulting  cashier.  Kemble  resigned  his  seat  before  the  ques- 
tion was  acted  on.  Bishop  was  found  guilty  of  moral  and  official  mis- 
conduct, yet  there  was  a  majority  against  his  expulsion.  Upon  this 
Colonel  Young  and  Mr.  Van  Schaick  resigned,  saying  that  they  would 
not  belong  to  a  body  which  recognized  as  members  men  whom,  by 
their  official  vote,  they  had  found  guilty  of  flagrant  misdoings. 


148  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

paired.     The  vote  in  the  Senate  on  Bishop's  case  can  only  be  cured  by 
expunging — a  remedy  I  hope  to  see  applied. 

"  In  relation  to  our  internal  improvements  there  is  still  great  cause  for 
apprehension.  Our  troubles  with  the  New  York  and  Erie  Railroad  are, 
perhaps,  but  just  commenced.  I  anticipate  an  application  from  the  com- 
pany at  the  opening  of  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature  for  an  imme- 
diate loan  of  three  millions,  without  waiting  for  any  part  of  the  road  to 
be  completed.  Indeed,  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  we  were  to  have  an 
application  to  complete  the  road  at  the  expense  of  the  State.  I  have  no 
faith  in  the  project;  and  I  think  we  should  take  ground  against  any 
firther  countenance  of  it  on  the  part  of  the  State,  even  tliough  we  lose 
the  southern  tier  of  counties  by  such  a  course.  The  history  of  the  Che- 
nango Canal  furnishes  a  precedent,  of  which  we  are  constantly  feeling 
the  ill  effects.  It  has  stimulated  other  counties  to  put  a  price  on  their 
political  fidelity.  Whenever  a  local  project  is  started  we  are  threatened 
with  the  dereliction  of  the  regions  interested  in  it  unless  it  is  carried  as 
a  party  measure.  The  principle  involved  in  the  success  of  applications 
advocated  on  such  grounds  is  corrupt,  and  must  be  fatal  if  conceded.  If 
we  must  purchase  with  appropriations  of  money  the  political  fidelity  of 
every  county  which  can  get  up  a  scheme  of  local  improvement,  we  shall 
within  ten  years,  if  not  in  half  that  time,  be  obliged  to  sell  out  to  some 
great  banking  institution,  in  order  to  recruit  our  pecuniary  resources ; 
and  without  the  excuse  which  Pennsylvania  has — that  of  continuing  in 
existence  an  institution  already  established  within  her  own  territory. 
Indeed,  I  have  some  fears  that  we  may  find  difficulty  in  sustaining  our 
present  pecuniary  burdens,  as  there  appears  to  be  a  settled  determination 
that  not  a  single  dollar  shall  be  raised  by  taxation  for  the  support  of  the 
government. 

"I  trust  we  shall  see  you  soon;  but,  from  all  appearances,  I  suppose 

that  Congress  will  not  adjourn  until  the  latter  part  of  the  month. 

"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  yours  respectfully  and  truh% 

"John  A.  Dix. 
"Hon.  M.  Van  Buren." 

In  a  letter  to  a  private  friend  he  makes  some  forcible  re- 
marks on  the  same  theme : 

"Albany,  November  28, 1836. 

"  My  dear ,  S and  B have  failed.  I  entreated  the  for- 
mer long  ago  to  give  up  speculations.  Sudden  prosperity  is  the  lot  of 
but  a  few,  while  the  pursuit  of  it  seduces  thousands  to  their  ruin. .  .  . 

"  We  are  on  the  eve  of  one  of  the  severest  reactions  in  business  of 
almost  every  description  with  which  we  have  been  visited  for  years.    I 


1830-1842.]   INAUGURATION  OF  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN.  149 

have  expected  it  for  months.  Those  who  can  live  through  the  present 
year  may  save  themselves;  but  the  pressure  has,  I  think,  but  just  com- 
menced. Speculation  is  the  great  cause  of  the  evil.  It  has  deranged 
everything,  and  locked  up,  where  it  cannot  be  reached,  a  vast  amount 
of  capital.  Time  will  release  the  capital  so  diverted,  but  not  until  large 
numbers  of  persons  shall  have  fallen  before  the  storm  which  is  about  to 
sweep  over  the  community.  Do  not  set  me  down  for  a  croaker.  I  speak 
strongly,  with  the  hope  that  you  may  learn  a  lesson  from  it.  Eschew 
speculation.  Consider  industry  and  frugality  as  the  true  sources  of 
wealth ;  and,  if  you  are  never  opulent,  you  will  at  least  be  secure  from 
those  disasters  which  are  brought  on  by  putting  what  little  one  has  at 
hazard." 

The  elections  of  1836  resulted  in  a  victory  for  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates.  Martin  Yan  Buren  was  elected  President ; 
William  L.  Marcy  was  re-elected  Governor  of  the  State  of 
E'ew  York,  and  by  a  majority  of  nearly  thirty  thousand  votes. 
Mr.  Yan  Buren  was  inaugurated  March  4,  1837 ;  Governor 
Marcy  continued  in  office ;  and  the  Legislature  re-elected 
Silas  Wright  for  the  six  years'  term  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  The  ascendency  of  the  Democratic  party  was 
complete. 

"  ]N'ever,"  says  Hammond,  in  referring  to  that  epoch,  "  did 
a  political  party  whose  ascendency  depended  on  the  voice  of 
a  free  and  intelligent  people  seem  more  firmly  and  perma- 
nently established  than  the  Democratic  party  in  the  State  of 
New  York  in  the  winter  of  1837. 

"  In  the  Executive  chair  of  the  nation  their  former  leader 
and  favorite  son  was  fixed,  at  least  for  four  years  to  come ; 
their  Governor — a  man  confessed  by  his  opponents  to  possess 
talents  which  eminently  qualified  him  for  his  station,  and  a 
most  spotless  private  character — had  been  re-elected  by  the 
unprecedented  majority  of  29,000 ;  in  the  popular  branch  of 
the  State  government  nearly  two  to  one  of  the  members  were 
Democrats,  and  in  the  Senate,  the  permanent  body,  they  held 
a  majority  of  more  than  five  to  one.  In  every  town  and 
county  in  the  State  the  Democratic  party  was  perfect  in  its 
organization  and  discipline,  and  at  the  same  time  the  moneyed 


160  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

interest  in  the  State  was  most  decidedly  in  favor  of  sustaining 
both  the  State  and  National  administrations." 

It  took  but  a  very  little  time,  however,  to  pull  their  house 
down  about  the  heads  of  those  who  deemed  themselves  secure 
for  years  to  come — ^the  customary  successes  turned  to  ruin- 
ous defeats.  The  reverses  of  the  Democratic  party  were  due 
mainly  to  their  position  on  those  questions  of  finance  which  so 
often  frustrate  the  wisdom  of  men  and  make  political  diviners 
mad.  The  suspension  of  specie  payments  in  the  spring  of 
1837,  just  before  the  adjournment  of  the  'New  York  Legisla- 
ture, became  general  throughout  the  United  States,  and  spread 
consternation  in  every  direction.  It  would  be  difficult  for  one 
outside  the  political  field  to  enumerate,  or  even  to  compre- 
hend, the  varied  phenomena  of  the  agitation  of  that  day.  But 
in  reading  the  history  of  the  period  I  was  struck  by  the  prom- 
inence given  to  the  question  about  the  disposal  of  the  funds  of 
the  government.  The  revenues  of  the  nation :  where  should 
they  be  kept  ?  Not  in  a  national  bank ;  that  plan  had  been 
tried;  and  General  Jackson  had  destroyed  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  satisfaction  of  local  institutions,  which 
found  their  profit  in  the  overthrow  of  the  gigantic  monster. 
In  those  State  banks,  then  ?  That  plan  had  also  been  tried,  and 
with  bad  results :  they  were  regarded  by  the  President  and 
his  leading  advisers  as  unsafe.  The  conclusion  reached  was, 
that  the  government  should  do  its  own  banking  business; 
that  there  ought  to  be  a  total  separation  of  the  business  and 
property  of  tlie  National  Government  from  the  business  and 
concerns  of  State  institutions.  President  Yan  Buren  urged 
this  on  Congress  in  a  Message  recommending  a  scheme  of  an 
Independent  Treasury.  An  extra  session  of  Congress  was 
called  for  September  4  to  consider  this  subject.  The  result 
was  to  array  the  local  banking  interest  against  the  adminis- 
tration. 

Then  there  was  more  trouble,  and  in  more  dangerous  quar- 
ters, about  the  currency.  An  act  had  passed  the  Legislature, 
March  31, 1835,  prohibiting  the  issue  of  bank  bills  below  the 


1830-1842.]     FIRM  IN  HARD  MONEY  CONVICTIONS.  151 

denomination  of  ^ve  dollars.  Many  able  men  would  have  j 
gone  much  farther,  favoring  such  a  system  as  that  prevailing 
in  England,  where  the  five-pound  note  ($25)  is  the  smallest 
denomination,  and  people  must  use  gold  and  silver  in  all  trans- 
actions below  that  sum.  The  measure  referred  to  was  very 
unpopular;  an  attempt  to  repeal  the  act  was  defeated;  the 
popular  outcry  against  it  rose  to  angry  denunciation,  and  the 
party  in  power  were  accused,  not  only  as  having  brought  on  a 
serious  evil,  but  as  obstinately  determined  that  it  should  not 
be  abated. 

The  Albany  Kegency  were  divided  on  some  of  these  ques- 
tions. General  Dix  stood  firm  in  his  hard  money  convictions, 
and  in  favor  of  the  separation  of  the  government  business 
from  that  of  State  institutions,  although  he  foresaw  the  dan- 
ger which  must  ensue  to  the  administration.  I  quote  from  a 
letter  on  the  subject,  dated  at  Albany,  August  26, 1837: 

"  I  dread  nothing  so  much  in  this  country  as  the  influence  | 
of  pecuniary  interests  upon  government.  The  danger  to  be  ' 
apprehended  from  a  great  moneyed  institution  is  sufiiciently 
apparent  in  the  history  of  the  United  States  Bank.  From 
a  large  number  of  small  institutions  at  a  distance  from  each 
other,  and  apparently  incapable  of  any  concert  of  action,  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  cause  for  apprehension.  But  I  am  not 
sure  that  they  may  not,  by  an  intercommunication  of  views, 
accomplish  as  much  as  a  single  institution  of  larger  capital. 
They  have  certainly  the  advantage  that  they  move  by  detach- 
ments, and  do  not  create  the  agitation  or  excite  the  alarm 
which  are  attendant  on  the  movement  of  a  single  body  of 
greater  force.  Individuals  in  their  interest  may  be  put  in 
office  in  different  districts  without  any  apparent  concert,  until 
a  sufficient  number  is  obtained  to  control  the  action  of  the 
government.  Such  attempts  were  made  by  the  United  States 
Bank,  and  they  are  likely  to  be  repeated  by  the  State  banks. 
Indeed,  some  movements  have  recently  been  made  in  this 
State  which  indicate  a  settled  purpose  to  build  up  a  Bank 
party.     Whatever  may  come,  the  Democratic  party  should 


152  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

have  no  connection  with  it.  I  have  no  hostility  to  the  State 
banks ;  I  would  not  break  them  down,  nor  would  I  oppress 
them  by  imposing  on  them  unnecessarily  severe  restrictions. 
But  their  abuses  should  be  corrected  with  an  unflinching 
hand ;  and  the  first  indications  of  an  attempt  to  throw  into 
our  legislative  bodies  individuals  in  their  interest  should  be 
resisted  by  every  friend  of  free  government. 

"I  consider  the  prevailing  derangement  of  our  moneyed 
affairs  as  having  been  brought  on  principally  by  over-banking. 
The  Legislature  of  this  State  has  been  exceedingly  liberal  to 
our  banks,  by  releasing  them  for  a  limited  time  from  the  pen- 
alties which  they  had  incurred  by  pre-existing  laws,  in  con- 
sequence of  suspending  specie  payments.  They  should  be 
contented  with  this  indulgence,  protecting  them,  as  it  does, 
against  the  consequences  of  their  own  hnprudence,  and  exert 
every  effort  to  resume  specie  payments.  I  fear  they  are  not 
all  disposed  to  do  so.  There  are  a  few  sound  bankers  who 
are  doing  all  they  can  to  accomplish  the  object  at  the  earliest 
practicable  day.  But  a  large  portion  of  the  banks  will,  I  am 
satisfied,  resist  as  long  as  they  can,  and  finally,  if  compelled, 
come  into  the  measure  with  reluctance.  All  the  speculators 
in  the  State,  together  with  those  who  owe  the  banks  more 
money  than  they  can  pay,  are  averse  to  the  resumption  of 
^  specie  payments.  They  know  that  the  restoration  of  a  sound 
state  of  things  will  be  their  ruin.  But  their  ruin  is  inevitable, 
whether  the  banks  resume  or  not ;  and  if  they  could  be  saved 
by  postponing  a  resumption,  it  would  be  unjust  to  nineteen- 
twentieths  of  the  whole  community,  who  are  sustaining  injury 
for  the  benefit  of  the  other  twentieth.  The  worst  feature  in 
the  aspect  of  the  times  is  the  total  insensibility  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  community  to  the  character  of  a  suspension  of 
specie  payments  in  a  moral  point  of  view.  I  regard  it  as  dis- 
graceful in  the  highest  degree.  It  was  brought  on  by  misman- 
agement and  fraud,  for  the  sound  banks  in  this  State  would 
have  sustained  themselves  if  they  had  not  been  broken  down 
by  the  weak  and  dishonest  ones.     To  continue  such  a  state  of 


1830-1842.]  THE  BANKS  AND  THE  PEOPLE.  153 

tilings  unnecessarily  for  a  single  day  would  be  tlie  grossest 
dishonesty. 

"  These  measures  should  be  insisted  on  as  indispensable  to 
a  sound  state  of  the  moral  and  political  body : 

"  1.  Let  the  banks  resume  specie  payments  at  the  earliest 
practicable  day. 

"2.  Expel  from  circulation  all  notes  under  $20— not  too 
hastily,  but  gradually,  and  without  doing  violence  to  existing 
interests. 

"  3.  Establish  some  general  law  by  which  capital  may  be 
employed  in  banking  with  special  acts  of  incorporation,  so 
that  the  legislative  body  may  not  be  in  danger  of  being  cor- 
rupted by  combinations  to  control  it  for  mercenary  ends. 

"  4.  Separate  the  government  from  all  banking  institutions 
in  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  its  revenue. 

"  If  these  objects  are  not  accomplished  I  shall  have  serious 
apprehensions  for  the  purity  of  the  government.  Corruption 
and  profligacy  are  inseparable  from  the  control  of  moneyed 
influences.  Banks  accomplish  their  objects  by  loans  and  dis- 
counts ;  these  appliances  are  a  part  of  their  machinery,  and 
the  suggestion  that  such  means  may  not  be  legitimately  em- 
ployed for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  interest  of  an  insti- 
tution by  gaining  over  individuals  to  its  views  would  be  con- 
sidered, by  most  of  them,  as  savoring  of  squeamishness,  if  not 
of  absolute  folly.  The  more  distant  such  establishments  are 
from  the  government  the  better.  They  are  the  ministers  of 
commerce;  they  should  desire  to  serve  no  other  master. 
Above  all,  should  they  not  desire  to  play  the  master  over 
those  whose  breath  has  warmed  them  into  life,  the  people.  I 
am  sorry  to  say  that  too  many  who  stand  to  these  institutions 
in  the  relation  of  stockholders,  or  in  the  still  more  delicate 
one  of  debtors,  are  busy  in  seeking  to  give  to  our  local  politics 
a  direction  in  favor  of  them — in  other  words,  to  protect  the 
banks  against  the  people.  These  movements  are  exceedingly 
ill-judged.  There  is  no  danger  that  the  people  will  act  harsh- 
ly; and  the  distrust  which  is  manifested  as  to  their  intentions 


154  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

betrays,  at  least,  a  consciousness  that  their  confidence  has 
been  abused." 

This  letter  has  in  it  the  very  ring  of  the  precious  metals ; 
and  I  can  say  that  my  father's  views  on  these  points  never 
changed.  He  was,  to  the  end  of  his  life,  a  hard-money  man ; 
he  opposed  the  legal-tender  act,  even  as  a  war  measure ;  he 
believed  in  nothing  but  a  coin  basis  for  private  and  public 
business ;  he  abhorred  suspension  of  specie  payments ;  and  it 
is  a  fact  that  he  always  carried  some  few  pieces  of  gold  coin 
with  him,  even  through  all  the  paper-money  years  during  and 
after  the  war.  The  precious  metals  alone  he  regarded  as  real 
money;  and  he  deplored  the  measures  by  which  they  were 
banished  from  circulation.  And  I  confess  to  being  unable  to 
understand  w^liy  the  English  system  should  succeed,  in  which 
all  transactions  involving  sums  less  than  five  pounds  must  be 
carried  on  in  coin,  while  Americans  seem  unable  to  exist 
without  bank-notes  of  small  denominations,  and  even  now 
lament  the  want  of  that  detestable  fractional  currency  which 
was  for  so  long  a  time  a  medium  of  exchange,  down  even  to 
bills  for  three  cents.  It  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  which  w^e 
outsiders  would  be  happy  to  have  a  thoroughly  satisfactory 
solution.  Yet  it  is  a  matter  of  history  that  the  defeat  of  the 
Democratic  party  was  due  in  part  to  its  position  on  the  bank- 
note question ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  opponent  of  Governor 
Marc}^,  himself  a  man  of  comparatively  small  stature,  received 
the  affectionate  soubriquet  of  "  Small  Bill  Seward,"  expressive 
of  the  confidence  of  the  peoj)le  that  his  election  w^ould  result 
in  restoring  to  them  their  notes  of  small  denomination,  invid- 
iously termed  "  shin-plasters  "  by  their  adversaries.  On  that 
point  the  convictions  of  the  average  American  appear  to  be 
settled  past  all  power  to  change  them. 

Misfortunes  rarely  come  single,  but  by  twos  and  threes,  if 
not  in  droves ;  it  was  so  at  that  time.  The  dominant  party, 
represented  by  the  State  administration,  made  additional  ene- 
mies by  taking  the  course  which  any  respectable  party  in 
power  at  the  time  must  have  taken  in  an  unfortunate  and 


1830-1842.]  THE  CANADIAN  INSUBBECTION.  155 

disagreeable  emergency.  I  refer  to  those  outbreaks  wliicli 
occurred  in  Canada  about  the  close  of  the  year  1837,  when 
certain  persons  styling  themselves  "  Patriots,"  or  "  Sons  of 
Liberty,"  and  led  by  Louis  Joseph  Papineau,  at  Montreal,  and 
William  Lyon  Mackenzie,  in  Toronto,  made  an  ill-judged  and 
abortive  attempt  at  obtaining  independence.  It  is  loss  of  time 
to  study  the  movement,  which  from  the  outset  was  destined 
to  failure ;  I  mention  the  affair  only  because  of  the  damage 
which  resulted  indirectly  to  Governor  Marcy's  administra- 
tion. To  preserve  neutrality,  and  prevent  Americans  from 
aiding  the  insurgents,  were  the  obvious  duties  of  the  national 
and  State  governments ;  but  the  excitable  and  the  ignorant 
do  not  discriminate  on  such  occasions,  and  political  enemies 
easily  reap  advantage  from  such  a  position  of  affairs.  It  need 
hardly  be  said  that  there  was  a  strong  sympathy  with  the  in- 
surgents, especially  in  the  parts  of  the  State  bordering  on  the 
Canadian  line.  The  causes  which  led  to  the  outbreak  were 
analogous  to  those  w^hich  brought  on  our  own  Eevolution ;  it 
was  the  old  dispute  between  the  constitutional  and  monarchi- 
cal ideas ;  whether  the  Canadians  should  govern  themselves 
by  their  own  legislatures,  or  be  governed  by  the  British  Par- 
liament. So  the  affair  had  a  thorough  republican  smack 
about  it,  which  naturally  took  the  American  fancy;  and 
when  the  defeat  came,  and  the  leaders  were  in  flight  from  the 
British  regulars  and  loyal  militia,  and  when  many  poor  fel- 
lows were  lying  dead  in  the  blood-stained  snow,  and  not  a  few 
were  swinging  from  gibbets,  and  some  were  hunted  for  the 
price  set  on  their  heads,  and  refugees  were  coming  across  our 
lines,  sympathy  became  indignation.  The  party  in  power  at 
such  a  time  must  suffer.  Bound  to  observe  the  rules  of  in- 
ternational law  and  the  comity  of  sovereign  states,  it  fulfils 
its  duty  at  the  expense  of  popularity.  ]^o  doubt  Governor 
Marcy  lost  many  votes,  especially  in  the  frontier  counties, 
where  sympathy  for  the  miserable  rebels  was  strong  and 
men  were  eye-witnesses  of  their  tribulation. 

To  the  family  of  General  Dix  the  Canadian  emeute  had 


156  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

more  than  a  political  interest ;  it  came  straight  into  the  home 
circle.  Among  the  leading  families  of  Canada  none  were 
more  conspicuous  at  that  time  than  the  Baldwins.  They  were 
connections  of  ours  by  marriage,  and  communication  Vv^as  con- 
stant between  the  households  in  Toronto,  J^ew  York,  and  Al- 
bany. The  Hon.  Robert  Baldwin,  at  one  time  District  Attor- 
ney of  the  Upper  Province,  was  a  man  of  great  intelligence, 
and  conspicuous  for  patriotism^  and  enlightened  statesman- 
ship. To  him,  together  wdth  Dr.  Baldwin,  Dr.  Eolph,  and 
Mr.  Marshall  S.  Bidwell,  the  Liberal  j^arty  in  Canada  had  been 
accustomed  to  look  for  advice  and  direction.  Mr.  Bidwell 
was  requested  by  Sir  Francis  Head,  the  Governor-general,  to 
leave  the  province  at  once,  not  from  any  suspicion  that  he 
was  concerned  in  Mackenzie's  movement,  but  because  of  his 
well-known  political  opinions  and  supposed  influence.  Dr. 
Rolph  escaped  with  difficulty;  a  price  of  £500  was  offered 
for  his  capture ;  if  taken  he  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
executed.  There  was  much  anxiety  lest  some  of  the  Bald- 
wins might  have  become  objects  of  suspicion ;  and  although 
it  soon  became  evident  by  their  letters  that  there  was  no 
ground  for  that  alarm,  the  circumstances  gave  to  what  would 
otherwise  have  been  a  mere  political  question  the  painful 
interest  of  a  possible  domestic  calamity.* 

Thus  little  by  little  the  trouble  grew,  and  the  Democratic 
horizon  became  darker  day  by  day.  The  fall  election  of  1837 
was  a  warning  of  the  disasters  of  the  following  year:  the 
Whig  party  carried  the  State,  or  rather  swept  it,  gaining  six 
out  of  eight  Senatorial  districts,  and  electing  101  out  of  128 
members  of  Assembly.  General  Dix  foresaw  what  was  com- 
ing next,  and  probably  felt  that  it  could  not  be  averted. 
Writing  to  Mr.  Morgan  on  the  16th  of  December,  ho  says : 

"Between  ourselves,  I  have  become  recently  greatly  dis- 
couraged at  our  political  prospects — not  because  there  is  any 
need  of  our  being  beaten  another  year,  but  because  conserva- 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  II. 


1830-1842.]     ME.  MORGAN  WITTILY  CAEICATUBED.  157 

tism  is  likely  to  be  kept  alive  by  the  conduct  of  influential 
individuals  here,  who  by  means  of  speculations  have  become 
the  dependents  of  banking  institutions.  Mr.  Flagg  and  my- 
self have  both  within  the  last  two  or  three  days  been  sepa- 
rately sounded  with  regard  to  the  expediency  of  repealing 
the  small-bill  law  for  a  limited  time,  and  both  of  us  took 
strong  ground  against  it.  It  will,  however,  be  carried,  and 
most  probably  with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  almost 
every  one  here,  excepting  Mr.  Flagg  and  myself ;  for  it  un- 
fortunately happens  that  we  are  almost  the  only  ones  who  are 
not  connected  with  the  banks  in  the  relation  of  stockholders, 
directors,  or  debtors.  The  course  of  things  here  this  winter 
will  be,  in  all  probability,  to  disgust  still  more  the  sound 
Republicans,  and  to  keep  up  the  divisions  which  defeated  us 
this  fall.  I  shall,  therefore,  make  up  my  mind  to  go  out  of 
office  next  winter. 

"  I  consider  the  present  attitude  of  the  banks  equally  dis- 
honorable and  immoral.  There  is  no  shadow  of  an  excuse  for 
continuing  the  suspension  of  specie  payments  a  single  day 
longer." 

It  may  be  noted  that  the  reaction  against  the  Democratic 
party  was  felt  even  in  their  stronghold,  the  city  of  'New  York. 
Mr.  Morgan  was  candidate  for  Mayor  that  year.  He  was  de- 
feated by  Aaron  Clark,  the  Whig  nominee.  Much  amusement 
was  caused  in  our  home  circle  by  one  of  the  political  carica- 
tures of  the  day,  which  represented  my  grandfather  as  going 
forth  to  his  official  duties,  warmly  wrapped  up  in  overcoat, 
muffler,  and  ample  capes,  and  attended  by  servants  bearing 
pillows,  umbrellas,  overshoes,  and  similar  articles.  It  was  a 
smart  allusion  to  his  habits,  which  were  those  of  one  who  had 
preserved  his  health  only  by  great  care,  and  owed  his  sound 
condition  to  the  avoidance  of  exposure  and  a  strict  and  tem- 
perate regimen.  The  joke  was  a  fair  one,  and  fully  appre- 
ciated. 

And  so  at  length  came  on  the  long-dreaded  day.  In  the 
autumn  of  1838  WilHam  II.  Seward  and  Luther  Bradish  were 


158  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

elected  Governor  and  Lieutenant-governor  of  the  State  of 
I^Tew  York,  and  William  L.  Marcy  and  John  Tracy  yielded, 
with  dignity,  to  the  fiat  of  the  people.  The  inauguration  of 
the  new  State  officers  took  place  January  1, 1839.  A  caucus 
of  the  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  was  held  January  31, 
to  nominate  State  officers,  and  on  the  4th  of  February  en- 
suing General  Dix  withdrew  to  private  life,  and  gave  place 
to  John  C.  Spencer,  his  able  and  accomplished  successor.  As 
if  to  fill  up  the  measure  of  their  misfortunes,  the  Democrats 
lost  their  majority  in  the  Senate  in  the  elections  of  the  fol- 
lowing autumn,  a  majority  which  the  party  had  held  during 
eighteen  successive  years.  It  was  the  crowning  disaster  of 
the  series. 

Events  like  those  which  I  have  related  are  severely  felt  in 
the  private  circles  which  they  directly  affect.  General  Dix 
had  exchanged  a  growing  law  business,  which  promised  to  be 
both  lucrative  and  permanent,  for  the  uncertainties  of  political 
life.  On  his  retirement  from  office  it  became  a  serious  ques- 
tion with  him,  not  only  how  to  maintain  his  family,  but  how 
to  employ  energies  w^hich  demanded  an  ample  field  for  their 
exercise.  The  loss  of  his  public  position  was  regarded  as  a 
calamity  in  that  household  which  had  been  forming  gradually, 
and  of  which,  thus  far,  I  have  made  scarcely  any  mention. 
This  seems  the  proper  place  in  which  to  say  a  few  words 
about  that  home  in  Albany  which  had  become  very  dear  to 
us,  and  about  which  there  still  shines  a  pleasant  light,  as  I 
recall  a  very  happy  boyhood  and  dream  myself  back  into 
those  far-off  days. 

The  city  of  Albany  was  at  that  time  one  of  the  most  inter- 
esting towns  in  the  State :  the  seat  of  our  government ;  the 
home  of  a  cultivated,  genial,  and  polite  society ;  the  shrine  of 
historical  recollections.  Something  of  the  quaintness  of  old 
time  still  lingered  in  its  precincts ;  there  were  traces  even  of 
the  Dutch  regwie  in  its  architecture,  in  the  names  of  its  citi- 
zens, and  elsewhere.  After  living  there  some  time  one  became 
perforce  a  loyal  "Knickerbocker."    I  recollect  more  than  one 


1830-1842.]  MEMORIES  OF  ALBANY.  159 

house  with  the  high  gable  broken,  from  eaves  to  peak,  into 
steps,  and  displaying,  in  great  iron  letters  fast  anchored  into 
the  Holland  brick,  the  venerable  date  of  its  construction ;  the 
wide  porches  at  the  doors,  with  seats  on  either  side,  where  the 
citizens  would  spend  the  placid  hour  of  twilight ;  the  words 
in  our  vocabulary  at  whose  odd,  outlandish  sound  some  of  our 
friends  from  abroad  were  wont  to  smile.  As  for  the  society, 
it  could  hardly  have  been  more  agreeable ;  there  was  neither 
formalism  nor  ostentation,  nor  yet  oppressive  ceremony ;  peo- 
ple were  easy-going,  friendly,  hospitable.  The  names  of  the 
Yan  Kensselaers  and  Gansevoorts,  the  Bleeckers  and  Ten 
Eycks,  the  Paiges,  Wheatons,  and  Eathbones,  the  Pruyns  and 
Comings,  the  Blanchards  and  Stantons,  the  Townsends  and 
Forsyths,  indicate  the  tone  of  the  place.  Governor  Marcy's 
family  was  one  of  the  most  delightful  of  the  city.  In  liter- 
ary circles  Dr.  Beck  was  conspicuous ;  Dr.  James  Mcl^augh- 
ton,  our  "  beloved  physician,"  adorned  the  medical  profession ; 
and  prominent  among  the  clergy  were  Dr.  Horatio  Potter, 
Eector  of  St.  Peter's  Church ;  Dr.  Sprague,  the  eminent  Pres- 
byterian pastor ;  and  Dr.  Welsh,  one  of  the  lights  of  the  Bap- 
tist denomination. 

My  father,  after  residing  a  while  in  Hawk  Street  and  Elk 
Street,  had  finally  fixed  his  domicile  in  Washington  Street, 
now  called  Washington  Avenue.  The  family  then  consisted 
of  four  children.  I,  the  eldest,  w^as  born  in  N^ew  York,  in 
1827 ;  my  brother  Baldwin,  at  Cooperstown,  E'ovember  28, 
1829 ;  another  brother,  John  Wilkins,  and  my  eldest  sister, 
Elizabeth  Morgan,  were  added  to  the  number  in  Albany. 
We  were  a  happy  and  united  family  of  young  folks,  knit  to- 
gether in  love,  and  blessed  with  the  care  of  God-fearing  par- 
ents, who  w^atched  our  progress  with  conscientious  thought, 
and  did  their  duty  by  us.  My  father  always  interested  him- 
self in  our  studies ;  he  examined  us  at  home  on  what  we  had 
done  at  school ;  to  him  we  w^ent,  with  confidence,  for  help, 
whenever  we  happened  to  stick  fast  on  a  tough  scrap  of 
Latin  or  hard  sum  in  arithmetic;  and  many  were  the  even- 


160  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ings  when,  laying  aside  his  work,  lie  would  turn  affectionate- 
ly to  his  little  lads  and  pull  them  through  the  rough  places, 
showing  them  what  they  had  overlooked,  or  explaining  what 
they  did  not  understand.  Music  was  a  part  of  our  education ; 
its  sound  was  always  heard  in  the  house ;  both  our  parents 
played  the  piano  with  taste  and  sang  agreeably.  I  do  not 
know  which  of  them  I  loved  most  to  listen  to.  The  echo  of 
the  old  songs  rings  on  still  within  my  soul,  and  will  do  so  till 
the  end. 

Our  house  was  of  great  size,  with  a  wide  entrance-hall  and 
large  rooms.  There  was  a  fine  shrubbery  between  it  and  the 
street ;  on  either  side  and  in  the  rear  was  a  garden,  with  grass- 
plats,  flowers,  and  fruit-trees.  "We  had  dogs,  with  classical 
names,  one  of  which,  a  Spanish  pointer,  bore  on  his  collar 

the  words 

"  Et  trux  cum  Lcelape  Theron." 

We  had  ponies  to  ride,  and  rabbits ;  and  there  was  a  long 
wood-house,  wherein  we  learned  to  be  good  pistol-shots  and 
marksmen  with  the  bow ;  and  in  the  bitter  winters  w^e  built 
snow  forts  at  the  bottom  of  the  garden,  and  had  battles  a  hou- 
let  hlanc.  In  the  summer-time  my  father  used  to  take  us  to 
a  little  island  opposite  the  city,  where  he  taught  us  to  swim ; 
and  in  the  winter  we  went  to  the  river  sometimes  to  learn  to 
skate,  and  sometimes  for  a  drive  on  the  smooth,  shining  ice 
between  our  own  home  and  the  rival  city  of  Troy. 

The  house  was  never  without  guests ;  usually  some  mem- 
bers of  the  family,  either  from  the  Xew  England  States,  or 
New  York,  or  Canada,  were  there ;  hospitality  was  the  law  of 
the  establishment.  "We  went  occasionally  to  New  York,  to  see 
our  grandparents ;  our  summers  we  spent,  as  hai)py  as  children 
could  be,  at  Mr.  Morgan's  favorite  farm-house  in  Brookfield, 
Madison  County,  which  was  known  as  "  the  Unadilla."  As 
children  we  were  deeply  impressed  by  what  we  considered  the 
stately  splendors  of  the  New  York  residence,  14  Bond  Street. 
It  was  one  of  a  row  of  white  marble  houses,  once  known  as 
"  the  Bond  Street  Palaces ;"  and  if  one  would  have  a  striking 


XiiJ-g'"  "dtA  H.EitciUE 


(SAlTD^APdOKllE  S^o  [D)D];r 


Z'/.r'-f-i^    ^,  /?^r}/yf.r7^'/  ,/^v   1^A^,4'/^   ^y9i^.4 -y-J-^y  -  -v^      -^/.-f/'i  ■ 


1830-1842.]      AN  OLD-TIME  NEW  YORK  '' PALACE:'  161 

proof  of  the  mutations  of  tins  world,  and  the  change  in  our 
standard  of  magnificence,  let  him  go  and  look  at  the  poor 
shadow  of  the  past,  as  it  stands  there  defaced  by  tradesmen's 
signs  and  patient  under  a  series  of  profanities,  and  try  to  real- 
ize that  it  could  ever  have  been  called  "  a  palace." 

My  father's  interest  in  our  education,  together  with  his  re- 
luctance to  send  us  into  the  thick  of  a  miscellaneous  herd  of 
boys,  induced  him  to  try  and  secure  for  us  the  benefits  of 
more  select  and  private  instruction.  One  day  there  came  to 
Albany  an  Englishman  named  William  H.  Duff,  once  in  the 
British  army.  His  wife  was  remarkable  for  personal  beauty 
and  refinement  of  manners.  They  were  in  quest  of  the  means 
of  a  livelihood,  and  it  resulted  in  their  opening  a  little  school, 
to  which  my  father  sent  us.  There  were  some  two  dozen 
boys  there  of  the  best  families  in  Albany.  "We  were  taught 
Latin  and  English,  drawing,  fencing,  and  military  exercise. 
Old-fashioned  drilling  in  Latin  was  the  foundation  of  every- 
thing else,  and  to  this  department  my  father  was  particularly 
attentive  in  his  habitual  examination  of  our  progress.  After 
some  time  the  school  broke  up,  and  we  were  sent  to  the  Pearl 
Street  Academy,  a  much  larger  establishment.  My  father 
never  lost  his  interest  in  Major  Duff.  Years  afterward,  when 
the  war  with  Mexico  came  on,  he  got  him  a  commission  in 
one  of  the  new  regiments  of  dragoons  raised  for  that  service. 
Major  Duff  went  to  the  field,  but  never  came  back ;  his  bones 
still  lie  there  in  the  land  of  the  stranger,  with  those  of  other 
gallant  men  who  perished  of  disease  or  fell  in  battle. 

St.  Peter's  was  the  parish  church ;  the  Kev.  Dr.  Horatio 
Potter  our  devoted  pastor.  He  has  since  completed  twenty- 
five  years  in  the  Episcopate,  illustrating  the  virtues  which  form 
the  apostolic  description  of  a  bishop.  As  to  the  old  church, 
it  was  simply  and  merely  frightful  in  an  architectural  point 
of  view,  though  it  dated  from  Colonial  times,  and  had  the 
arms  of  good  Queen  Anne  on  its  communion  plate,  l^o  such 
arrangement  of  chancel  was  ever  heard  of,  to  the  best  of  my 
belief,  before  or  since.  What  seemed  to  be  two  squarish  tubs 
L— 11 


162  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

of  mahogany,  with  fronts  shaped  like  the  dash-board  of  a 
sleigh,  projected  from  the  wall,  precisely  alike  in  shape  and 
size ;  their  farther  advance  upon  the  congregation  was  re- 
strained by  a  stout  rail,  which  kept  them  in  and  left  room  in 
the  midst  for  a  "  communion-table ;"  in  these  alternately  the 
service  was  read  and  the  sermon  preached.  "We  had  a  large, 
square  pew  in  the  north-west  corner,  with  a  table  for  books ; 
and  there  the  whole  family  could  be  seen  in  their  place  as 
regularly  as  the  Lord's-day  came  round.  At  home  my  father 
read  the  household  prayers ;  at  church  he  was  always  present ; 
the  Kector  was  ever  our  honored  guest.  The  faithful  pastor 
had  the  love  and  confidence  of  his  flock,  and  their  sympathy 
in  many  domestic  afflictions ;  he  went  quietly  and  steadily  on 
the  round  of  duty,  little  disturbed  by  the  chances  and  changes 
of  this  mortal  life. 

Some  time  in  those  years  Lord  Morj)eth  came  to  Albany, 
and  my  father  took  him  to  St.  Peter's.  His  lordship,  appar- 
ently pleased  with  what  he  had  heard,  remarked  to  my  father 
as  they  left  the  church  together,  "Ah!  they  do  the  music 
nicely !"  This  critical  observation  enchanted  my  father,  who 
often  told  the  story,  with  a  hearty  laugh  at  the  civility  of  the 
appreciative  peer. 

Thus  we  passed  the  years  from  1830  to  1842,  when  the 
home  was  broken  up,  and  a  period  of  wandering  began.  A 
hundred  recollections  of  those  days  come  back,  with  anecdotes 
and  reminiscences  innumerable;  and,  if  this  were  a  mono- 
graph covering  that  period  only,  I  might  fill  a  fair-sized  pam- 
phlet with  them.  But  I  pass  on,  merely  adding  that  we  grew 
to  love  Albany  as  a  sweet  home,  and  looked  back  to  it  through 
the  unsettled  years  that  followed  as  persons  who  have  lost 
some  good  thing.  JSTor  did  that  feeling  ever  die  away. 
When,  in  the  year  1873,  my  parents  returned  thither  upon 
the  General's  election  as  Governor,  it  was  to  no  strange  city, 
but  to  a  familiar  scene;  and  they  were  welcomed  by  kind 
friends  who  still  remained,  or  by  the  inheritors  of  the  names 
and  traditions  of  the  past,  and  lovingly  greeted  as  persons 


1830-1842.]     LETTER  FROM  PRESIDENT  VAN  BUREN.  163 

who  come  once  more  to  their  own,  and  find  their  own  faith- 
ful and  true  as  of  old. 

Immediately  after  the  fall  election  in  1838  Mr.  Morgan 
received  a  letter  from  the  President,  urging  him  to  induce 
General  Dix  to  remain  at  Albany.  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  still  hope- 
ful of  his  re-election,  no  doubt  desired  to  have  at  the  State 
capital  some  person  possessing  his  full  confidence,  loyal  to  his 
administration,  and  ready  to  lend  aid  in  the  uncertain  future, 
for  the  struggle  for  the  Presidency  was  yet  two  years  off.  I 
give  the  correspondence : 

"  Washington,  November  14, 1838. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Will  you  excuse  me  for  troubling  you  upon  a  point 
with  which  I  have  perhaps  nothing  to  do  ?  Our  friend  General  Dix  will, 
without  doubt,  fall  a  sacrifice  to  Whig  vengeance.  He  is  too  honest,  too 
useful,  and  too  proud  to  avoid  it.  What  is  he  to  do  with  himself  until 
the  people  recall  him  into  their  service  ?  You  know  the  anxiety  our 
friends  feel  to  retain  him  at  Albany,  which  has  been  the  theatre  of  his 
usefulness,  and  where  he  established  for  himself  a  reputation  which  few 
men  of  his  age  have  been  able  to  arrive  at.  Would  the  sacrifice  of  his 
remaining  there  a  few  years  without  the  certainty  of  public  employment 
be  too  great  for  the  occasion  ?  You  are  a  better  judge  of  the  whole  mat- 
ter than  I  can  possibly  be,  and  will,  I  doubt  not,  advise  him  for  the  best. 
It  is  my  knowledge  of  the  respect  he  so  properly  entertains  for  your 
opinion,  and  the  hope  that  it  may  be  favorable,  which  have  tempted 
me  to  hazard  the  step  I  have  taken  in  directing  your  attention  to  the 
subject. 

"  Our  reverses  in  ISTew  York  have  indeed  been  severe,  but  with  courage 
and  constancy  they  may  not  only  be  overcome,  but  converted  to  our 
future  and  permanent  advantage. 

"Remember  me  kindly  to  Mrs.  Morgan,  and  believe  me  to  be  very 
truly  yours,  M.  Van  Buren. 

♦'John  J.  Morgan,  Esq." 

To  this  Mr.  Morgan  replied : 

♦'New  York,  November  20, 1838. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Mr.  Dix  happened  to  be  in  New  York  on  oflScial 

business  when  I  received  your  letter  of  the  14th  inst.     He  expects,  of 

course,  the  visitation  of  Whig  vengeance,  and  had  made  up  his  mind  to 

return  to  Cooperstown,  and  to  occupy  himself  with  the  education  of  his 


164  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

children  and  sucli  business  connected  with  his  profession  as  might  be 
committed  to  him,  and  by  country  air  and  exercise  to  repair  the  inroads 
made  upon  his  health  by  the  severe  labors  and  close  confinement  to 
which  he  has  been  subjected  by  his  present  office.  Your  wish  in  respect 
to  his  residence  in  Albany  was  the  subject  of  our  conversation  while  he 
remained  with  us.  We  are  fully  sensible  how  necessary  it  is  that  some 
one  who  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  measures  of  the  administration 
at  Albany,  and  who  is  capable  of  defending  them,  should  remain  there ; 
but,  without  him,  are  there  not  there  those  who  are  eminently  so  qual- 
ified ?  The  difficulty  with  him,  and  in  respect  to  a  continued  residence 
in  Albany,  is,  that  he  will  be  without  sufficient  employment,  and  that,  to 
a  man  of  his  turn  of  mind  and  active  habits,  would  be  very  distressing. 
Still,  the  expression  of  a  wish  from  you  in  the  matter  is  sufficient  to 
make  us  pause.  At  all  events  he  will  not  leave  Albany  till  the  latter 
part  of  April,  and  by  that  time  he  may  be  better  able  to  decide  upon  his 
course.  The  victory  over  us  here  is  a  commercial  victory,  and  I  have 
not  a  doubt  that  our  loss  in  this  State  will  greatly  contribute  to  our  gain 
elsewhere,  and  will  only  the  more  certainly  secure  our  final  success  in 
this  great  struggle.  You  boldly  brought  before  the  people  the  question 
on  which  I  think  their  freedom  depends;  you  knew  the  hazards  to  which 
it  would  subject  your  popularity,  and  that  many  of  those  who  called 
themselves  your  friends  would  desert  you,  and  that  possibly  even  your 
native  State  might  for  a  while  abandon  you ;  but  you  knew  the  people, 
and  you  knew  that  they  would  finally  and  in  good  season  determine 
to  govern  themselves,  and  not  be  governed  by  merchants,  banks,  and 
speculators.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

"  Joim  J.  Morgan." 

In  sending  a  copy  of  this  correspondence  to  my  mother 
Mr.  Morgan  generously  removed  one  of  the  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  a  continued  residence  at  the  capital,  as  shown  in  the 
following  lines : 

"  Mr.  Dix  must  not  be  deterred  from  doing  what  he  wishes 
on  account  of  pecuniary  calculations.  "We,  and  I  say  emphat- 
ically we,  can  afford  to  be  above  them,  when  consistency  of 
character,  health,  or  real  comfort  requires  it." 

It  was  then  decided  that  General  Dix  should  remain  at 
Albany.  The  President  earnestly  desired  it ;  and  Mr.  Morgan 
again  proved  his  devoted  friend,  by  averting  the  inconven- 
ience of  the  loss  of  salary  at  a  time  when  his  income  from 


1830-1842.]    "XOG  CABIN  AND  HARD   CIDEB  CAMPAIGN:'   165 

Other  sources  was  very  small.  I  have  a  special  reason  for 
mentioning  these  facts,  which  will  appear  hereafter,  and  jus- 
tify this  introduction  of  personal  details  at  this  point  of  the 
narrative. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  political  hopes  entertained 
by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  they  were  destined  to  bitter 
disappointment.     In  the  summer  of  1839  he  made  a  tour  of 
the  State  of  ISTew  York,  but  without  the  substantial  results 
which  were  anticipated— the  fates  had  pronounced  against 
him.     The  following  year  brought   on  the  "battle   royal," 
which  resulted  in  the  total  rout  of  the  administration.    I  shall 
never  forget  the  oddities  and  whimsicalities  of  the  day,  wisely 
encouraged  and  stimulated  by  the  shrewd  leaders  of  the  oppo- 
sition.    It  was  known  as  the  "Log  CaUn  and  Hard  Cider 
Cam/paigny     All  over  the  land  rude  huts  were  erected,  and 
cider  was  on  draught,  flowing  freely ;  and,  what  with  these 
novelties  and  the  halo  of  military  renown  encircling  the  head 
of  General  William  Henry  Harrison,  the  impulse  toward  a 
change  proved  irresistible.     This  appears  to  be  the  first  time 
in  our  history  in  which  a  direct  appeal  was  made  to  the 
lower  classes  by  exciting  their  curiosity,  feeding  the  desire 
for  amusement,  and  presenting  what  is  low  and  vulgar  as 
an  inducement  for  support.     Since  that  day  the  thing  has 
been  carried  farther,  until  it  is  actually  a  disadvantage  to  be 
of  good  stock  and  to  have  inherited  "  the  grand  old  name  of 
gentleman."     Then  began  the  passion  for  titles  betokening 
humble  antecedents— the  procession  of  "  Mill  Boys,"  "  Eail- 
splitters,"  "  Shoemakers,"  "  Canal-boat  Drivers,"  then  first  set 
forth  upon  the  stage  of  American  politics— till  now,  if  a  can- 
didate be  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  had  illustrious  ancestors,  it 
behooves  him  in  his  own  interests  to  hush  the  matter  up.     In 
the  midst  of  these  attractions — contemptible  in  themselves, 
but  formidable  as  engines  of  influence — paltry,  one-story  shan- 
ties, with  live  raccoons  crawling  about  them,  and  strings  of 
pumpkin  drying  on  the  roof ;  barrels  duly  labelled  with  titles 
appetizing  to  the  thirsty  throats  of  the  "great  unwashed;" 


166  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

medals  with  the  effigies  of  epauletted  chieftains,  neckties 
woven  of  motley  hues,  and  other  like  toys,  gravely  presented 
to  the  eager  populace — and  with  campaign  songs  setting  forth 
the  power  and  prestige  of  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,"  and 
announcing  the  conviction  that  "little  Yan  was  a  used-up 
man,"  the  autumnal  days  wore  away ;  and  hot  strife  grew 
among  us  school-boys  of  the  period,  and  I  and  my  brothers 
stood  valiantly  up,  as  became  us,  for  the  powers  that  were, 
while  yet  we  secretly  admired  and  horribly  envied  the  seduc- 
tive paraphernalia  which  the  boys  of  Whig  families  flaunted 
in  our  faces,  and  by  means  whereof  they  embittered  our  exist- 
ence. When  at  length  things  came  to  the  supreme  test  of 
the  ballot-box,  and  when  the  blow  fell  and  the  worst  had  ar- 
rived, and  it  could  no  longer  be  concealed  that  General  Har- 
rison, rich  already  in  logs,  and  cabins,  and  raccoons,  and  kegs, 
and  cider  more  or  less  hard,  and  flags,  and  guns,  and  Indian 
scalps,  had  the  Presidency  also,  there  was  weeping  and  wailing 
and  gnashing  of  teeth  among  us  juveniles,  quite  as  sincere, 
though  not  so  permanent,  as  that  to  which  our  elders  might 
have  given  way. 

It  came  over  our  house  as  a  great  disaster.  The  home 
seemed  likely  to  be  broken  up  by  the  political  revolution. 
There  was  no  longer  an  object  such  as  that  which  had  induced 
my  father,  at  the  earnest  instance  of  President  Yan  Buren,  to 
remain  in  Albany.  He  was  at  a  loss  what  to  do;  the  date 
at  which  to  re-enter  public  life  seemed  indefinitely  remote: 
again  he  thought  of  resuming  his  profession  and  bidding  pol- 
itics a  long  farewell.     My  mother  wrote : 

"We  are  cast  down  to  QdiYi\ politically  .  .  .  the  world  is 
all  before  us  again ;  and  w^here  to  choose  a  resting-place  is 
now  the  question  to  be  decided.  One  day  it  is  thought  best 
to  go  down  the  river,  the  next  to  go  far  beyond  it,  and  some- 
times fancy  wings  her  way  across  the  sea,  and  we  imagine  our- 
selves settled  {!)  in  Italy — but  this  is  too  foreign  a  flight  to 
please  me,  although  I  shall  not  oppose  any  arrangement  that 
wiser  heads  than  mine  may  think  it  advisable  to  adopt.     My 


1830-1842.]     CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  FUTURE   UNSHAKEN.       167 

hiisband  goes  to  Boston  in  a  few  days  to  deliver  a  lecture,  not 
a  stum/p  speech;  and  as  lie  stops  in  N"ew  York  on  his  way  he 
and  papa  will  doubtless  come  to  some  sage  determination." 

The  letter  from  which  I  have  just  quoted  rustles  with  in- 
dignation against  the  fickle  and  inconstant  people,  of  whose 
"virtue"  and  "intelligence"  my  mother  appears  at  that  mo- 
ment to  have  entertained  a  contemptible  opinion.  The  Gen- 
eral, however,  adds  a  re-assuring  postscript  in  their  vindica- 
tion, from  Boston  (l^ovember  26, 184:0),  saying : 

"  My  confidence  in  the  '  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  peo- 
ple' is  unshaken.  They  have  been  deceived;  but  I  await  the 
*  sober  secoiid  thought,'  and  even  the  tJiird^  if  necessary." 

But  his  own  sober  second  thought  was  that  it  was  best  to 
remain  where  he  was ;  he  felt,  no  doubt,  that  his  career  as  a 
public  man  was  not  yet  finished ;  he  had,  perhaps,  the  intui- 
tion of  future  successes. 

What  the  address  or  lecture  was  which  he  went  to  Boston 
to  deliver  I  do  not  know,  and  have  not  been  at  the  pains  to 
find  out ;  but  there  is  a  point  in  connection  with  it  too  good 
to  be  lost.  Writing  to  his  brother.  Captain  Boger  S.  Dix,  of 
the  army,  after  his  return,  December  13,  1810,  and  referring 
to  what  he  had  been  told — that  the  newspapers  in  Boston, 
with  one  exception,  had  spoken  well  of  it — he  says  : 

"  I  wish  to  know  what  paper  is  referred  to  as  an  exception, 
and  what  it  said.  I  desire  to  know  for  my  own  benefit. 
N'othing  does  a  man  so  much  good  as  honest  criticism,  how- 
ever severe  it  may  be.  I  can  truly  say  I  have  never  been 
anxious  to  hunt  up  compliments,  when  I  have  been  told  that 
they  have  been  paid  to  me.  But  fault-finding  criticisms 
I  am  always  desirous  of  seeing,  because  they  often  furnish 
hints  which  may  be  turned  to  good  account.  As  I  have  been 
of  late,  and  shall  probably  be  hereafter,  somewhat  engaged  in 
public  speaking,  I  wish  to  know  what  my  faults  are,  that  I 
may  correct  them  if  I  can." 

Thus  thrown  out  of  public  life,  General  Dix  directed  his 
attention  to  a  new  pursuit.     Desiring  to  add  something  to 


168  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

his  income,  and  to  find  a  proper  field  for  liis  versatile  genius 
and  indefatigable  activity  in  useful  and  congenial  occupation, 
lie  resolved  to  adopt  the  profession  of  editor.  It  was  deter- 
mined to  establish  a  journal  of  a  literary  and  scientific  char- 
acter ;  of  this  he  was  to  have  the  immediate  supervision,  while 
gentlemen  conspicuous  in  various  professions  were  to  aid  in 
the  editorial  work.  The  name  selected  was  The  Northern 
Light;  and  with  General  Dix  i;here  were  associated  Dr.  T. 
Komeyn  Beck,  author  of  a  treatise  on  Medical  Jurisprudence, 
which  w^as  regarded  as  a  standard  work  in  Europe  as  well  as 
in  this  country ;  Gideon  Hawley,  Secretary  to  the  Board  of 
Hegents  of  tlie  University ;  Amos  Dean,  Professor  of  Medi- 
cal Jurisprudence  in  the  Albany  Medical  College;  Thomas 
W.  Olcott,  President  of  the  Mechanics'  and  Farmers'  Bank, 
in  Albany ;  and  Edward  C.  Delevan,  who  was  for  many  years 
at  the  head  of  the  temperance  movement  in  the  United  States. 
It  seems  that  the  object  had  in  view  was  at  first  misunder- 
stood. An  unkindly  notice  of  it  appeared  in  the  columns  of 
the  I^ew  York  Evening  Exj)ress,  which  gave  General  Dix  the 
opportunity  of  defining  its  character  in  a  communication  to 
tlie  editor  of  that  newspaper.     He  says : 

"  The  notice  is  founded  upon  so  entire  a  misapprehension  of  the  de- 
sign of  The  Northern  Light,  that  I  deem  it  due  to  the  proprietors  and  the 
gentlemen  associated  with  me  in  conducting  it  to  state  its  true  nature 
and  objects ;  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  will  with  pleasure  give  the 
statement  to  your  readers,  and  thus  correct  the  erroneous  impression 
which  you  have,  I  am  sure  unintentionally,  created.  The  purposes  for 
which  The  Northern  Light  was  established  were  to  disseminate  useful 
knowledge,  more  particularly  in  respect  to  facts  applicable  to  the  practi- 
cal business  of  life,  and  to  open  to  free  discussion  a  single  branch  of  politi- 
cal science — political  economy,  including  the  tariff  and  the  policy  of  pro- 
tecting duties.  I  consented  to  take  charge  of  the  publication,  with  the 
assistance  of  five  other  gentlemen,  whose  names  are  given  in  the  pros- 
pectus, and  with  the  distinct  and  express  understanding  that  its  columns 
were  to  be  kept  free  from  all  partisan  discussions.  The  gentlemen  re- 
ferred to  would  not  have  been  concerned  in  the  publication  but  upon 
the  condition  of  abstaining  from  party  politics.  Several  of  them  have 
been  uniformly  opposed  to  the  political  party  with  which  I  have  always 


1830-1842.]  ''THE  NOBTHEBN  LIGHT."  169 

been  connected.  They  believed  with  myself  and  the  proprietors  of  The 
Northern  Light  that,  after  a  long  and  angry  political  contest,  a  portion 
of  the  public  attention  might  be  turned,  with  pleasure  and  profit,  to  the 
discussion  of  less  exciting  topics  than  those  which  entered  into  the  re- 
cent election,  and  that  among  the  literary  and  scientific  publications  in 
which  the  country  abounds  a  place  might  be  found  for  theirs.  The  top- 
ics referred  to,  for  the  most  part  of  practical  usefulness,  will  be  presented 
in  a  popular  shape,  and  made  intelligible  to  all  classes  of  readers.  The 
only  source  of  anxiety  to  the  members  of  the  association  is  a  distrust  of 
their  ability  to  render  the  enterprise  in  its  execution  worthy  of  the  de- 
sign. Among  those  who  know  us  we  are  sure  no  apprehension  will  be 
felt  as  to  a  scrupulous  adherence  on  our  part  to  the  avowed  purposes  of 
the  publication.  Those  who  are  not  personally  acquainted  with  us  will, 
it  is  believed,  feel  equally  at  ease  on  this  point,  when  it  is  considered 
that  we  belong  to  different  political  parties,  and  that  we  have  all  an 
equal  voice  in  deciding  questions  concerning  the  management  of  the 
editorial  department.  I  will  only  add  that  if  you,  or  any  of  your  friends, 
will  do  us  the  favor  to  prepare  a  paper  on  any  subject  embraced  in  our 
prospectus,  it  will  afford  us  the  greatest  pleasure  to  insert  it." 

Tlie  first  number  of  The  Northern  Light  appeared  in  April, 
1841 :  the  last  that  I  can  find  is  that  of  July,  1843.  Its  liter- 
ary excellence  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  among  its 
contributors  were  Professor  Alonzo  Potter,  of  Union  Col- 
lege, afterward  Bishop  of  Pennsylvania ;  J.  K.  Poinsett,  Min- 
ister to  Mexico,  and  Secretary  of  War,  under  Mr.  Yan  Buren ; 
the  Eev.  William  Croswell,  D.D. ;  Thomas  Cole,  the  painter ; 
Miss  Sedgwick ;  Edwin  Croswell ;  J.  Louis  Tellkampf,  Pro- 
fessor of  German  in  Columbia  College;  Noah  Webster; 
Matthew  Henry  Webster;  Professor  Charles  W.  Ilackley; 
Alfred  B.  Street ;  Amos  Dean ;  Samuel  S.  Kandall,  the  biog- 
rapher of  Thomas  Jefferson ;  the  Rev.  Horatio  Potter,  now 
Bishop  of  IN'ew  York ;  John  L.  O'Sullivan ;  Horace  B.  Web- 
ster ;  Salem  Town ;  James  E.  Freeman,  the  painter ;  Gerritt 
Smith ;  Willis  Gaylord ;  James  Hall,  geologist  in  the  State 
Survey ;  William  H.  Jansen  ;  Drs.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  He- 
man  J.  Redfield,  and  Caleb  Lyon,  of  Lyonsdale.  In  addition 
to  these  the  five  gentlemen  whose  names  appear  on  the  pros- 
pectus were  occasional  contributors.      General  Dix,  besides 


170  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

having  the  editorial  management,  wrote  a  series  of  articles  on 
the  English  poets,  beginning  with  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  Edmund 
Spenser,  and  Ben  Jonson,  and  also  treated,  in  his  usual  lumi- 
nous and  scholarly  manner,  of  many  other  subjects,  among 
which  were  the  Corn-laws  in  England  and  France,  the  state 
of  the  laboring  population  of  Ireland,  the  temperature  of  the 
earth  and  meteorological  phenomena,  the  organic  chemistry 
of  agriculture  and  physiology,' and  the  charms  of  rural  life, 
giving  occasional  translations  of  romances  and  tales  from  the 
French  language. 

Among  the  letters  of  that  period  is  one  from  Henry  James 
Anderson,  a  very  intimate  friend,  and  one  of  the  most  charm- 
ing and  accomplished  gentlemen  of  his  day.  General  Dix 
held  him  in  the  highest  possible  regard,  not  only  for  his  sci- 
entific attainments  and  the  purity  and  nobility  of  his  charac- 
ter, but  also  for  the  peculiar  raciness  and  delicate  wit  which 
rendered  his  society  so  agreeable.  It  appears  that  he  had  ap- 
plied to  Dr.  Anderson  for  a  contribution  to  The  Worthern 
Light  ^  this  is  the  answer  which  he  received : 

"  New  York,  December  18, 1841. 

"  Dear  Sir, — Your  notice  that  you  held  on  account  of  The  Northern 
Light  a  post-note  of  mine  promising  'an  article'  to  that  journal,  came 
duly  to  liand,  and  is  hereby  acknowledged. 

"As  I  keep  no  bill-book  I  am  unable  to  refer  to  anything  better  than 
my  memory  for  the  date  and  maturity  of  'said'  post-note.  It  seems  to 
me  til  at  it  ran  in  this  way :  '  I  do  iiot  promise  to  write  an  article  for  The 
Northern  Light,  either  for  a  day  certain  or  uncertain,  near  or  remote.'  I 
thought  I  was  safe  and  had  contracted  no  debt,  but  now  I  find  that  I  had 
'  put  out  paper,'  and  must  make  arrangements  to  redeem.  I  certainly 
did  not  intend  to  'create  stock ;'  but  if  I  have,  as  it  has  not  yet  passed 
into  the  hands  of  innocent  third  parties,  I  feel  strongly  inclined  to 
'repudiate.' 

"  Since  I  sent  you  my  non-promissory  note  I  have  entered  into  positive 
engagements  with  a  publisher  to  deliver  a  certain  quantity  of 'copy'  in 
a  given  time.  This  is  my  first  departure  from  the  cash  system — my  first 
step  in  the  downward  path  of  debt.  I  am  already  seized  with  the  hor- 
rors of  remorse,  and  I  dare  say  I  shall  pay  for  my  folly  by  seeing  myself 
gazetted  as  a  bankrupt  under  the  new  act. 


1830-1842.]  RECALLED   TO  PUBLIC  LIFE.  171 

"In  the  name  of  humanity  do  look  again  at  that  no-bond  of  mine  and 
see  if  I  am  'liable,'  under  the  strictest  letter  of  the  law-merchant,  or  even 
under  the  sharpest  interpretation  of  the  law-moral.  I  feel  quite  dis- 
tressed by  this  unexpected  addition  to  my  obligations ;  and  yet,  if  you 
can  convince  my  '  conscientiousness ' — a  bump  which  is  not  wanting  in 
size— I  will  pay  you,  or  order,  in  the  shortest  time  and  best  paper  I  can 
command. 

"  We  have  just  organized  here  a  little  band  of '  Brothers,'  as  we  call 
ourselves.  We  are  'free-trade-mad,'  and  propose  to  dine  together  at 
Blancard's  every  fortnight  or  week,  perhaps,  on  beefsteak  and  oysters, 
with  wine  on  the  voluntary  principle,  and  rejoice  in  the  wisdom  which 
we  shall  utter  on  the  occasion.     Our  first  meeting  is  this  evening,  at  five. 

"  I  cannot  close  without  my  heartfelt  congratulations  on  the  result  of 
the  elections.  And  happy  I  am  that  you,  among  the  first  I  loved  for 
their  devotedness  to  Truth  and  Right,  have  held,  through  either  fortune, 
unfalteringly  to  the  course  which  the  appeal  to  the  people's  sober 
thought  has  so  gloriously  vindicated. 

"  Truly  yours,  Henry  Jas.  Anderson." 

The  General's  editorial  labors  were  soon  interrupted.  In 
tlie  year  1841  he  was  recalled  to  public  life  by  election  as 
member  of  Assembly.  The  event  caused  a  sensation  at  the 
house  on  "Washington  Street.  The  General  was  absent  from 
the  city  at  the  time.  One  evening,  as  my  mother  was  sitting 
quietly  in  her  room,  Mr.  John  Yan  Buren,  with  two  or  three 
friends,  rushed  in  and  told  her  that  she  must  make  haste  and 
shut  all  the  doors,  as  a  vast  body  of  the  unterrified  Democ- 
racy, wild  with  enthusiasm,  and  flaring  with  torches  and  ban- 
ners, w^as  moving  up  toward  the  house  to  congratulate  the 
General  on  his  election.  Measures  having  been  rapidly  taken 
for  defence  from  the  embraces  of  the  delighted  crowd,  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  met  them  at  the  entrance  of  the  grounds,  and, 
mounted  on  a  chair,  addressed  them  in  that  characteristic 
style  which  made  him  one  of  the  most  popular  of  public 
speakers.  They  accepted  the  apology  thus  rendered  for  the 
absence  of  the  object  of  their  quest,  and,  after  the  usual 
uproar  of  cheers  and  shouts,  relieved  the  household  of  appre- 
hension and  boisterously  withdrew. 

General  Dix's  election  gave  gratification  in  many  quarters. 


172  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

I  select  one  from  a  large  number  of  similar  letters  addressed 
to  him  at  that  time.     It  is  from  General  Borland : 

'•Montgomery,  November  17, 1841. 
"  General  John  A.  Dix: 

"  Dear  Sir, — In  view  of  the  recent  triumphs  of  Democracy  I  cannot 
withhold  an  expression  of  my  high  gratification. 

"  And  Tvill  you  allow  me  to  say  (for  so  I  verily  believe)  that  no  single 
event,  in  the  whole  range  of  Democratic  success,  has  been  more  grateful 
to  my  feelings,  or  more  important  to 'the  great  cause  of  liberal  principles, 
than  your  own  election. 

"  For  years  past  we  have,  as  a  party,  too  much  neglected  moral  worth, 
integrity  of  character,  sound  sense,  and  high  literary  attainments. 

"Your  success  will,  I  trust,  induce  our  friends  thoughout  the  State 
hereafter  to  look  more  for  your  likeness  than  they  have  for  years  past. 

"  My  friend  Mr.  Hill*  having  afibrded  a  favorable  opportunity,  in  jus- 
tice to  my  own  feelings  I  could  not  but  embrace  it,  to  give  you  a  faint 
expression  of  the  high  regard  I  entertain  for  your  character. 

"  Yours  cordially,  etc.,  Charles  Borland." 

The  following  year  brought  with  it  a  terrible  anxiety,  ending 
in  the  breaking  up  of  our  home,  amid  sorrowful  forebodings 
and  tearful  separations.  The  life  at  Albany  abruptly  ended, 
and  we  went  forth,  to  return  to  it,  as  a  household,  no  more. 

My  mother's  health,  which  had  not  been  strong,  became  so 
seriously  impaired,  that  her  medical  advisers  advised  a  re- 
moval to  a  milder  climate  for  the  winter.  The  urgency  being 
great,  preparations  for  departure  were  humedly  made.  After 
much  consultation  and  inquiry  the  island  of  Madeira  was  se- 
lected as  the  best  place  in  which  to  pass  the  ensuing  months. 
Access  to  it  was  not  easy ;  but  it  happened  that  a  small  ship 
bound  for  Funchal  was  then  lying  in  the  port  of  New  York. 
In  that  vessel,  the  Mexican,  300  tons.  Captain  Doming,  my 
parents,  with  three  of  their  children,  embarked  on  the  16th 
of  October  and  for  the  second  time  took  their  way  across 
the  sea. 

*  The  Hon.  N.  P.  Hill. 


ABSENCE  FEOM  HOME 

MADEIRA.-SPAIN.-ITALY. 

A.D.  184,3-1844. 


Voyage  to  Madeira.  — Funchal.  — Passage  to  Cadiz.— Seville.  — Holy 
Week.— Murillo's  Paintings.— Gibraltar.— Spanish  Coast.— Florence.— 
The  Villa  d'Elci.— Rome.— France.— Navigation  of  the  Loire.— Havre 
Packet-ship. 


1842-1844.]  A  NOW  EAEE  LITTLE  BOOK.  175 


V. 

There  is  a  little  volume,  of  377  pages,  12mo,  which  may 
occasionallj  be  picked  up  in  those  shops  in  which  they  deal 
in  rare  books.  It  is  entitled  "A  Winter  in  Madeira,  and  a 
Summer  in  Spain  and  Florence."  It  was  written  by  my 
father  some  time  after  his  return  from  this  second  journey  to 
Europe,  and  contains  a  narrative  of  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  happy  years  of  his  life.  Agreeably  written,  and  illustra- 
ted by  a  few  woodcuts,  rather  coarsely  executed,  from  some  of 
my  own  pencil  sketches,  it  gives  an  account  of  our  voyage 
from  ]S"ew  York  to  Madeira,  of  the  heavy  gale  encountered 
on  the  way,  of  our  passage  through  the  Azores,  and  of  our  ar- 
rival, on  the  11th  of  November,  at  the  exquisitely  beautiful 
island  which  was  to  form  our  winter  home.  Guided  by  that 
little  volume,  the  reader  may  pass  from  scene  to  scene  amid 
the  superb  mountains  and  dizzy  ravines,  and  become  familiar 
with  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  simple  and  industrious 
peasantry  of  that  dependency  of  the  Portuguese  crown.  If  he 
have  a  taste  for  them  he  may  revel  in  statistics  concerning 
climate  and  productions,  commerce  and  trade,  agriculture,  gov- 
ernment, and  religion.  He  will  see  us  in  our  pleasant  apart- 
ments near  the  Carreira,  under  the  charge  of  our  merry  Portu- 
guese landlord,  Gambaro  Baxixa.  He  may  read  the  exploits 
of  Don  Miguel,  and  sigh  over  the  romance  of  Kobert  Machin 
and  Anne  D'Arfet.  It  was  a  winter's  idyl,  a  grateful  time  of 
rest  and  refreshment,  in  one  of  the  most  delicious  climates  in 
the  world,  where  an  invalid  is  hardly  ever  kept  in-doors  by 
rain,  where  the  sun  is  rarely  too  warm  for  open-air  exercise, 
and  where  a  light  overcoat  suffices  for  the  coolest  day ;  where 
one  can  go  only  on  horseback  or  on  foot,  and  where  each  path 


176  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

leads  to  some  grand  specimen  of  the  -works  of  the  Ahnighty, 
such  as  volcanic  regions  alone  exhibit  in  perfection;  where 
the  roads  are  often  bordered  by  hedges  of  heliotrope  higher 
than  the  tallest  man's  head,  and  the  vine  spreads  her  clusters 
to  the  noonday,  and  the  century -plant  shoots  up,  with  her 
candelabra  of  white  blossoms,  all  but  unnoticed  amid  the 
bloom  of  the  landscape.  If  anything  were  needed  to  en- 
hance the  thorough  enjoyment  of  that  happy  winter,  it  was 
supplied  in  my  mother's  perfect  recovery  of  her  health,  and 
in  the  birth  of  another  beloved  daughter  of  our  house.  How 
full  of  enjoyment  were  those  months  to  one  tired  out  by  hard 
work,  and  long  tossed  on  the  waves  of  ]^ew  York  politics, 
may  be  discovered  in  the  General's  graphic  account  of  that 
winter  of  1842-'43. 

From  the  book  referred  to  —  which,  by -the -bye,  went 
through  five  editions,  though  now  almost  forgotten — I  take 
the  account  of  our  departure  from  the  beautiful  island,  and 
the  memorable  passage  to  Cadiz.     He  says : 

*^  On  the  17th  of  March  we  bade  adieu  to  Madeira,  and  with 
the  most  sincere  regret.  The  w^inter  had  not  passed  away 
without  bringing  with  it  some  inconveniences  and  trials  ;  but 
these  were  far  over-balanced  by  the  mildness  of  the  atmos- 
phere in  which  we  lived,  and  the  beauties  of  the  scenery  by 
which  we  were  surrounded. 

"  It  was  about  four  in  the  afternoon  when  we  left  the  beach 
to  embark  in  the  little  brig  which  was  to  convey  us  to  the 
European  continent.  In  an  hour  more  we  were  sailing  slow- 
ly out  of  the  roadstead.  The  sun  shone  with  unusual  splen- 
dor, and  as  he  sunk  down  in  the  west,  casting  heavy  shadows 
across  the  ravines  back  of  the  city,  and  bathing  the  tops  of 
the  mountains  in  golden  light,  the  scene  was  scarcely  less 
beautiful  in  our  eyes,  familiar  as  it  had  become,  than  when  it 
first  broke  upon  our  sight.  During  the  night  we  passed  the 
Desertas  near  enough  to  make  out  their  harsh,  ragged  outlines 
in  the  moonlight.  At  dawn  the  next  day  they  were  far  in  the 
distance,  faintly  relieved  by  the  shadowy  form  of  Madeira  in 


1842-1844.]        JOYS  AND  PERILS  OF  THE  OCEAN.  177 

the  background.  In  a  few  hours  more  they  had  all  disap- 
peared, and  nothing  remained  to  bound  the  sight  but  an  un- 
broken horizon  of  sky  and  waves. 

"  The  passage  from  Madeira  to  Cadiz,  the  port  to  which  we 
were  destined,  averages  six  or  seven  days.  The  vessel  in  which 
we  had  embarked  was  a  small  one,  not  measuring  more  than 
170  tons,  but  she  was  strong,  skilfully  commanded,  and  had 
a  crew  of  fine  young  men.  She  was  from  the  city  of  Boston, 
and  bore  its  name.  She  had  for  eight  years  baffled  the  fogs 
and  north-easters  which  preside  over  the  IS'ew  England  coast, 
and  there  was  a  guarantee  in  this  that  she  would  do  her  duty 
in  case  of  need.  Her  cabin  was  small ;  but  having  discharged 
her  cargo  at  Funchal,  and  being  in  ballast,  a  roomy  apartment 
was  fitted  up  in  her  hold,  and  a  neat  and  delightful  one  it 
was,  of  clean,  freshly  planed  but  unpainted  boards,  far  outdo- 
ing the  principal  cabin  in  convenience  and  comfort.  It  had 
got  the  name  of  the  steerage  while  the  carpenter  was  fitting 
it  up,  but  it  soon  sunk  this  cognomen  in  the  more  appropriate 
one  of  the  gentlemen's  cabin.  Tlie  passengers  were  seventeen 
in  number,  including  ladies,  gentlemen,  children,  and  servants, 
and,  with  the  crew  added,  we  mustered  twenty-six  souls.  The 
wind  was  fair,  the  skies  serene,  and  the  moon  was  in  her  third 
quarter,  giving  us  fine  bright  nights.  Time  never  hangs  heav- 
ily at  sea  under  such  circumstances.  Even  sea-sickness  loses 
half  its  horrors  w^hen  you  know  that  you  are  speeding  on  to 
your  destination,  and  that  your  sufferings  will  soon  be  at  an 
end.  For  two  days  and  nights  the  wind  blew  steadily,  but 
was  constantly  thougli  almost  imperceptibly  increasing.  From 
five  and  six  knots  an  hour  our  log  began  to  report  seven  and 
eight,  and  at  last  nine  and  ten ;  the  sky  became  overcast,  the 
rain  came  down  at  intervals  in  torrents,  without  any  abate- 
ment of  the  wind,  and  a  dense  fog  set  in  on  the  morning  of 
the  fourth  day,  just  at  dawn,  when  we  were  indulging  the 
hope  of  seeing  land.  Our  situation  was  now  extremely  un- 
pleasant. The  wind  blew  violently  —  so  much  so  that  the 
courses  were  taken  in,  and  the  vessel  was  running  under 
L— 12 


178  MEMOIES  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

close-reefed  top-sails — and  we  were  on  a  lee-shore,  in  a  thick 
fog.  The  captain  had  never  been  at  Cadiz,  but  he  had  been 
up  all  night  studying  an  excellent  chart,  which  he  had  found 
at  Funchal,  and  had  made  himself  as  familiar  with  the  coast 
and  harbor  as  though  he  had  navigated  them  all  his  life.  At 
nine  in  the  morning  he  told  a  few  of  us  that  he  should  be  op- 
posite the  light-house  in  an  hour,  if  his  reckoning  was  right, 
and  he  must  then  choose  between  the  alternatives  of  standing 
in  or  of  attempting  to  beat  out  to  sea.  The  latter  would  have 
been  full  of  peril,  for  if  the  wind  had  continued  to  increase, 
as  in  fact  it  did,  we  should  in  all  probability  have  gone  ashore 
before  night.  The  captain  at  half -past  nine  took  his  station  in 
the  foretop,  and  in  half  an  hour  more  stood  boldly  in  for  the 
land.  To  those  of  us  who  understood  the  matter  the  next 
half -hour  was  a  period  of  extreme  anxiety.  But  it  was  hard- 
ly over  before  the  captain's  clear  voice  was  heard,  amid  the 
roaring  of  the  storm,  giving  his  orders  to  the  helmsman  with 
as  much  confidence  as  if  he  had  been  on  his  own  native  coast. 
He  had  descried  the  light-house  at  a  distance  of  about  half 
a  mile — ^the  first  object  we  had  seen,  excepting  a  few  vessels 
which  crossed  our  path,  since  we  lost  sight  of  the  Desertas. 
He  was  now  at  home.  He  had  so  thoroughly  mastered  his 
chart  that  he  knew  the  bearings  of  all  the  shoals  and  break- 
ers which  lie  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  from  the  light- 
house, and  he  remained  in  the  foretop  until  we  had  passed 
them  all,  directing  the  motions  of  the  vessel  with  perfect 
calmness  and  confidence.  It  was  certainly  no  small  triumph 
of  nautical  skill  on  the  part  of  our  Yankee  captain.  He  had 
sailed  nearly  six  hundred  miles,  and  had  hit  the  light-house  at 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor  to  which  he  was  destined  within  fif- 
teen minutes  after  his  reckoning  was  up.  It  must  be  con- 
fessed, too,  that  there  was  some  good-luck  in  it.  But  his  sub- 
sequent management  of  the  vessel,  steering  her  through  break- 
ers and  reefs  of  rocks  without  the  aid  of  a  pilot,  was  all  skill 
and  good  judgment." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  speak  too  warmly  of  the  pleasure 


1842-1844.]  THE  FAMILY  LAND  AT  CADIZ.  179 

derived  from  our  glimpse  of  Spain.     Landing  at  tlie  wliite- 
walled  Cadiz,  we  spent  some  days  enjoying  the  novel  sights 
of  that  city ;  now  strolling  about  the  streets,  where  the  beau- 
tiful, dark-eyed  women,  with  their  mantillas  about  their  jet- 
black  hair,  flitted  gracefully  to  and  fro,  and  often  stopped  to 
admire  and  kiss  our  bright,  curly-headed  Charley,  as  though 
he  were  an  angel  in  the  midst  of  the  brunette  monotony ; 
now  penetrating  into  the  faintly  perfumed  chapel  of  some 
religious  house  in  quest  of  notable  pictures ;  now  looking  at 
the  port,  filled  with  ships  of  manifold  rigs,  among  which 
plied  the  boats  of  the  deft  Spanish  oarsmen.     And  then  one 
day  we  took  the  steamer,  and,  having  crossed  to  the  other 
side  of  the  bay,  went  up  the   Guadalquiver,  following  its 
numberless  turns  and  bends,  till  we  saw  the  Golden  Tower 
of  Seville  in  the  distance,  and  the  vast  pile  of  the  Cathedral, 
with  its  crested  Giralda,  looming  over  the  orange  groves.     In 
that  city  we  spent  several  days,  including  the  Holy  Week ; 
and  we  looked  with  wonder  on  the  processions  and  pageants, 
which  recalled  the  mediaeval  Mysteries,  as  angels  and  arch- 
angels, saints   and  martyrs,  Virgins   and  doctors  swept  by, 
mounted  on  great  cars  drawn  by  handsome  horses,  and  es- 
corted by  thousands  of  troops  of  the  line,  whose  military 
bands  filled  the  air  with  music.     And  at  the  dead  of  night 
we  listened  to  the  big  bell  of  the  Cathedral,  whose  tone,  like 
low  thunder,  is  heard  but  two  or  three  times  in.  the  year, 
when  Holy  Church  is  keeping  up  the  memory  of  some  great 
act  in  the  suffering  life  of  the  Eedeemer  of  men.     We  heard 
them  sing  the  Miserere  in  the  Cathedral,  and  High  Mass  on 
Easter ;  and  then  we  w^ent  to  see  the  bull  fights  at  the  amphi- 
theatre, which  holds  20,000  spectators.     But  that  which  gave 
us  most  joy  was  the  sight  of  the  treasures  of  art  in  that  shrine 
of  Spanish  painting— the  works  of  Yaldes,  Zurbaran,  Velas- 
quez, and  Eoelas,  and  the  solemn  splendors  of  the  Carmen, 
where  the  canvases  of  Murillo  display  the  histories  of  the 
old  and  new  dispensations,  and  seem  themselves  like  miracles 
of  religious  devotion  and  technical  skill.     I  remember  noth- 


180  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ing  more  impressive  since  that  day;  nor  shall  I  ever  again 
enjoy  such  sensations  as  those  awakened  bj  the  sight  of  that 
lordly  wealth,  unrivalled  save  in  Yenice,  and  breathing  of 
the  very  awe  and  majesty  of  religion ;  for  surely,  if  there 
be  religion  in  art,  it  is  to  be  seen  at  its  height  in  the  work 
of  the  Spanish  School. 

From  these  glories  we  turned  reluctantly  away,  and,  de- 
scending the  river,  went  back  to  Cadiz  ;  and  thence  by  steam- 
er to  Gibraltar,  where  we  saw  the  Union  Jack  flying  in  the 
breeze,  and  the  red-coated  sentries  pacing  the  rocky  platform, 
and  heard  the  beat  of  the  British  drums  and  the  shrill  music 
of  the  fife ;  and  walked  through  the  galleries  in  the  rock,  and 
drove  across  the  I^eutral  Ground  to  get  a  distant  view  of  the 
great  lion -like  rampart  of  the  Straits.  A  Spanish  steamer 
then  took  us  up  and  carried  us  along  the  coast.  Every  day 
we  landed  at  some  new  town :  at  Malaga,  Almeria,  and  Agui- 
las ;  at  Cartagena,  Alicante,  and  Valencia ;  at  Barcelona,  on 
which  the  guns  frowned  from  Monjuich ;  and  so  along  tlie 
Mediterranean  to  Leghorn,  and  then  to  Pisa  and  Florence. 
It  was  a  journey  to  be  long  remembered,  standing  clearly  on 
the  horizon  of  the  far-away. 

The  General  spent  the  summer  of  1843  in  a  villa  outside 
the  walls  of  Florence.  It  belonged  to  the  Marquis  d'Elci, 
and  had  all  the  requisites  for  one  of  Mrs.  Henry  Wood's 
romances.  It  was  quadrangular,  enclosing  a  paved  court: 
three  sides  of  the  structure  constituted  the  residence,  while 
the  fourth  was  a  thick  wall,  pierced  by  a  great  gate,  and  broad 
enough  for  a  passage-way  along  the  top  from  wing  to  wing. 
There  were  suites  of  rooms  enough  for  half  a  dozen  families ; 
and  an  immense  hall,  which  w^e  called  the  ball-room.  The 
floors  above  and  below  were  of  brick,  and  the  sleeping  apart- 
ments had  great  high -post  bedsteads,  with  awful  hangings; 
and  on  the  walls  hung  full-length  pictures  of  nobles,  soldiers, 
priests,,  and  nuns.  Then  there  was  a  chapel,  in  which  from 
time  to  time  Mass  was  sung;  and  once  during  the  summer 
the  peasantry  came  thither  to  keej)  a  fete,  and  the  floor  was 


1842-1844.]  DEMISE  OF  A  DEAR  FRIEND.  181 

made  into  a  rich  mosaic  of  many-colored  leaves  of  roses  and 
other  flowers,  and  it  was  a  great  gala  of  costumes,  banners,  in- 
cense, and  song.  I  had  a  room,  or  rather  a  suite  of  rooms,  in 
the  upper  story ;  from  the  windows  I  could  trace  the  wind- 
ings of  the  Arno  down  the  rich  valley  between  dark -blue 
hills ;  and  I  remember  how,  when  the  moon  was  setting,  and 
a  little  owl  would  come  and  sit  over  my  window  and  cry  in 
doleful  tone,  I  used  to  wish  myself  anywhere  else,  and  did  not 
like  the  look  of  the  tall  pictures  surveying  me  in  the  dim 
light,  nor  the  rustle  of  the  tapestries  about  the  bed.  In  the 
end  of  the  summer  a  dear  friend  of  my  mother's  died  there, 
in  the  apartment  adjoining  mine.  She  was  the  daughter  of 
Captain  James  Lawrence,  who  fell  fighting  his  ship,  the  Chesa- 
peake, against  the  British  frigate  Shannon.  Mary  Lawrence 
was  with  my  mother  at  Miss  Desabaye's  school  in  ~Eqw  York. 
She  afterward  married  Mr.  "William  Preston  Griffin,  of  the 
]^avy.  We  met  them  on  the  way  to  Italy,  and  persuaded 
them  to  go  with  us  to  Florence  for  the  summer.  She  died  in 
child-bed  at  the  villa,  September  3.  It  was  like  the  falling  of 
a  sudden  night  about  our  path.  After  that  I  went  to  another 
part  of  the  villa,  for  the  associations  of  that  side  of  the  court- 
yard were  too  painful  to  be  borne.  Indeed,  the  rumor  was 
that  the  English  doctor  had  brought  her  death  about  by  bad 
treatment;  and  it  was  whispered  among  the  contadine  that 
"  the  American  signora  who  was  murdered  at  the  Yilla  d'Elci 
walked  at  night." 

Tuscany  was  then  a  grand-dukedom ;  Leopold  11.  its  mild 
and  popular  ruler.  The  summer  residence  was  close  by  us. 
We  often  met  the  Grand -duke  taking  his  afternoon  walk, 
with  his  wife  and  children,  under  the  cypresses,  or  through 
the  vine-bordered  roads  of  the  country,  with  no  more  state 
than  any  honest  citizen. 

Of  all  these  things  my  father  has  written  in  the  volume  al- 
ready referred  to :  of  the  Duomo  and  Giotto's  tower,  of  the 
bridges  and  the  Cascine,  of  Fiesole  and  the  Apennines,  of  the 
manners  of  the  people  and  their  mode  of  life ;  of  the  chariot- 


182  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

races  in  the  ancient  Roman  style  in  tlie  great  Piazza  on  tlie 
eve  of  St.  Jolm's-day,  and  the  festa  and  fireworks  and  races 
of  barbs  on  St.  Peter's -day,  and  the  Haydn  music  at  the 
Palazzo  Yecchio. 

From  Florence  we  went  to  Pome,  where  we  spent  the  fol- 
lowing winter,  that  of  184:3-'44.  There  is  little  worth  noting 
in  the  domestic  annals  of  those  months ;  they  passed  quietly 
and  happily,  in  the  society  of  friends  who,  like  ourselves,  were 
far  from  home ;  in  reading  and  study  in  connection  with  daily 
visits  to  the  w^onders  of  the  old  and  new  cities ;  and  in  at- 
tendance at  the  magnificent  services  at  St.  Peter's  and  other 
churches.  We  saw  a  great  deal  of  the  artists  of  that  period, 
among  whom  was  James  E.  Freeman,  whose  merit  my  father 
had  discovered  some  years  before,  when  they  met  at  Albany, 
and  in  whose  progress  in  his  art  he  took  a  deep  interest  as 
long  as  he  lived.  Rome  was  then  the  Rome  of  the  Pontiffs 
and  of  a  past  age ;  Gregory  XYI.  occupied  the  Papal  throne ; 
the  era  of  radical  change  seemed  far  away.  By  the  side  of  the 
yellow  Tiber  the  city  and  its  inhabitants  dozed  and  dreamed ; 
and  no  dreamy  life  was  ever  more  delicious  than  that  which 
they  led  who,  in  their  wanderings,  found  themselves  within 
the  venerable  walls.  Twelve  years  afterward  we  were  there 
again.  Many  changes  had  come ;  others  were  imminent ;  the 
French  were  holding  the  city  and  protecting  the  Supreme 
Pontiff  from  the  storm  outside.  Since  that  day  how  wonder- 
fully has  everything  changed !  What  is  the  Rome  of  1881 
to  those  w^ho  remember  the  Rome  of  1843? 

Leaving  the  Eternal  City  on  the  26th  of  March,  the  General 
took  us  to  Naples,  where  he  distinguished  himself  by  a  fool- 
hardy performance.  Yesuvius  was  in  partial  eruption.  We 
ascended  the  mountain  to  see  what  could  be  seen.  The  crater 
looked  like  a  hollow  bowl  sunken  about  one  hundred  feet 
below  the  rocky  ledges  on  which  we  stood ;  from  side  to  side 
beneath  stretched  a  smooth  layer  of  hardened  lava,  hot  enough 
to  scorch  the  soles  of  the  boots.  In  the  centre  of  that  plain 
was  a  cone,  rising  to  the  level  of  the  sides  of  the  mountain, 


1842-1844.]  TEMERITY  ON  MOUNT  VESUVIUS.  183 

and  having  three  or  four  apertures  at  the  summit,  out  of 
which  came  fire,  with  showers  of  stones.  As  these  were  shot 
forth  the  cone  shook  to  its  base.  The  General  insisted  on 
descending  into  the  crater,  attended  by  one  of  the  guides, 
whom  he  bade  to  lead  on  as  far  as  he  dared  to  go.  The  guide 
accordingly  led  Itim  down,  step  by  step,  and  rapidly,  across 
the  field  and  to  the  very  foot  of  the  cone,  where  he  stopped, 
refusing  to  go  farther.  But  the  General,  grasping  his  climb- 
ing-staff, mounted  to  the  top  of  the  cone,  and  actually  poked 
his  stick  into  one  of  the  open  vents — looking  up,  when  red- 
hot  stones  flew  out,  to  dodge  them  as  they  fell.  He  did  not 
defend  tliese  proceedings  in  after -years,  but  agreed  with  us 
that  they  were  preposterous.  Still,  they  were  characteristic 
of  his  coolness  and  love  of  adventure. 

From  IN'aples  we  went  by  steamer  to  Marseilles,  and  thence 
through  France  to  Paris.  The  journey  was,  in  some  respects, 
very  characteristic,  our  route  being  through  Aries,  Avignon, 
and  Givors,  and  by  Roanne  and  Cosne,  on  the  river  Loire,  to 
Orleans.  We  travelled  part  of  the  way  on  a  railroad  which 
was  one  of  the  first  constructed  in  the  kingdom ;  and,  as  the 
engineers  proceeded  on  the  theory  that,  as  a  straight  line  is 
the  shortest  distance  between  two  points,  so  the  simplest  way 
to  build  a  railroad  was  to  carry  it  straight  along,  no  matter 
what  stood  in  the  way,  this  particular  road,  passing  through 
a  hilly  country,  was  little  better  than  an  interminable  succes- 
sion of  tunnels,  connected  by  brief  ventilation  in  the  open 
air.  On  the  river  Loire  we  journeyed  in  a  strange  kind  of 
steamer,  of  immense  length,  very  narrow,  and  drawing  very 
little  water.  The  whole  line  had  a  common  name — the 
Inexplosibles  —  numbered  1,  2,  3,  etc.  Whenever  the  Inex- 
jplosible  No.  4,  our  noble  craft,  grounded  on  the  shoals  of 
the  river — which  happened  every  hour  or  so — the  sailors 
jumped  overboard — the  water  being  not  quite  up  to  their 
knees  —  and  shoved  her  along,  to  the  delight  of  the  voy- 
agers. 

In  those  days  there  was  a  justly  celebrated  line  of  Havre 


184  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

packets,  delightful  ships,  roomy  and  comfortable,  with  good 
captains  and  crews,  and  everything  needed  for  the  happiness 
of  the  passengers  on  their  four  weeks'  voyage.  We  embarked 
in  one  of  those  ships,  the  lowa^  on  May  8,  1844.  To  cross 
the  Western  Ocean  was  no  light  affair  in  those  days.  The 
traveller  had  a  taste  of  real  sea  life ;  and  the  restless  and  ex- 
citable voyager  of  our  time,  whose  highest  ambition  is  to  dash 
at  break-neck  speed  from  JSTaveaink  to  Fastnet  in  seven  days, 
is  not  altogether  the  enviable  being  he  deems  himself  in  con- 
trast with  the  old-fashioned  tourist.  Though  our  innumer- 
able and  insatiate  excursionists  have  gained  in  time,  they  have 
lost  in  other  things :  in  the  pleasure  of  quiet,  dreamy  days  on 
shipboard,  in  delightful  companionships,  in  some  knowledge 
of  the  seaman's  craft,  and  the  subtler  phenomena  of  wind 
and  wave,  sky  and  cloud,  tides  and  currents,  calm  and  storm. 
Each  of  those  white-winged  ships  was  a  school,  each  voyage 
a  course  of  study ;  and  many  and  precious  were  the  lessons 
learned  during  the  four  weeks  spent  at  sea. 


VI. 

UNITED   STATES  SENATE. 


-A..D.    184S-1853. 


JS"ew  York  Politics. — Barnburners  and  Hunkers. — Abolitionism. —  Silas 
Wriglit.— Canvass  of  1844.  — 1845:  Elected  Senator  of  the  United 
States. — Annexation  of  Texas. — First  Speech  in  the  Senate,  on  the 
Oregon  Question. —  Speech  on  French  Spoliations. —  Speech  on  the 
Warehouse  Bill. — Declines  the  Mission  to  England. — Speech  on  the 
Lieutenant-general  Bill. — The  War  with  Mexico. — Speech  on  the  Three 
Million  Bill. — Extension  of  Slavery. — Battle  of  Buena  Vista. — Letters 
of  Major  R.  S.  Dix. — Speech  on  European  Intervention. — Slavery  in 
the  Territories.  —  Anti-rentism  in  New  York.  —  Defeat  of  Governor 
Wright. — His  Death. — Political  Credo  of  General  Dix. — Free-soil 
Movement  of  1848.  —  East  Hampton.  —  Climate  of  Long  Island. — 
Sporting. — Nomination  for  Governor. — Defeat  of  Free-soilers. — Last 
Speech  in  the  Senate. — Port  Chester. — Death  of  John  J.  Morgan.-^ 
Manursing  Island. — 1852:  Death  of  Baldwin  Dix. — Eeunion  of  the 
Democratic  Party.  —  Baltimore  Convention.  —  Election  of  Franklin 
Pierce.— The  Mission  to  France. 


1845-1853.]     THE  CALDBON  OF  NEW  YORK  POLITICS.  187 


VI. 

"With  the  return  from  Europe  came  a  change  from  tranquil- 
lity to  confusion,  from  the  quiet  pleasures  of  foreign  travel  to 
the  caldron  of  JS'ew  York  politics,  then  bubbling  and  seething 
more  furiously  than  ever.  The  Democratic  party,  hard  pushed 
by  its  enemies,  was  divided  into  sections,  which  grew  daily 
more  hostile  in  their  attitude.  To  these  schools  the  grotesque 
names  of  "  Barnburners  "  and  "  Old  Hunkers  "  were  applied : 
they  might  have  been  more  philosophically  described  as  Eadi- 
cals  and  Conservatives.  Nearly  equal  in  numbers,  they  dif- 
fered on  many  points,  and,  first,  on  questions  of  finance  and 
State  government.  The  Barnburners  were  the  party  of  strict 
economy ;  abhorring  debt,  they  insisted  that  provision  ought 
to  be  made  for  paying  the  interest  on  State  loans  by  taxa- 
tion before  pledging  the  credit  of  the  State ;  they  were  sus- 
picious of  banks,  believed  in  hard-money,  and  adhered  to  the 
financial  policy  of  President  Van  Buren.  The  Old  Hunkers, 
on  the  other  hand,  appear  to  have  held  easier  views  on  all 
these  points ;  speculative,  and  ready  to  take  risks,  they  were 
lax  where  the  Barnburners  were  severe.*     But  now  another 

*  A  very  high  authority,  in  reply  to  an  inquiry  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
names  of  those  sections  of  the  Democratic  party,  wrote  to  me  as  follows : 

"  My  impression  is  that  the  factions  known  as  Barnburners  and  Old 
Hunkers  grew  out  of  the  early  insinuations  of  the  slavery  question  into 
general  politics.  The  Old  Hunkers  were  opposed  to  any  discussion  of 
the  subject,  as  likely  to  destroy  the  harmony  of  "the  party;"  and  the 
Barnburners  were  in  favor  of  treating  it  like  all  other  questions  of  pub- 
lic interest.  The  significance  of  the  names,  if  I  apprehend  them  rightl}^, 
was,  that  the  one  kept  at  home,  or  to  their  JiunTc^  never  knowing  what 
was  going  on  in  the  world;  and  that  the  other  was  willing  to  burn 
down  the  entire  barn  to  get  rid  of  a  few  rats." 


188  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

question  was  troubling  the  camp,  and  threatening  to  make 
the  family  quarrel  much  more  acrimonious.  The  problem  of 
slavery  had  been  forever  settled,  as  was  fondly  supposed,  by 
the  "Missouri  Compromise,"  in  1820;  it  was  now  re-opened, 
and  in  a  way  to  become  more  complicated  than  before.  For 
this  certain  persons,  known  as  Abolitionists,  were  mainly 
responsible. 

The  views  of  the  earliest  Abolitionists  were  moderate  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  men  to  whom  that  title  became  subse- 
quently restricted.  In  time  a  division  took  place  in  the  body, 
resulting  in  the  formation  of  a  radical  Abolition  party,  includ- 
ing such  men  as  Gerritt  Smith  and  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 
These  extremists  were,  theoretically,  the  first  Secessionists : 
they  resigned  ofiice  under  the  government,  and  refused  there- 
after either  to  hold  office,  or  even  to  vote ;  they  regarded  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  a  compact  with  Satan, 
would  have  nothing  to  do  wath  public  affairs,  and  preferred 
a  rupture  of  the  Union  to  living  under  a  system  which  toler- 
ated slavery  and  protected  slave-holders.  The  moderate  Abo- 
litionists stopped  short  of  those  extremes :  they  continued  to 
vote,  did  not  refuse  office,  and  were  known  as  the  "  Liberty 
party ;"  they  nominated  candidates  of  their  own  as  such,  and 
were  not  unwilling  to  work  with  any  other  party  in  the  coun- 
try, North  or  South,  for  the  attainment  of  their  ends.  The 
distinction  betw^een  the  moderate  and  ultra  Abolitionists  is 
important.  When  I  speak  of  "  Abolitionists  "  hereafter  I  re- 
fer to  those  of  the  latter  class,  the  followers  of  Garrison 
and  Smith,  and  not  to  the  '' Liberty  party,"  which  supported 
James  G.  Birney  for  President  in  18-10  and  1814. 

]^o  one  can  justly  blame  the  people  of  the  South  for  their 
anxiety  and  indignation  at  the  progress  of  the  Abolition 
movement.  Its  ultimate  aim  ^vas  to  overthrow  that  social 
compact  under  which  the  free  and  slave-holding  States  w^ere 
united  under  a  common  Constitution,  w^hile  the  actual  inva- 
sion of  the  right  of  the  Southerner  to  his  property  w\as  so 
flagrant  as  to  lead  him  to  demand  redress  for  wrongs  already 


1845-1853.]     SILAS  WBIGHT  A  CONSPICUOUS  FIGURE.  189 

sustained  and  guarantees  for  the  future.  Out  of  all  this  it 
was  inevitable  that  new  issues  must  arise,  with  complicated 
and  dangerous  positions.  The  Democratic  party  recognized 
and  respected  the  rights  of  the  South  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States ;  yet  it  was  easy  to  see  that  questions 
might  come  up  on  which  men,  though  all  alike  friendly  to 
the  South,  would  feel  at  a  loss  what  to  say,  and  might  be 
driven  to  take  opposite  sides. 

No  figure  of  that  era  is  more  conspicuous  than  that  of 
Silas  Wright,  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York.  To  those  who  form  their  ideal  of 
the  patriot  by  study  of  the  classical  models  of  ancient  Eome 
he  must  be  one  of  the  most  charming  figures  of  our  history — 
a  true  Cincinnatus ;  an  image  of  pristine  simplicity  and  integ- 
rity. Mr.  Wright  was  one  of  my  father's  warmest  friends, 
and  the  object  of- his  sincere  admiration  and  devoted  attach- 
ment—a man  after  his  own  heart.  A  few  words  with  ref- 
erence to  this  great  statesman  and  illustrious  citizen. 

Silas  Wright  was  born  at  Amherst,  Mass.,  in  the  year  1795, 
being  three  years  my  father's  senior ;  he  was  brought  up  in 
Vermont,  amid  the  green  hills,  and  was  graduated  at  Middle- 
bury  College  in  1815.  Ilis  family  was  a  humble  one,  and  it 
is  even  asserted  that  his  father  was  without  education.  They 
were  intense  lovers  of  their  country,  and  his  father  and  one  of 
his  brothers  were  soldiers  in  the  war  of  1812.  The  son  Silas 
received  a  literary  training  through  the  self-denial  of  his  peo- 
ple, who  desired  to  give  tliat  advantage  to  at  least  one  of  their 
house.  In  the  year  1819  he  settled  in  Canton,  St.  Lawrence 
County,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  and  began  the  practice 
of  the  law.  There,  subsequently,  he  married  ;  thither  he  re- 
treated from  the  cares  of  public  life  whenever  a  breathing- 
spell  was  given  him ;  there,  in  the  spring  immediately  suc- 
ceeding his  defeat  when  nominated  a  second  time  for  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  New  York,  he  might  have  been  seen 
driving  his  team  afield  and  wiping  the  sweat  from  his  brow, 
like  a  noble  Eoman  of  the  sterling'  stamp ;  and  there,  Au- 


190  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

gust  27,  184:7,  he  resigned  his  soul  to  God,  leaving  no  blot 
on  his  name,  and  mourned  in  silence  by  men  who  hardly 
knew  till  then  what  manner  of  person  it  was  whom  the  land 
had  lost. 

Mr.  Wright's  political  career  began  about  the  year  1820 ; 
in  1827  he  was  sent  to  Congress.  His  popularity  among  his 
towns-people  was  immense ;  his  success  was  striking.  An  op- 
ponent of  Governor  Clinton,  arid  a  supporter  of  Mr.  Crawford 
for  the  Presidency,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  General  Jackson 
in  the  year  1828,  and  thereupon  became  associated  with  Mr. 
Van  Buren  and  my  father  in  the  political  movements  in  which 
they  were  engaged  subsequently  to  that  date.  Having  ably 
filled  the  ofiice  of  Comptroller  of  the  State  from  1829  to 
1832,  he  was  elected,  with  little  or  no  opposition,  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  took  his  seat  there  January  14,  1833.  It 
may  be  truly  said  that  "  there  were  giants  in  the  earth  in  those 
days."  A  writer,  speaking  of  the  statesmen  among  whom  Mr. 
Wright  was  thus  called  to  take  his  place,  and  with  whom  he 
contended  for  the  honors  acquired  in  his  Senatorial  career, 
enumerates — 

"...  The  gallant  and  chivalrous  Clay,  captivating  the 
heart  and  enchaining  the  imagination  by  the  magic  bursts  of 
his  thrilling  eloquence ;  Calhoun,  the  fearless  champion  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  with  his  chaste  diction  and  ana- 
lytical mind,  every  sentence  that  he  uttered  a  whole  chapter 
of  argument,  and  every  word  a  political  text ;  Webster,  calm, 
profound,  and  argumentative,  powerful  in  stature  and  gigan- 
tic in  mind ;  the  smooth  and  plausible  Clayton ;  and  Preston, 
fervid  and  impassioned  as  the  rays  of  the  Southern  sun  which 
had  warmed  his  genius  into  life.  On  the  opposite  side  there 
was  Benton,  industrious,  determined,  and  unyielding,  with  his 
pockets  overflowing  with  statistics,  and  his  head  full  of  his- 
torical lore ;  Forsyth,  easy  and  graceful  in  his  address,  but  an 
able  and  experienced  debater ;  Pives,  the  eloquent  and  talent- 
ed Senator  from  the  Old  Dominion,  seeking  to  give  vent  to 
the  inspiration  he  had  caught  in  the  groves  of  Monticello; 


1845-1853.]  A  COMMUNITY  OF  VIEWS.  191 

White,  with  his  metaphysical  and  sententious  apophthegms ; 
and  the  shrewd  and  cautious  Grundy,  familiar  with  parlia- 
mentary tactics,  watching  for  the  weak  points  in  his  adver- 
sary's argument,  and  never  caring  to  conceal  his  gratification 
when  he  saw  the  fabric  reared  with  so  much  labor  toppling 
down  in  the  dust."* 

Mr.  Wright  made  a  brilliant  name  for  himself  in  the  Sen- 
ate, and  became  one  of  its  most  influential  members.  He 
supported  the  financial  policy  of  President  Yan  Buren ;  and 
when  petitions  came  praying  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  other  parts  subject  to  the 
direct  control  of  the  general  government,  he  voted  either  to 
refuse  to  receive  them  or  to  lay  them  on  the  table.  He  was 
no  abolitionist,  in  the  technical  sense  in  which  the  word  was 
used  in  the  political  debates  of  the  time ;  still,  like  the  old- 
fashioned  Democrats  of  that  day,  he  regarded  slavery  as  a  ter- 
rible evil,  desired  its  suppression  by  just  and  lawful  means, 
and  confidently  expected  its  ultimate  extinction.  But  he  re- 
spected the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution,  and  declined  to 
have  part  or  lot  in  the  proceedings  of  those  enthusiasts  who 
were  stirring  up  the  community  and  evoking  the  spirits  of 
disunion  and  civil  war.  In  these  views  my  father  and  he 
were  one. 

Early  in  the  year  1844  a  movement  was  begun  to  nominate 
Senator  Wright  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  this  State.  It 
is  well  known  that  it  was  most  distasteful  to  him,  and  that  he 
did  his  utmost  to  prevent  it.  If  evidence  on  that  point  were 
needed  it  might  be  supplied  by  quotations  from  his  letters  to 
General  Dix  during  the  summer  of  that  year.  He  was  happy 
and  contented  in  his  place  in  the  Senate;  he  dreaded  the 
change  to  the  turmoil  at  Albany.  N'o  man  knew  better  than 
he  how  serious  were  the  divisions  in  the  Democratic  party ; 
and  although,  up   to  that  time,  the   section   known    as  the 

*  "  Lives  of  the  Governors  of  the  State  of  New  York,"  by  John  S. 
Jenkins,  pp.  758,  759. 


192  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

Hunkers  had  not  declared  war  against  him,  yet  there  was  no 
sympathy  between  them  and  a  man  who  regarded  them  as 
politically  unsound  and  unworthy  of  confidence.  Signs  of 
trouble  became  more  and  more  distinct  on  the  wider  horizon  of 
Washington.  President  Yan  Buren's  defeat  in  1840  was  due 
almost  entirely  to  questions  of  finance.  But  time  had  proved 
the  wisdom  of  his  policy,  and  there  was  a  strong  desire  in  the 
I^orthern  and  Eastern  States  for  his  re-nomination  in  1844. 
Undoubtedly  this  would  have  occurred,  but  for  the  pressure  of 
the  question  which  was  now  casting  all  others  into  the  shade 
and  throwing  a  disastrous  shadow  on  the  entire  country. 

Texas,  a  part  of  Mexico,  had  declared  her  independence  of 
the  mother  country,  and  successfully  resisted  attempts  to  re- 
duce her  to  subjection.  At  this  fatal  juncture  the  idea  was 
broached  of  bringing  the  revolted  Mexican  province  into  the 
American  Union.  On  announcing  her  independence  Texas 
had  established  slavery,  but  prohibited  the  importation  of 
negroes  from  all  parts  of  the  world  excepting  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Calhoun,  under  the  administration  of  President 
Tyler,  negotiated  a  treaty  of  annexation.  This  was  done,  as  he 
frankly  avowed,  in  the  interests  of  the  slave-holding  people  of 
the  South,  and  with  a  view  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  that 
institution.  While  the  question  was  pending  it  was  under- 
stood that  Great  Britain  was  using  her  influence  to  induce  the 
Mexican  Government  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Texas,  on  condition  that  she  should  abolish  slavery  and  agree 
not  to  be  annexed  to  the  United  States.  Thus  the  question 
of  slavery  was  set  in  a  new  light.  A  party  had  been  formed 
who,  forsaking  the  ground  taken  by  their  predecessors,  no 
longer  tolerated  the  idea  that  slavery  should  be  allowed  to 
waste  away  and  die  out  by  degrees,  but,  on  the  contrary,  de- 
sired to  preserve,  strengthen,  and  perpetuate  what  my  father 
once  eloquently  characterized  as  "  the  solitary  monument  left 
among  us  of  a  barbarous  age."  The  reader  may  imagine 
how  thoughtful  men  must  have  become  at  this  turn  of  affairs, 
and  to  what  searchings  of  heart  it  must  have  given  rise. 


1845-1853.]  DEFEAT  OF  MB.  VAN  BUBEN.  193 

But  the  South  was  united,  and  thoroughly  in  earnest ;  and 
they  demanded  the  opinions  of  the  men  of  the  North  on  the 
subject  of  annexation,  with  all  that  it  implied.  The  position 
of  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  as  a  competitor  for  the  Democratic  candi- 
dacy in  1844,  must  be  understood  at  once ;  and  the  question 
was  peremptory,  "  Are  you,  or  are  you  not,  in  favor  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  ?"  To  this  Mr.  Yan  Buren  replied  that  he 
was  opposed  to  that  measure.  But  his  opposition,  as  stated 
by  himself,  was  based  on  grounds  of  international  law  and  the 
comity  of  peoples  and  governments  :  we  had  no  right  to  take 
a  portion  of  the  territory  of  a  nation  with  whom  we  were  at 
peace;  Texas  had  not  so  thoroughly  established  its  position 
as  to  force  from  the  mother  country  an  acknowledgment  of 
its  independence.  The  position  thus  taken  killed  Mr.  Yan 
Buren  with  the  South ;  and  at  the  Baltimore  Convention,  al- 
though a  majority  of  the  delegates  went  there  with  instruc- 
tions to  nominate  him,  yet,  by  the  adherence  to  the  two-thirds 
rule,  he  was  defeated.  Thereupon  the  name  of  Mr.  "Wright 
was  brought  forward.  He,  anticipating  the  result,  had  already 
sent  a  letter,  to  be  read  in  the  event  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren's  dis- 
comfiture, in  which,  in  the  spirit  of  a  man  of  honor,  he  abso- 
lutely refused  to  accept  a  nomination  which  should  come  to 
him  through  the  misfortunes  of  his  friend.  The  Convention 
agreed,  after  long  deliberation,  to  nominate  James  K.  Polk,  of 
Tennessee.  The  J^orthern  Democracy  were  compelled  to  sub- 
mit with  what  grace  they  could.  It  was  spoken  of  as  a  mag- 
nanimous sacrifice  on  their  part.  It  was  a  sacrifice  indeed, 
and  one  of  those  which  call  for  many  more  in  sequence. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  slavery  had  been  already  estab- 
lished in  Texas  before  it  asked  for  annexation.  The  Baltimore 
Convention  adopted  a  resolution  in  favor  of  the  immediate 
reception  of  that  country  into  the  Union.  The  measure  was 
opposed,  however,  by  many  Democrats,  some  concurring  with 
Mr.  Yan  Buren  in  the  views  which  he  had  expressed  on  the 
subject,  others  fearing  that  the  measure  would  indefinitely 
postpone  the  extinction  of  slaverv.  It  may  be  inferred  that, 
I.— 13 


194  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

under  these  circiimstaiices,  Mr.  Wright  felt  reluctant  to  ac- 
cept the  nomination  for  Governor.  He  was  strongly  opposed 
to  the  annexation,  and  therefore  to  the  Baltimore  platform ; 
yet  if  elected  it  would  be  his  duty  to  keep  in  accord  with  the 
new  administration.  There  was  no  escape  for  him,  however. 
The  life  of  the  American  politician  is  ever  a  life  of  sacrifice. 
The  fall  elections  decided  the  double  question  before  the  peo- 
ple :  Mr.  Polk  was  elected  President,  and  Mr.  Wright  found 
himself  Governor  of  New  York,  and  in  an  extremely  embar- 
rassing position. 

Mr.  AYright's  chair  in  the  Senate  now  became  vacant, 
though  five  years  of  his  term  remained.  About  the  same 
time  the  place  of  his  colleague,  JS'athaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  also 
became  vacant,  on  his  appointment  by  the  President  to  be 
Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin.  It  was  necessary 
to  elect  a  Senator  to  serve  for  the  remainder  of  Mr.  Wright's 
term,  and  another  for  the  six  weeks  of  Mr.  Tallmadge's  term 
which  yet  remained ;  and  farther  necessary  to  make  another 
election  for  the  full  term  of  six  years,  to  commence  on  the 
retirement  of  Mr.  Tallmadge.  For  these  purposes  a  Demo- 
cratic caucus  was  held  February  2-i,  1845.  On  that  occasion 
the  feud  between  the  two  sections  of  the  party  was  disclosed 
in  all  its  intensity.  The  conflict,  which  was  sharp,  ended  in 
the  election  of  General  Dix  to  be  the  successor  of  Senator 
Wright,  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  to  succeed  Senator  Tall- 
madge, while  Mr.  Dickinson  was  also  elected  for  the  six-years 
term,  in  spite  of  the  strong  opposition  of  the  radical  members 
of  the  caucus.  This  was  a  triumph  for  the  conservatives,  and 
a  defeat  for  the  friends  of  Governor  Wright.  The  closing 
years  of  the  great  statesman's  life  were  overcast  by  shadows ; 
adverse  influences  were  evidently  in  the  ascendant,  not  only 
at  AV^ashington,  but  close  about  him  and  at  home. 

Next  to  the  Presidency,  no  place  was  so  much  desired,  in 
the  times  which  we  are  now  reviewing,  as  that  of  Senator  of 
the  United  States.  The  body  was  illustrious  through  the 
fame  of  its  members,  who  generally  exhibited  the  very  flower 


1845-1853.]     GENERAL  DIX'S  COLLECTED  SPEECHES.  195 

and  highest  outcome  of  American  political  life;  dignified, 
powerful,  respected,  it  was  the  pride  of  the  nation,  and  one 
of  its  main  bulwarks.  There  men,  relieved  from  the  vexa- 
tions of  petty  concerns,  breathed  a  calmer  air;  they  resided 
in  a  charming  capital,  enjoyed  an  agreeable  society,  mingled 
with  representatives  of  the  leading  nations  of  the  world,  had 
a  tenure  of  office  much  longer  than  that  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy of  the  Union,  and  thus  were  somewhat  independent  of 
the  changes  of  administration  and  the  vicissitudes  of  public 
life.  The  Senator  of  the  United  States  had  a  certain  free- 
dom of  action ;  he  might  outlive  adverse  influences ;  he  was 
secure  from  the  assaults  of  a  capricious  constituency ;  accord- 
ing to  the  use  and  law  of  social  etiquette  he  and  his  family 
ranked  second  only  to  the  President.  The  height  of  ordinary 
ambition  was  satisfied  by  attainment  to  that  place ;  and  men 
once  securely  seated  there  would  have  been  content  to  hold 
it  on  and  on,  asking  no  more.  One  cannot  doubt  the  sinceri- 
ty of  the  expressions  in  which  Mr,  Wright  announced  his 
distress  at  being  thrown  from  that  delightful  eminence  into 
the  whirlpools  and  quicksands  at  Albany. 

The  record  of  my  father's  work  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  w^ill  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  his  col- 
lected speeches.  He  prepared  the  volumes  with  great  care, 
and  gave  them  to  the  public  in  the  year  1864.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  first  volume  is  this  dedication : 

"  TO  MY  WIFE. 

"  You  have  Icnown  for  several  years  my  intention  to  collect  and  publish  for 
preservation  and  reference  the  speeches  which  I  delivered  on  the  leading  ques- 
tions of  the  day  ichile  representing  the  State  of  New  YorTc  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  They  form  the  greater  part  of  tlce  material  of  these  volumes. 
I  have  added  several  occasional  addresses  and  a  few  of  the  numerous  official 
reports  made  ly  me  during  my  connection  with  public  affairs.  This  collec- 
tion^ designed  chiefly  to  maTce  those  who  are  to  come  after  us  acquainted  with 
the  part  I  have  borne  in  the  national  movement  during  a  quarter  of  a  century 
of  extraordinary  activity  and  excitement^  I  dedicate  to  you,  as  an  imperfect 
achiowledgment  of  the  intelligent  and  devoted  co-operation  which  you  have 
lent  me  in  all  the  vicissitudes  and  labors  of  my  life.'''' 


196  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

I  shall  liave  occasion  to  refer  to  this  volume  in  giving  an 
account  of  the  years  spent  at  Washington,  from  December  1, 
1844,  till  March  4, 1849. 

The  bill  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  came  before  the  Sen- 
ate soon  after  General  Dix  had  taken  his  seat  in  that  body.  It 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives  January  25, 1845,  by  a  vote 
of  120  to  98,  and  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  27  to  25,  February 
27.  General  Dix  was  one  of  those  who  voted  for  the  bill.  Ilis 
action  was  sharply  criticised  at  the  time ;  and  he  wrote  to  a 
friend,  five  years  afterward,  tliat  he  intended  to  give  a  full 
explanation  of  his  reasons  for  the  vote.  I  have  not  been  able 
to  find  the  paper  referred  to,  if  it  was  ever  drafted ;  but  I 
shall  give,  by-and-by,  the  reasons  for  my  belief  that  the 
charge  of  inconsistency  based  on  his  course  at  that  time  can- 
not be  sustained.  For  the  present  let  it  be  remembered  that 
slavery  was  in  existence  in  Texas,  and  formed  a  part  of  the 
political  system  of  that  country,  before  the  question  of  annex- 
ation came  before  Congress,  and  that  it  lay  south  of  the  line 
fixed  in  1821  as  that  which  was  to  constitute  thenceforth  the 
dividing  line  between  the  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding 
population. 

General  Dix  made  his  first  speech  in  the  Senate  February 
18  and  19,  1846,  on  the  Oregon  question,  then  before  Con- 
gress. The  territory  on  the  north-west  coast  of  America,  west 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  known  as  Oregon,  and  long  in  dis- 
pute between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  was,  by  a 
convention  between  the  two  countries,  concluded  October  20, 
1818,  made  free  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  both 
for  the  period  of  ten  years.  This  agreement  was  continued 
in  force  and  indefinitely  extended  by  a  convention  of  August 
26,  1827.  In  consequence  of  collisions  between  the  people 
of  the  two  countries  witliin  the  disputed  territory,  resolu- 
tions were  introduced  into  the  Senate  in  February,  1846, 
requiring  the  President  to  give  notice  of  the  abrogation  of 
the  last-mentioned  convention,  in  accordance  with  one  of  its 
stipulations.     A  portion  of  the  Senators  were  in  favor  of 


1845-1853.]      THE  OREGON  BOUNDARY  QUESTION.  I97 

adjusting  tlie  controversy  by  adopting  the  49th  parallel  of 
latitude  as  the  boundary,  leaving  to  Great  Britain  the  ter- 
ritory north  of  it;  and  the  others  of  insisting  on  the  abandon- 
ment by  Great  Britain  of  the  whole  country  as  far  north  as 
54°  40;  from  which  line  northward  the  title  of  Eussia  had 
been  acknowledged  by  both  the  parties  to  the  pending  dis- 
pute. General  Dix,  while  asserting  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  the  whole  territory  derived  from  the  discoveries 
and  occupation  of  Spain,  was  nevertheless  in  favor  of  the 
compromise  line  of  49°,  which  had  been  offered  to  Great 
Britain  in  previous  negotiations;  and  his  speech,  which  occu- 
pied two  days  in  delivery,  was  an  argument  in  favor  of  his 
position. 

The  greater  part  of  this  address  might  very  properly  be 
reprinted  as  a  publication  of  an  historical  society.  It  con- 
tains a  minute  and  entertaining  account  of  the  voyages  and 
discoveries  of  the  Spanish  and  English  navigators,  beginning 
with  Ferrelo,  the  pilot  of  Cabrillo,  the  commander  of  an  ex- 
pedition fitted  out  in  Mexico  a.d.  1543,  forty-one  years  after 
the  discovery  of  San  Domingo  by  Columbus,  and  continuing 
with  a  relation  of  the  acts  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Juan  de 
Fuca,  Vizcaino,  Perez,  Ileceta,  Quadra,  and  Maurelle.  The 
Eussian  navigators  are  mentioned,  and  Captain  Cook,  who 
landed  at  :^ootka  Sound  in  1778,  and  Berkeley  and  Meares, 
Martinez  and  Vancouver.  Copious  notes  and  references  en- 
rich this  portion  of  the  text,  after  which  follows  a  severe  crit- 
icism on  the  speeches  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  and  of  Lord 
John  Eussell  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  protest  against  the 
positions  taken  by  President  Polk  in  his  inaugural  address 
relating  to  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  Eiver,  and  the  claim 
of  the  American  Government  founded  on  that  fact. 

General  Dix,  while  defending  the  Spanish  title  to  the  north- 
west coast,  by  stating  the  historical  facts  on  which  it  rested, 
argued  in  favor  of  leaving  the  whole  question  in  the  hands  of 
the  administration,  relying  on  its  firmness  and  sense  of  recti- 
tude to  sustain  the  just  rights  of  the  American  people  and  to 


198  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

respect  those  of  others.  He  had  no  fear  of  war  with  Great 
Britain ;  he  felt  sure  that  the  British  Government,  aware  of 
the  invalidity  of  their  title,  would  not  embark  in  a  contest 
which  must  draw  on  them  the  condemnation  of  all  civilized 
communities ;  he  believed  that  even  if  war  should  come  we 
were  better  prepared  to  meet  it  than  was  supposed ;  but  he 
felt  confident  that  the  good-sense  of  both  countries  would  re- 
volt at  a  contest  which  would  bring  no  good  to  either,  and 
that  an  adjustment  of  existing  difficulties  could  be  secured 
on  terms  honorable  to  both  nations. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  question  was  settled  by  the  adop- 
tion of  the  49 til  parallel  as  the  boundary  line,  under  a  treaty 
negotiated  by  the  Hon.  Louis  McLane,  and  ratified  by  the  Sen- 
ate during  the  same  session  in  which  this  debate  took  place. 

The  speech  on  the  Oregon  question  was  the  first  made  by 
the  new  Senator.  At  its  close  Mr.  Thomas  H.  Benton,  the 
father  of  the  Senate,  so  called  from  his  six  successive  elections 
and  thirty  years'  service  in  that  body,  rose  and  said,  in  begin- 
ning his  remarks,  "  that  it  had  not  been  his  intention  to  ad- 
dress the  Senate  in  relation  to  our  title  to  Oregon,  but  if  he 
had  intended  to  speak  on  that  branch  of  the  subject  he  should 
have  relinquished  his  purpose  after  listening  to  the  very  able 
and  lucid  exposition  of  it  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  ]^ew 
York.  That  gentleman  had  placed  the  American  title  to 
Oregon  on  grounds  that  were  impregnable,  and  on  which  it 
must  forever  stand.  A  speech  more  replete  with  historical 
facts,  evincing  greater  research,  or  more  crowded  with  perti- 
nent remark  and  convincing  argument,  it  had  never  been  his 
lot  to  hear,  and  he  could  not  refrain  from  congratulating  that 
honorable  gentleman  on  the  important  service  he  had  render- 
ed to  his  country,  and  not  less  upon  the  honor  which  he  had 
gained  for  himself.  He  would  leave  the  question  of  title 
where  that  Senator  had  placed  it,  and  turn  his  attention  to  a 
different  branch  of  the  subject."* 

*  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  Washington,  February  20, 1846. 


1845-1853.]     TEE  CRY  "FIFTY-FOUR  FORTY,  OR  FIGHT."      199 

It  has  been  said  of  this  his  first  speech  in  the  Senate  that 
"his  historical  knowledge  and  clear  perception  of  the  law  of 
nations,  the  purity  and  force  of  his  style  in  debate,  were  strik- 
ingly developed  ia  the  memorable  discussion  of  the  Oregon 
question.  This  masterly  effort  placed  him  at  once  in  the 
front  rank  of  w^ell-informed  statesmen  and  powerful  debaters. 
That  exciting  topic  called  out  no  abler  speech,  nor  one 
which  met  with  more  universal  favor  in  the  Senate  and 
among  the  people."  It  is  believed  that  the  administration 
though  not  in  favor  of  the  compromise,  was  unduly  influenced 
by  the  clamor  of  a  noisy  and  reckless  faction,  whose  cry  was, 
"  Fifty-four  forty,  or  fight."  Sound  sense  and  calm  wisdom, 
however,  carried  the  day,  and  the  laurels  of  the  peaceful  set- 
tlement of  an  ugly  question  were  gracefully  and  modestly 
worn  by  the  Senator  from  ^ew  York. 

On  the  27th  of  April  following  General  Dix  addressed  the 
Senate  on  the  subject  of  French  spoliations.  I  well  remem- 
ber the  earnestness  with  w^hicli  he  was  wont  to  express  him- 
self in  our  conversations  on  the  subject.  Prudent  and  econom- 
ical, and  averse  to  expenditures  not  justified  by  necessity  or 
propriety,  nothing  exasperated  the  General  more  than  at- 
tempts to  draw  on  the  public  treasury  for  the  benefit  of  the 
harpies  who  hover  about  it.  The  bill  which  he  strenuously 
and  successfully  opposed  provided  for  the  satisfaction  of 
claims  of  American  citizens  for  spoliations  on  their  property 
committed  by  the  French  prior  to  the  ratification  of  the  con- 
vention with  France  in  September,  1800.  These  claimants 
were  numerous  and  persistent;  for  all  I  know  to  the  con- 
trary they  may  still  be  cherishing  a  hope  which  should  long 
since  have  been  effectually  blighted ;  but  General  Dix,  re- 
garding these  demands  as  without  a  shadow  of  justice  to  sup- 
port them,  and  indignant  at  the  proposition  to  put  money 
of  the  public  into  the  pockets  of  individuals  w^ho,  as  he 
thought,  had  no  right  to  it,  took  a  lively  satisfaction  in  fight- 
ing the  scheme,  and  gave  it,  at  that  time,  another  quietus. 
His  speech  on  this  subject,  like  that  already  referred  to,  is.  full 


200  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

of  learning,  and  would  form  by  itself  an  interesting  chapter 
in  the  history  of  the  United  States  from  1Y77  to  1800. 

I  come  now  to  a  subject  of  much  greater  importance. 
General  Dix  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  on  the  2Tth  of  Jan- 
uary ;  on  the  30th  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Commerce,  by  Mr.  Mangum,  then  President  pro 
tempore  of  that  body.  At  the  next  session  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  same  committee,  and  for  two  sessions  was 
its  chairman.  His  labors  on  that  committee  were  indefatiga- 
ble, and  their  result  is  nowhere  better  known  or  more  highly 
appreciated  than  in  the  city  of  ISTew  York.  It  had  long  been 
a  cherished  object  among  commercial  men  to  secure  by  law 
the  right  to  convey  foreign  importations  through  the  country, 
and  to  re-export  them  with  the  privilege  of  drawback.  At 
the  commencement  of  this  session  Mr.  Ashley,  of  Arkansas, 
had  called  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  this  subject,  so  far  as 
it  related  to  the  adjacent  Mexican  States.  To  secure  this  ob- 
ject a  bill  was  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  and 
had  passed  the  Senate  before  General  Dix  took  his  seat.  The 
bill  was  returned  from  the  House  with  an  amendment  extend- 
ing this  privilege  to  the  British  IS^orth  American  possessions 
adjoining  the  United  States.  These  amendments  were  vastly 
more  important  than  the  original  bill  itself,  and  especially  to 
the  State  of  ISTew  York.  The  bill  as  amended  was  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Commerce  on  the  22d  of  February.  On 
the  amendments  the  committee  were  divided,  General  Dix 
sustaining  them.  Mr.  Huntington,  the  chairman,  consented  to 
report  the  bill  and  amendments,  he  stating  to  the  Senate  the 
condition  of  the  committee.  The  question  of  concurring  in 
the  House  amendments  came  up  on  the  last  day  of  the  session, 
and  elicited  an  interesting  debate.  General  Dix  was  the  prin- 
cipal advocate  of  the  amendments,  which  were  finally  adopted. 
But  for  his  exertions  they  would  not  have  been  favorably  re- 
ported upon  by  the  committee.  But  for  his  defence  of  them 
it  is  not  probable  they  would  have  received  the  favorable  con- 
sideration of  the  Senate.     To  his  efforts  is  lN"ew  York  mainly 


1845-1853.]     GENERAL  DIX  AND  THE  WABEHOVSE  BILL.     201 

indebted  for  a  measure  the  value  and  importance  of  which 
are  not  easily  calculated. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  value  of  his  services  in  this  mat- 
ter, the  commercial  w^orld  deem  them  inferior  to  those  relat- 
ing to  the  Warehouse  Bill.  IN'o  measure  of  a  recent  date  has 
proved  equally  useful  to  commerce.  This  bill  was  introduced 
in  the  Senate  on  the  21st  of  January,  1846,  by  General  Dix, 
and,  after  varied  and  persevering  opposition,  finally  passed 
on  the  15th  of  July.  It  was  vehemently  resisted  by  Messrs. 
Huntington,  Crittenden,  Clayton,  Simmons,  and  other  promi- 
nent Senators.  Its  defence  rested  solely  upon  General  Dix, 
though  Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Calhoun  briefly  assigned  the 
reasons  why  they  should  vote  for  it.  The  merit  of  introduc- 
ing and  carrying  this  great  measure  may  be  safely  ascribed  to 
the  Senator  from  ]S^ew  York. 

As  the  author  of  this  bill  he  was  looked  to  as  its  defender. 
His  speeches  on  it,  delivered  on  the  19th  of  June,  1846,  and 
on  the  9th  of  July  next  following,  are  regarded  as  irrefragable 
evidence  of  his  ability  to  comprehend  the  subject  of  trade  and 
commerce,  and  to  guard  and  protect  the  great  interests  in- 
volved in  that  department  of  political  economy.  Although  a 
reply  to  his  first  speech  was  made  by  Senator  Huntington,  of 
Connecticut,  his  last,  reviewing  it  and  the  English  warehous- 
ing system,  remains  unanswered  to  this  day.  Mr.  Huntington 
did  not  publish  his  speech.  General  Dix's  closing  speech  is  a 
monument  of  the  industry  and  ability  of  its  author.  The 
warehousing  system,  as  established  by  law,  is  daily  conferring 
on  commerce  and  business  all  the  advantages  predicted  by  its 
friends ;  and  the  city  of  ]^ew  York  feels,  and  has  in  various 
ways  acknowledged,  her  obligations  to  him,  as  the  author  of 
this  great  and  salutary  measure.* 

If  General  Dix  had  been  disposed  to  make  a  change  in  his 
position  his  stay  at  "Washington  would  have  been  very  short. 

*  See  Twenty-second  Annual  Report  of  tbe  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
New  York,  pp.  1-9. 


202  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

Earlj  in  July  lie  was  offered  the  mission  to  England.  It  was 
just  after  the  speeches  on  the  warehouse  system.  He  imme- 
diately wrote  to  Mr.  Wright  on  the  subject  as  follows : 

''Private. 

"  Washington,  July  10, 1846. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — The  President  sent  for  me  this  morning  and  offered 
me  the  mission  to  London.  Mr.  McLane  will  return  in  August.  The 
President  said  he  had  contemplated  making  me  the  offer  for  some  time, 
but  had  not  communicated  his  intention  to  any  one  till  to-day.  He  had 
mentioned  it  this  morning  to  two  members  of  his  Cabinet,  who  had  con- 
curred fully  in  the  propriety  of  the  selection.  He  said  he  desired  to 
take  the  occasion  to  say  that  no  one  in  the  Senate  had  given  him  a  more 
fair  or  cordial  support,  that  he  should  regret  losing  me,  etc.,  but  that  the 
jDosition  he  offered  me  was  one  of  great  importance,  and  might  become 
more  so  from  our  unfortunate  relations  to  ]\Iexico,  and  he  desired  to 
place  in  it  a  person  in  whom  he  had  confidence.  I  mention  these  things 
that  you  may  understand  the  whole  matter.  His  manner  w'as  very  kind 
and  frank,  and  I  desire  to  treat  the  matter  in  a  corresponding  spirit. 
He  desired  no  answer,  but  wished/me  to  consider  the  proposition,  and 
advise  him  as  soon  as  I  should  have  decided  what  to  do. 

"  Now,  I  have  only  to  add  on  this  subject  that  I  wish  you  to  commu- 
nicate this  matter  to  no  one  but  Mr.  Flagg,  if  you  think  you  and  he  are 
competent  to  decide  the  matter.  If  you  are  not,  you  may  call  in  the 
Magician  ;*  but  I  should  think  the  question  might  be  settled  without 
any  supernatural  agency.  I  feel  a  little  pride  in  having  this  matter  kept 
secret,  unless  the  President  chooses  to  mention  it  himself.  I  ask  no  ad- 
vice, unless  you  have  a  fancy  to  give  it.  If  I  am  left  to  myself,  I  shall 
decide  the  question  '  to  the  best  of  my  ability.' 

"  The  President  desired  me  to  say  to  you,  if  I  should  write,  that  he  had 
no  schemes  of  conquest  in  view  in  respect  to  Mexico,  no  intention  to  take 
possession  of  any  portion  of  her  territory  with  a  view  to  hold  it,  and  that 
his  only  object  was  to  push  military  operations  so  vigorously  that  she 
should  be  made  willing  to  adjust  the  matters  in  dispute  between  her  and 
us  on  fair  terms.  As  to  the  regiment  designed  for  California,  the  inten- 
tion was  to  have  it  discharged  there,  and  it  was,  therefore,  deemed  wise 
to  have  it  composed  of  persons  who  would  be  willing  to  remain  and  be- 
come citizens  ot  our  own  territory  on  the  Pacific — i.  €.,  Oregon.  He  said 
there  had  been  an  unintentional  omission  in  failing  to  communicate  witli 


*  This  was  the  sobriqtiet  of  Mr.  Van  Buren. 


1845-1853.]      THE  MISSION  TO  LONDON  DECLINED.  203 

you  at  an  earlier  day,  which  he  regretted— and  he  earnestly  hoped  the 
explanation  which  had  been  made  would  be  satisfactory. 

"  Truly  yours,  John  A.  Dix. 

*' Silas  Wright." 

It  was,  to  say  the  least,  a  coincidence  tliat  this  offer  of  a 
place  abroad  should  have  been  made  to  the  General  at  that 
particular  time.  ]^o  one  would  venture  to  impugn  the  Presi- 
dent's motives  or  question  his  sincerity ;  but  there  are  always 
powers  behind  the  throne,  whose  movements  are,  perhaps,  cau- 
tious enough  to  escape  detection  from  the  throne  itself,  ^o 
doubt  there  were  those  at  Washington  and  at  Albany  who 
would  gladly  have  got  rid  of  one  whose  opposition  to  their 
designs  was  foreseen  and  dreaded ;  and  if  he  had  accepted  the 
offer,  and  been  absent  from  the  country  for  three  or  four 
years,  the  history  would  probably  have  been  very  different. 
But,  after  due  deliberation  and  consultation  with  political 
friends  and  those  of  the  home  circle,  the  offer  was  declined. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress,  General 
Dix  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Af- 
fairs. His  training  in  the  army  and  long  experience  and  close 
study  qualified  him  for  duties  which  were  rendered  peculiarly 
arduous  by  the  breaking  out  of  war  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States.  He  was  actively  engaged  in  maturing  and  car- 
rying tlirough  the  Senate  the  bills  relating  to  the  organiza- 
tion, transportation,  and  management  of  the  forces  which  were 
sent  to  Mexico.  On  the  4th  of  January,  1847,  he  spoke  in 
favor  of  a  bill  to  appoint  a  Lieutenant-general  to  command 
the  military  forces  of  the  United  States  during  the  war,  a 
measure  which  had  been  recommended  by  the  President  in 
a  special  Message  to  Congress.  On  the  1st  of  March  ensuing 
he  made  a  speech  against  the  passage  of  what  was  known  as 
the  Three  Million  Bill.  As  this  involved  the  question  of 
the  extension  of  slavery,  the  attention  of  the  reader  is  called 
to  the  principles  which  lay  hidden  under  the  simple  proposi- 
tion to  aid  the  government  against  a  foreign  enemy. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  to  the   United  States  led,  of 


204  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

course,  to  a  rupture  with  the  Mexican  Government.  In 
May,  1846,  General  Zachary  Taylor  crossed  the  Rio  Grande 
and  commenced  active  hostilities.  The  impression  was  that 
the  war  could  not  last  long;  and  the  President  asked  Con- 
gress for  a  grant  of  two  millions  of  dollars,  to  enable  him  to 
negotiate  for  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  our  difficulties. 
Since  indemnification  for  losses  sustained  by  American  citi- 
zens must  necessarily  form  one  of  the  items  of  the  settlement, 
and  since  it  was  deemed  desirable  to  acquire  territory  on  the 
Pacific  coast  belonging  to  Mexico,  the  means  to  facilitate 
such  transfer  were  desired  by  the  executive,  and  a  bill  framed 
with  that  view  was  introduced  into  Congress.  But  when  this 
bill  came  up  for  consideration  Mr.  Wilmot,  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
offered,  by  way  of  amendment  to  it,  what  at  once  became 
famous  as  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso."     It  was  as  follows : 

^'  Provided,  that  there  shall  neither  be  slavery  nor  involun- 
tary servitude  in  any  temtory  on  the  continent  of  America 
which  shall  hereafter  be  acquired  by  or  annexed  to  the  Unit- 
ed States  by  virtue  of  this  appropriation,  or  in  any  other  man- 
ner whatever,  except  for  crimes  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted.  Provided  always,  that  any  person  es- 
caping into  that  territory,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  law- 
fully claimed  in  any  one  of  the  United  States,  such  person 
may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  carried  out  of  such  territory 
to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  service." 

What  the  administration  desired  was  to  buy  a  part  or  the 
whole  of  New  Mexico.  The  Wilmot  Proviso  stipulated  that 
such  territory,  if  purchased,  or  acquired  in  any  way,  should 
not  be  cut  up  and  made  into  slave-holding  States.  The  vital 
question  therefore  was,  whether  Congress  would  grant  money 
to  purchase  free  territory  with  a  view  to  establishing  slavery 
therein. 

The  bill  providing  for  the  appropriation  was  introduced 
into  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  8tli  of  August, 
1846,  and  passed,  with  Mr.  Wilmot's  amendment,  the  same 


1845-1853.]        A  "BLOW  STRUCK  FOB  FBEEDOM."  205 

day,  every  member  from  the  State  of  ]^ew  York  voting  in 
its  favor.  It  went  to  tlie  Senate  late  that  night.  The  fol- 
lowing day  was  Sunday.  On  Monday  morning  the  bill  was 
taken  up  in  the  Senate,  but  no  vote  was  had ;  Mr.  Davis,  of 
Massachusetts,  having  spoken  against  it  until  the  hour  for 
adjournment  sine  die  arrived. 

To  understand  the  issue  presented  by  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
it  must  be  observed  that  its  advocates  sustained  it  on  the  dis- 
tinct ground  that,  as  slavery  had  been  abolished  throughout 
the  Mexican  Eepublic,  the  acquisition  of  territory  without 
prohibiting  slavery  would,  on  the  theory  asserted  by  the 
Southern  States,  lead  to  its  restoration  where  it  had  ceased 
to  exist,  and  make  the  United  States  responsible  for  its  ex- 
tension to  districts  in  which  universal  freedom  had  been 
established  by  the  fundamental  law. 

On  the  4:th  of  January,  1847,  during  the  next  session  of 
Congress,  a  new  bill,  similar  to  the  former,  but  increasing  the 
amount  of  the  appropriation  to  three  millions  of  dollars,  was 
brought  in  by  Mr.  Preston  King,  a  Democratic  member  from 
St.  Lawrence  County,  I^ew  York.  This  bill,  which  also  con- 
tained the  Wilmot  Proviso,  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives,* all  the  ]^ew  York  representatives,  with  a  single  excep- 
tion, voting  for  it.     When  the  bill  reached  the  Senate  an  at- 

*  On  the  passage  of  the  bill  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  John 
Van  Buren  wrote  to  General  Dix  in  this  vigorous  strain,  anent  the  look 
of  things  at  the  caj^ital : 

"  I  have  been  suffering  for  some  days  with  a  lame  arm  from  rheuma- 
tism, and  cannot  therefore  write  you  at  length  as  I  sliould  wish.  But  I 
am  so  rejoiced  at  the  passage  of  Wilmot's  Proviso  that  I  cannot  help 
congratulating  you  on  it.  Our  friends  have  stood  nobly  up  to  this  great 
blow  struck  for  freedom.  How  helpless  and  contemptible  the  adminis- 
tration have  become  !  Polk's  consolidation  of  the  party  by  throwing  all 
the  honest  men  overboard  has  resulted  as  might  have  been  expected. 
Calhoun's  speech  is  very  able  and  very  treasonable.  I  think  General 
Jackson  would  have  hung  him  if  he  had  been  in  Wasliington  as  Presi- 
dent. Such  an  exposure  and  exaggeration  of  the  weakness  of  our  coun- 
try for  the  benefit  of  an  enemy  in  time  of  war  is  unparalleled." 


206  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

tempt  was  made  by  the  advocates  of  tlie  extension  of  slavery 
to  strike  out  the  proviso.  General  Dix  spoke  upon  this 
question  March  1, 1847.  If  it  had  been  possible  to  avert  the 
evil  which  was  impending,  and  to  change  the  minds  of  men 
by  the  force  of  argument,  by  the  weight  of  historical  testi- 
mony, and  by  the  impression  sometimes  produced  by  digni- 
fied, earnest,  and  courteous  remonstrance,  those  results  might 
have  followed  on  the  delivery  of  this  noble  appeal. 

General  Dix  first  alluded  to  the  fact  that  the  legislatures 
of  nine  of  the  non  -  slaveholding  States  had  already  adopted 
resolutions  in  accordance  with  the  views  which  he  held.  The 
Legislature  of  !N^ew  York,  in  particular,  had,  by  an  almost 
unanimous  vote  in  both  branches,  instructed  their  Senators 
and  requested  their  representatives  to  use  their  best  efforts 
to  procure  the  insertion,  in  any  act  for  the  acquisition  of  ter- 
ritory, by  purchase  or  otherwise,  of  an  unalterable  and  funda- 
mental article  or  provision  forever  excluding  slavery  from  such 
territory.  He  considered  the  rights  of  the  original  parties  to 
the  Constitution,  in  respect  to  the  subject  of  slavery  within 
their  own  limits,  and  showed  that  the  ground  taken  by  the 
advocates  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  so  far  from  being  new,  was 
precisely  the  same  as  that  held  more  than  sixty  years  before 
by  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  the  unanimous  support  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  Georgia,  IS'orth  and  South  Carolina,  and  Vir- 
ginia :  it  was  the  old,  traditional,  American  position.  He  re- 
pelled with  earnestness  the  charge  that  the  course  of  the 
Northern  States  was  aggressive ;  on  the  contrary,  it  had  been 
from  the  earliest  period  liberal  and  forbearing.  They  had 
acquiesced  in  every  propgsition  to  add  Southern  territory  to 
the  Union ;  they  had  concurred  in  appropriating  money  for 
the  purpose,  contributing  their  own  share,  and  bearing  a  part 
of  the  burden  of  the  purchase.  They  had  united  in  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  and  in  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  by  which  measures  the  institution  of  slavery  had  been 
extended  over  an  area  exceeding  tliat  of  the  thirteen  original 
States.     He  was  no  abolitionist;  he  admitted  to  the  fullest 


1845-1853.]     THE  THREAT  TO  DISSOLVE  THE    VNION.  207 

extent  the  exclusive  control  of  each  State  over  the  question 
within  the  limits  of  its  own  jurisdiction,  its  right  to  be  pro- 
tected from  interference  and  intermeddling  within  its  own 
borders;  it  was  he  who  introduced  resolutions  at  the  first 
meeting  ever  held  at  the  North  in  opposition  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  Abolitionists.  JS'evertheless,  he  and  those 
whom  he  represented  were  accused  of  aggression,  because 
they  would  not  consent  to  the  extension  of  slavery  to  free 
territory.  This  the  ^N'orth  would  not  agree  to.  There  was 
a  universal  opinion  on  that  subject  pervading  the  whole 
North  and  West.  Consent  would  never  be  given  to  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  beyond  its  present  limits.  It  was  regarded 
by  all  parties  as  involving  a  principle  w^hich  rose  far  above 
the  fleeting  interests  of  the  day— a  principle  which  the  North 
should  not  be  asked  to  yield. 

General  Dix  referred  to  the  threats  then  openly  made  of 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union.     He  said : 

"I  can  hardly  think  those  who  so  connect  the  two  subjects 
are  aware  of  the  position  in  which  they  place  themselves.  It 
is  virtually  declaring  that  unless  we  will  consent  to  bring  free 
territory  into  the  Union,  and  leave  it  open  to  the  extension  of 
slavery,  the  Union  shall  be  dissolved.  Our  Southern  friends 
have  heretofore  stood  upon  the  ground  of  defence ;  of  main- 
taining slavery  within  their  own  limits  against  interference 
from  without.  The  ground  of  extension  is  now  taken,  and 
of  extending  slavery  upon  free  territory.  I  cannot  believe 
this  position  will  be  sustained  by  the  Southern  States.  It  is 
new  ground,  and  is  taken  with  avowals  which  are  calculated 
to  spread  surprise  and  alarm  throughout  the  non-slaveholding 
states.  ...  I  say  for  the  State  of  New  York,  and  in  her  name 
— I  believe  I  do  not  misunderstand  her  resolutions — that  she 
can  never  consent  to  become  a  party  to  the  extension  of  sla- 
very; to  free  territory  on  this  continent.  If  it  is  to  be  extend- 
ed to  new  areas — areas  now  consecrated  to  free  labor — the 
work  must  be  done  by  other  hands  than  hers ;  and  she  must 


208  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

leave  it  to  time  and  to  the  order  of  Providence  to  determine 
what  shall  be  the  legitimate  fruits  of  measures  which  she 
believes  to  be  wrong,  and  to  which  she  can  never  yield  her 
assent." 

Let  me  give  one  more  extract,  full  of  significance,  and  now 
to  be  read  with  painful  interest — it  expresses  the  strife  in  a 
mind  which  weighs  two  evils  against  each  other : 

"Mr.  President,  I  regret  to  hear  either  disunion  or  civil 
war  spoken  of  in  connection  with  this  measure.  But,  I  re- 
peat, the  former  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  latter.  In  wars 
waged  with  foreign  countries,  deplorable  as  they  always  are, 
there  are  some  moral  fruits  which  atone,  in  a  slight  degree, 
for  their  accompanying  evils.  There  is  the  sense  of  national 
honor — the  parent  of  high  achievement ;  the  sentiment  of  pa- 
triotic devotion  to  the  country,  which  shrinks  from  no  labor 
or  sacrifice  in  the  public  cause ;  and  the  feeling  of  mutual 
sympathy  and  dependence,  which  pervades  and  unites  all 
classes  in  tlie  hour  of  adversity  and  peril.  Far  as  they  are 
overbalanced  by  the  domestic  bereavement  and  the  public 
evil  which  war  always  brings  in  its  train,  they  serve  to  pu- 
rify the  thoughts  of  something  of  their  selfishness  by  turning 
them  away  from  the  sordid  channels  in  which  they  are  too 
apt  to  run.  But  civil  war  has  no  ameliorations.  It  is  pure, 
unmixed  demoralization.  It  dissolves  all  national  and  domes- 
tic ties.  It  renders  selfishness  more  odious  by  wedding  it  to 
hatred  and  cruelty.  The  after-generation  which  reaps  the  bit- 
ter harvest  of  intestine  war  is  scarcely  less  to  be  commiserated 
than  that  by  whose  hands  the  poisonous  seed  is  sown.  Less, 
far  less  than  these,  would  be  the  evils  of  disunion."* 

I  think  there  is  no  argument  for  the  extension  of  slavery 
which  is  not  met  and  answered  in  the  speech  from  which  I 

*  "  Speeches  and  Addresses,"  vol.  i.,  pp.  195-197. 


1845-1853.]     GOOD  MEN  AND  TRUE   UNDER  THE  BAN.         209 

have  made  tins  long  extract ;  it  is  one  of  several  on  the  same 
dire  subject.  He  spoke,  January  26,  1848,  in  support  of  a 
bill  to  raise  an  additional  military  force  wherewith  to  retain 
possession  of  the  territory  of  Mexico  until  she  should  consent 
to  make  peace  on  terms  satisfactory  to  the  United  States — a 
measure  opposed  by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  South  Carolina.  He 
spoke,  and  for  the  last  time,  in  the  Senate,  February  28, 1849, 
on  the  question  of  the  institution  of  governments  for  the 
territories  acquired  from  Mexico  —  a  question  embarrassed 
throughout  by  the  determination  of  the  Senators  from  the 
slave  States  to  extend  slavery  to  those  territories,  and  by  a 
majority  of  the  Senators  from  the  free  States  to  guard,  by  an 
express  prohibition,  against  what  they  deemed  a  moral  and 
political  evil,  and  the  national  dishonor  of  restoring  it  where 
it  had  been  formally  abolished.  His  views  on  this  question 
may  be  gathered  from  those  addresses.  They  appear  to  me 
to  do  honor  to  his  clear  head,  his  sensitive  conscience,  and  his 
affectionate  heart.  They  show  an  extreme  solicitude  to  main- 
tain the  rights  of  our  Southern  brethren,  a  horror  of  disunion, 
a  disposition  to  bear  anything  rather  than  provoke  civil  war ; 
they  exhibit  patience,  forbearance,  toleration ;  the  hope  that 
Divine  Providence  might  in  some  way  avert  the  calamities 
which  he  foresaw  already  threatening  in  the  future ;  a  love 
for  his  State,  a  stronger  love  of  the  Union.  These  were  the 
characteristics  of  that  calm,  conscientious,  affectionate  mind 
of  the  people  of  the  Korth,  which  the  Southern  leaders  could 
not  understand,  and  scrupled  not  to  provoke  past  all  endur- 
'ance,  and  drive  at  last  to  a  point  at  which  it  was  impossible 
any  longer  to  forbear.  It  is  needless  to  say — for  all  know 
the  main  facts — that  the  opposition  led  by  General  Dix  and 
others  was  of  no  avail.  The  three  million  bill  passed  the  Sen- 
ate without  the  proviso.  The  settled  determination  of  the 
Southern  leaders  wrung  one  victory  after  another  from  the 
hotly  contested  fields.  Men  like  my  father  were  forced  into 
a  minority;  they  were  ostracized,  they  were  put  under  the 
ban ;  they  were  stigmatized  as  traitors  to  their  party  and  false 
I.— 14 


210  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

to  Democratic  traditions ;  for  years  they  rested  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  administrations  ruled  by  the  sentiment  of  the  slave 
power.  The  triumph,  though  brief,  seemed  for  the  time  com- 
plete. In  fact,  it  was  no  triumph,  but  a  march  downward, 
through  some  glare  and  pomp  of  temporary  success,  into 
night  and  silence.  In  the  year  1847  they  were  scornfully 
voting  down  all  propositions  to  arrest  the  extension  of  sla- 
very, and  endeavoring  to  provide  for  its  perpetual  continu- 
ance among  us.  On  the  1st  of  January,  1863,  by  proclamation 
from  "Washington,  every  slave  throughout  this  country  was  de- 
clared free.  This  was  the  outcome  of  the  infatuation  of  the 
slavery  propagandists.  It  is  not  so  much  to  the  E^orth  that 
the  black  owes  his  freedom  to-day  as  to  the  South,  which,  not 
content  with  the  protection  afforded  to  that  institution  un- 
der the  American  Constitution,  demanded  its  extension,  and 
attempted  to  break  up  the  Union  when  that  demand  was  re- 
fused. If  they  had  listened  to  the  counsels  of  wisdom  and 
prudence,  and  been  content  with  the  position  held  on  that  ques- 
tion by  their  own  ancestors,  the  institution  which  they  prized 
so  highly  might  have  been  secure  among  them  to  this  day. 

From  May,  1846,  till  February,  1848,  the  war  with  Mexico 
dragged  its  tedious  length  along.  On  the  4th  of  January, 
1847,  General  Dix  spoke  on  the  bill  to  appoint  a  Lieuten- 
ant-general. On  the  22d  of  February  next  following  Zachary 
Taylor  fought  and  won,  at  Buena  Yista,  the  battle  which  made 
him  President  of  the  United  States.  Roger  Sherman  Dix,  a 
pay- master  in  the  army,  was  with  General  Taylor  at  the  time, 
and,  as  chance  would  have  it,  saw  service  in  that  fight.  One 
or  two  of  his  letters  seem  to  merit  a  place  in  this  story : 

"Saltillo,  Mexico,  February  25, 1847. 

"  My  dear  Brother, — I  have  but  a  few  moments  to  •write  you,  but  I 
have  such  news  to  communicate  as  will  be  gratifying  to  you  and  every 
American,  man,  woman,  and  child,  and  I  therefore  give  it. 

"  We  have  had  another  fight  with  the  Mexicans,  and,  as  usual,  have 
gained  the  victory.  Santa  Anna  commanded  in  person.  He  had  20,000 
troops — we  had  barely  5000.    Skirmishing  between  the  two  armies  com- 


1845-1853.]  THE  BATTLE  OF  BUENA   VISTA.  211 

menced  on  the  evening  of  the  22cl  (mark  the  day),  and  continued  dur- 
ing the  night.  About  7  a.m.  of  the  23d  the  battle  began  in  earnest,  and 
we  fought  until  5  p.m.,  when  the  enemy  retired  from  the  field.  The  next 
morning  they  were  in  full  retreat,  and  in  the  evening  encamped  about 
ten  miles  from  the  battle-ground,  the  last  place  at  which  they  could  get 
water  for  a  long  distance.  Our  position  was  a  strong  one,  which  we  did 
not  wish  to  lose,  and  we  were  weak  in  numbers,  or  we  would  have  pur- 
sued them.  They  encamped  at  Agua  Nueva ;  the  battle  was  fought  at 
'  Buena  Vista,'  ten  miles  this  side. 

"  I  was  in  the  action  from  its  commencement  to  its  close— with  General 
Taylor  part  of  the  time,  General  Wool  part  of  the  time,  and  carrying  their 
orders  to  different  parts  of  the  field.  I  flatter  myself  I  made  myself  al- 
most as  useful  as  ornamental.  I  came  off,  thanks  to  God,  without  a 
wound.  How  it  was  I  know  not,  for  the  musket-balls  flew  thick  as  hail 
around  me,  and  a  cannon-shot  would  occasionally  throw  up  the  dust 
near  me.  'Twas  an  awful  fight,  and  'tis  said  by  all  to  be  much  harder 
than  that  of  Monterey.  Ten  hours'  fighting  is  no  trifle.  I  came  to  Mex- 
ico to  see  the  '  elephant.'  ,  I  have  seen  him,  and  am  perfectly  willing 
never  to  see  him  again.  General  Wool  behaved  most  nobly,  and  well 
has  he  earned  the  brevet  of  Major-general. 

"  I  can  hardly  think  that  Santa  Anna  will  try  it  again.  Their  loss, 
'tis  said  (I  do  not  believe  it),  was  between  three  and  four  thousand,  ours 
I  do  not  think  exceeds  five  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded.  Many  valu- 
able lives  have  been  lost.  Captain  Lincoln  (son  of  Governor  Levi  Lin- 
coln, of  Massachusetts),  Adjutant-general  to  General  Wool,  and  one  of  the 
noblest,  most  chivalrous,  and  gallant  soldiers,  was  killed  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action,  while  encouraging  an  Indiana  regiment  to  stand  its 
ground. 

"Lieutenant -colonel  Henry  Clay,  Jr.,  of  the  Kentucky  foot,  is  also 
numbered  among  the  dead.  A  more  gallant  soldier  or  high-minded  and 
honorable  man  never  lived.  He  and  Lincoln  were  among  my  best 
friends.  Clay  was  my  classmate  when  I  entered  West  Point,  and  we 
have  always  been  warm  friends.  Poor  fellow,  he  is  gone !  Colonel  Yell, 
of  Arkansas,  formerly  Governor  of  the  State,  is  among  the  killed,  and 
many  others  whom  I  have  not  time  to  enumerate. 

"  I  will  only  mention  one  thing  more,  and  let  it  be  strictly  entre  nous. 
I  ought  not,  perhaps,  either  to  say  anything  about  it ;  but  as  I  have  com- 
menced here  goes : 

"  Soon  after  the  fight  commenced  one  of  the  Indiana  regiments,  which 
was  exposed  to  a  tremendous  fire  from  the  enemy,  broke  and  ran.  They 
were  some  distance  off  when  General  Wool  met  me— I  was  then  with 
the  dragoons,  and  about  to  charge  with  them— and  ordered  me  to  rally 


212  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHK  ADAMS  DIX. 

them  and  bring  them  into  action.  I  put  spurs  to  my  horse  and  galloped 
to  the  rear.  They  were  broken  into  parties  of  three  and  four,  and  were 
more  than  half  a  mile  from  the  fight.  I  stopped  them ;  I  urged,  begged, 
and  entreated  them ;  then  cursed  and  abused  them ;  and  finally,  in  about 
half  an  hour,  with  the  aid  of  Captain  Linnard,  of  the  Topographical  En- 
gineers, I  succeeded  in  collecting  about  half  of  the  regiment ;  then,  tak- 
ing their  flag  (they  were  still  somewhat  panic-stricken),!  called  to  them 

that  if  they  were  not  a  d d  set  of  cowards  they  would  follow  their 

flag,  and  I  moved  toward  the  field.  '  They  gave  me  three  cheers,  and  I 
led  them  to  the  field  and  reported  to  General  Wool.  These  men  after- 
ward fought  bravely  and  never  left  the  ground.  Their  General  (Lane) 
and  their  Lieutenant -colonel  (Haddon)  both  tried,  without  success,  to 
bring  them  back;  and  Lane  that  evening,  after  the  fight  and  again  next 
morning,  thanked  me,  and  told  me  if  it  had  not  been  for  me  they  would 
never  have  returned  to  the  fight.  I  do  not  know  if  General  Taylor  saw 
it,  but  General  Lane  mentioned  it  to  him  next  morning. '  I  felt  that  I 
had  done  my  duty — that  was  enough  for  me.  General  Wool  and  Colonel 
Churchill  both  shook  hands  with  me  next  morning  and  congratulated 
me  (I  suppose,  upon  the  result  of  the  battle). 

"  Santa  Anna  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce  before  the  fight,  requesting  General 
Taylor  (merely  to  save  the  efi"usion  of  blood)  to  surrender  with  his  army, 
saying  that  he  had  over  20,000  men,  etc.,  etc.,  and  promising  to  treat  us 
kindly.  General  Taylor  wrote  him  back, '  'twas  all  the  same  if  he  had 
50,000,  and  if  he  wanted  us,  he  must  come  and  take  us,'  thanking  him  at 
the  same  time  for  his  kindness.  The  next  morning  he  told  his  troops 
that  ours  were  all  volunteers,  and  he  would  whip  us  in  ten  minutes — a 
slight  mistake.  At  one  time  I  feared,  as  did  many  others,  that  the  battle 
would  go  against  us — 'twas  when  my  Indiauians  ran.  They  had  turned 
our  left  flank  and  were  pouring  in  their  forces ;  but  our  artillery  poured 
such  discharges  of  grape  into  them  that  they  soon  fell  back.  I  rode  over 
the  field  the  next  day,  and  the  sight  sickened  me ;  'twas  horrible — the 
wounded  and  the  dead !  Many  of  the  poor  Mexicans  are  now  in  our 
hospital  and  well  cared  for — oflBcers  as  well  as  men.  I  think  Santa  Anna 
has  got  enough,  and  will  now  retire  to  San  Luis.  God  grant  it !  for  I  am 
tired  of  such  scenes  as  this. 

"This  will  be  handed  you  perhaps  by  Additional  Paymaster,  Major 
Coffee  (son  of  old  General  Coffee).  He  takes  the  despatches  of  General 
Taylor  to  New  Orleans,  and  probably  to  Washington.  He  has  been  with 
me  for  some  weeks.  He  was  in  the  battle,  and  is  a  noble  fellow.  Treat 
him  kindly.    Love  to  Catherine  and  all  your  family. 

"  Ever  your  affectionate  brother,  K.  S.  Dix. 

"Hon.  John  A.  Dix,  U.  S.  Senator." 


1845-1853.]    BRILLIANT  MOVEMENTS  BY  GENERAL  SCOTT.     213 

"Saltillo,  Mexico,  March  25, 1847. 

"  My  dear  Brother, — Ere  this  reaches  you  you  will  doubtless  have 
seen  an  account  of  our  late  glorious  victory  at  Buena  Vista.  I  wrote 
you  on  the  25th,  giving  you  a  brief  account  of  it. 

"  Santa  Anna  has  retreated  out  of  this  province,  and  will  undoubtedly 
push  on  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  to  prevent  (I  think)  another  revolution. 
His  fate  is  sealed.  The  loss  of  this  battle  with  such  disparity  of  force 
is  enough  to  damn  him  with  the  Mexican  people  and  Congress.  He  has 
written  to  the  Governor  here  that  he  has  not  been  defeated— that  he  has 
captured  three  pieces  of  our  cannon  (this  is  true,  and  their  loss  saved  us), 
and  that  he  is  going  to  Matahuala,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miles  distant,  to  recruit  his  army.  This  is  all  stuff  and  nonsense.  That 
place  can't  supply  his  army  with  provisions  for  one  day.  He  has  gone 
for  good,  and  we  shall,  in  my  opinion,  see  no  more  of  him  on  this  line. 
I  understand  there  are  five  regiments  en  route  for  this  place.  Had  they 
been  here  before  the  battle  Santa  Anna  would  have  been  routed,  for  on 
his  retreat  we  should  have  been  strong  enough  to  have  pursued  him. 
'Tis  well,  however,  as  it  is ;  we  have  gained  a  glorious  victory.  Had  they 
attacked  us  the  following  day,  I  believe  sincerely  we  should  have  been 
defeated.  The  best  of  the  volunteer  officers,  or  quite  a  number  of  them, 
had  been  killed,  and  their  men  had  had  enough  of  fighting,  and  no  per- 
suasions or  entreaties  or  cursings  could  have  got  them  to  do  any  more ; 
at  least,  they  refused  to  move  that  evening.  General  Wool  and  myself 
rode  on  to  one  of  the  heights,  where  parts  of  two  regiments  were  (and 
they  those  who  had  fought  best),  and  endeavored  to  get  them  forward 
to  the  next  height,  and  all  that  we  could  say  was  of  no  avail.  General 
"W.  struck  one  or  two  officers  with  his  sword,  hut  it  would  not  do.  'Tis 
true  the  men  were  nearly  exhausted,  but  had  Santa  Anna  then  pushed 
forward  two  or  three  fresh  regiments  of  infantry,  the  result  of  the  battle 
would  have  been  different.  Thanks  to  God,  he  felt  he  had  got  enough, 
and  so  did  his  troops." 

The  successes  of  General  Taylor  gave  us  the  virtual  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  of  Northern  Mexico  as  far  south  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Eio  Grande  and  the  26th  parallel  of  latitude, 
comprehending  about  two-thirds  of  the  territory  of  that  unfor- 
tunate republic  and  about  one-tenth  of  its  inhabitants.  The 
brilliant  movements  of  General  Scott  subsequently  augmented 
those  acquisitions  by  the  reduction  of  Yera  Cruz  and  the  Cas- 
tle of  San  Juan  de  Uloa ;  the  capture  of  Jalapa,  Perote,  and 
Puebla;  the  surrender  of  the  capital,  and  the  occupation  of  the 


214  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

three  states  of  Yera  Cruz,  Puebla,  and  Mexico,  with  nearly 
two  millions  and  a  half  of  souls.  The  chief  towns  were  re- 
duced, the  military  forces  which  defended  them  captured  or 
dispersed,  their  civil  authorities  superseded,  and  the  whole 
machinery  of  government  within  the  conquered  states  virtu- 
ally transferred  to  our  hands;  and  these  results  had  been 
aciiieved  by  an  army  at  no  period  exceeding  15,000  men,  and 
against  forces  from  three  to  five  times  more  numerous  than 
those  actually  engaged  on  our  side  in  every  action  since  the 
fall  of  Yera  Cruz.  Referring  to  these  extraordinary  suc- 
cesses, General  Dix,  when  presenting  some  army  petitions 
in  the  Senate,  spoke  as  follows : 

"  I  will  not  detain  the  Senate  by  entering  into  any  detailed 
review  of  these  events  with  a  view  to  enforce  the  appeal  con- 
tained in  the  petition  on  the  attention.  I  hope,  however,  I 
may  be  indulged  in  saying,  in  justice  to  those  who  bore  a  part 
in  them,  that  the  first  conquest  of  Mexico  cannot,  as  it  appears 
to  me,  be  compared  with  the  second,  either  as  to  the  obstacles 
overcome  or  as  to  the  relative  strength  of  the  invaders.  The 
triumphs  of  Cortez  were  achieved  by  policy,  and  by  superior- 
ity in  discipline  and  in  the  implements  of  warfare.  The  use 
of  firearms,  until  then  unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico, 
was  sufficient  in  itself  to  make  his  force,  small  as  it  was,  irre- 
sistible. In  the  eyes  of  that  simple  and  superstitious  people 
he  seemed  armed  with  superhuman  power.  Other  circum- 
stances combined  to  facilitate  his  success.  The  native  tribes, 
by  w^hom  the  country  was  possessed,  were  distinct  communi- 
ties, not  always  acknowledging  the  same  head,  and  often 
divided  among  themselves  by  implacable  hostility  and  resent- 
ments. Cortez,  by  his  consummate  prudence  and  art,  turned 
these  dissensions  to  his  own  account ;  he  lured  the  parties  to 
them  into  his  own  service,  and  when  he  presented  himself  at 
the  gates  of  the  city  of  Mexico  he  was  at  the  head  of  four 
thousand  of  the  most  warlike  of  the  natives,  as  auxiliaries  to 
the  band  of  Spaniards  with  which  he  commenced  his  march 


1845-1853.]      THE  ADDITIONAL  MILITARY  FORCE  BILL.         215 

from  Yera  Cruz.  Thus  his  early  successes  were  as  much  the 
triumph  of  policy  as  of  arms.  General  Scott  and  the  gallant 
band  he  led  had  no  such  advantages.  The  whole  population 
of  the  country,  from  Yera  Cruz  to  Mexico,  was  united  as  one 
man  against  him,  and  animated  by  the  fiercest  animosity. 
He  was  opposed  by  military  forces  armed  like  his  own,  often 
better  disciplined,  occupying  positions  chosen  by  themselves, 
strong  by  nature,  and  fortified  according  to  the  strictest  rules 
of  art.  These  obstacles  were  overcome  by  his  skill  as  a  tac- 
tician, aided  by  a  corps  of  ofiicers  unsurpassed  for  their  knowl- 
edge of  the  art  of  attack  and  defence,  and  by  the  indomitable 
courage  of  their  followers.  With  half  his  force  left  on  the 
battle-field  or  in  the  hospital,  and  with  less  than  six  thousand 
men,  after  a  series  of  desperate  contests,  he  took  possession  of 
the  city  of  Mexico,  containing  nearly  two  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants,  and  defended  by  the  remnant  of  an  army  of  more 
than  thirty  thousand  soldiers.  I  confess  I  know  nothing  in 
modern  warfare  which  exceeds  in  brilliancy  the  movements 
of  the  American  army  from  the  Gulf  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  speak  of  them  in  the  language  of  eulo- 
gium.  They  are  not  a  fit  theme  for  such  comment.  Like 
the  achievements  of  General  Taylor  and  his  brave  men  on 
the  Eio  Grande,  at  Monterey,  and  Buena  Yista,  the  highest 
and  most  appropriate  praise  is  contained  in  the  simplest  state- 
ment of  facts." 

General  Dix  addressed  the  Senate,  January  26,  1848,  in 
support  of  a  bill  to  raise  an  additional  military  force  with  a 
view  to  retain  possession  of  the  territory  of  Mexico  until  she 
should  consent  to  make  peace  on  terms  satisfactory  to  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Calhoun  opposed  this  measure,  having 
offered  resolutions  to  the  eifect  that  ''  to  conquer  Mexico,  and 
to  hold  it,  either  as  a  province  or  incorporated  into  the  Union, 
would  be  inconsistent  with  the  avowed  object  for  which  war 
has  been  prosecuted ;  a  departure  from  the  settled  policy  of 
the  government;  in  conflict  with  its  character  and  genius; 


216  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  in  the  end  subversive  of  our  free  and  popular  institu- 
tions." The  public  mind  was  divided  between  two  proposi- 
tions :  the  first  was,  to  withdraw  our  forces  from  the  Mexican 
territory,  and  leave  the  subject  of  indemnity  for  injuries  and 
the  adjustment  of  a  boundary  between  the  two  republics  to 
future  negotiation,  relying  on  a  magnanimous  course  of  con- 
duct on  our  part  to  produce  a  corresponding  feeling  on  the 
part  of  Mexico ;  and  the  second  was,  to  retain  possession  of 
the  territory  which  had  been  already  acquired  until  Mexico 
should  consent  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace  providing  ample 
compensation  for  the  wrongs  of  which  the  American  people 
had  complained,  and  settling  to  their  satisfaction  the  bound- 
ary in  dispute.  The  latter  course  was  advocated  by  General 
Dix.  Desiring  above  all  things  a  restoration  of  permanently 
amicable  relations  between  the  two  countries,  and  the  re- 
moval of  the  causes  of  dissensions,  he  was  firmly  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  withdrawal  of  our  forces,  instead  of  bringing 
about  a  speedy  and  lasting  peace,  would  have  the  opposite 
effect;  that  it  would  open  a  field  of  domestic  dissension, 
and  possibly  of  external  interference  in  the  affairs  of  that 
distracted  country,  to  be  followed,  in  all  probability,  by  a  re- 
newal of  active  hostilities  with  us,  and  under  circumstances 
in  which  the  advantages  already  gained  would  have  been 
lost,  and  the  whole  subject  would  be  embarrassed  with  fresh 
dangers  and  evils. 

This  speech  is  especially  interesting,  inasmuch  as  he  took 
up  and  considered  the  alleged  right  of  European  powers  to 
intervention  in  the  affairs  of  this  continent.  That  right  had 
been  formally  asserted  in  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in 
the  year  1845,  by  M.  Guizot,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  as 
the  organ  of  the  Government  of  France.  He  then  declared 
that  it  belonged  to  France  "  to  protect,  by  the  authority  of 
her  name,  the  independence  of  states,  and  the  equilibrium  of 
the  great  political  forces  in  America."  That  notion  of  trying 
to  carry  out  the  European  system  of  the  balance  of  power  on 
another  continent  has  long  since  been  exploded ;  no  foreign 


1845-1853.]     A  TRUE  EXPRESSION  OF  AMERICAN  SPIRIT.      217 

government  would  for  an  instant  entertain  it.  An  able  argu- 
ment, and  a  manly  protest  against  it,  will  be  found  in  the  ad- 
dress to  which  I  now  refer.  General  Dix's  words  were  the 
true  expression  of  the  American  spirit,  which  would  not  brook 
the  interference  of  the  European  powers  in  the  affairs  of  this 
side  of  the  world.  The  position  taken  by  him  is  now,  and  has 
long  been,  conceded  by  those  powers,  although  at  that  day 
there  was  no  hesitation  in  asserting  their  arrogant  claim.  In 
the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said : 

"Mr.  President,  any  attempt  by  a  European  power  to  in- 
terpose in  the  affairs  of  Mexico,  either  to  establish  a  monarchy 
or  to  maintain,  in  the  language  of  M.  Guizot, '  the  equilibrium 
of  the  great  political  forces  in  America,'  would  be  the  signal 
for  a  war  far  more  important  in  its  consequences  and  inscru- 
table in  its  issues  than  this.  We  could  not  submit  to  such 
interposition  if  we  would.  The  public  opinion  of  the  coun- 
try would  compel  us  to  resist  it.  We  are  committed  by  the 
most  formal  declarations,  first  made  by  President  Monroe  in 
1823,  and  repeated  by  the  present  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
Union.  We  have  protested  in  the  most  solemn  manner 
against  any  farther  colonization  by  European  powers  on  this 
continent.  We  have  protested  against  any  interference  in 
the  political  concerns  of  the  independent  States  in  this  hemi- 
sphere. A  protest,  it  is  true,  does  not  imply  that  the  ground 
it  assumes  is  to  be  maintained  at  all  hazards,  and,  if  necessary, 
by  force  of  arms.  Great  Britain  protested  against  the  inter- 
ference of  France  in  the  affairs  of  Spain  in  1823;  she  has 
more  recently  protested  against  the  absorption  of  Cracow  by 
Austria,  as  a  violation  of  the  political  order  of  Europe,  settled 
at  Vienna  by  the  Allied  Sovereigns ;  and  against  the  Montpen- 
sier  marriage,  as  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht ;  but  I 
do  not  remember  that  in  either  case  she  did  anything  more 
than  to  proclaim  to  the  world  her  dissent  from  the  acts 
against  which  she  entered  her  protest.  It  has  always  seemed 
to  me  to  be  unwise  in  a  government  to  put  forth  manifestoes 


218  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

without  being  prepared  to  maintain  them  by  acts,  or  to  make 
declarations  of  abstract  principle  until  the  occasion  has  ar- 
rived for  enforcing  them.  The  declarations  of  a  President 
having  no  power  to  make  war  without  a  vote  of  Congress,  or 
even  to  employ  the  military  force  of  a  country,  except  to  de- 
fend our  own  territory,  is  very  different  from  the  protest  of 
a  sovereign  holding  the  issues  of  peace  and  war  in  his  own 
hands.  But  the  former  may  not  be  less  effectual  when  they 
are  sustained,  as  I  believe  those  of  Presidents  Monroe  and 
Polk  are,  in  respect  to  European  interference  on  the  Ameri- 
can continent,  by  an  undivided  public  opinion,  even  though 
they  may  not  have  received  a  formal  response  from  Congress. 
I  hold,  therefore,  if  any  such  interposition  as  that  to  which  I 
have  referred  should  take  place,  resistance  on  our  part  would 
inevitably  follow,  and  we  should  become  involved  in  contro- 
versies of  which  no  man  could  foresee  the  end." 

I  quote  a  striking  passage  against  the  aggressive  policy  of 
Great  Britain : 

"  In  the  references  I  have  made  to  France  and  Great  Brit- 
ain, I  have  been  actuated  by  no  feeling  of  unkindness  or  hos- 
tility to  either.  Kapid  and  wide-spread  as  has  been  the  prog- 
ress of  the  latter,  we  have  never  sought  to  interfere  with  it. 
She  holds  one-third  of  the  J^ortli  American  continent.  She 
has  established  her  dominion  in  tlie  Bermudas,  the  West  In- 
dies, and  in  Guiana,  on  the  South  American  continent.  She 
holds  Balize,  on  the  Bay  of  Yucatan,  in  !North  America,  with 
a  district  of  about  fourteen  thousand  square  miles,  if  we  may 
trust  her  own  geographical  delineations.  We  see  her  in  the 
occupation  of  territories  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  vastly, 
inordinately  extended,  and  still  ever  extending  herself.  It  is 
not  easy  to  keep  pace  with  her  encroachments.  A  few  years 
ago  the  Indus  was  the  western  boundary  of  her  Indian  em- 
pire. She  has  passed  it.  She  has  overrun  Afghanistan  and 
Beloochistan,  though,  I  believe,  she  has  temporarily  with- 
drawn from  the  former.     She  stands  at  the  gates  of  Persia. 


1845-1853.]       GIGANTIC  EXTENSION  OF  ENGLISH  RULE.        219 

Slie  lias  discussed  the  policy  of  passing  Persia  and  making 
the  Tigris  her  western  boundary  in  Asia.  One  stride  more 
would  place  her  upon  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  and 
her  armies  would  no  longer  find  their  way  to  India  by  the 
circumnavigation  of  Africa.  Indeed,  she  has  now,  for  all 
government  purposes  of  communication,  except  the  transpor- 
tation of  troops  and  munitions  of  war,  a  direct  intercourse 
with  the  East.  Her  steamers  of  the  largest  class  run  from 
England  to  Alexandria;  from  Alexandria  there  is  a  water- 
communication  with  Cairo — some  sixty  miles ;  from  Cairo  it 
is  but  eight  hours  overland  to  Suez,  at  the  head  of  the  Red 
Sea ;  from  Suez  her  steamers  of  the  largest  class  run  to  Aden, 
a  military  station  of  hers  at  the  mouth  of  the  Red  Sea ;  from 
Aden  to  Ceylon,  and  from  Ceylon  to  China.  She  is  not 
merely  conquering  her  way  back  from  Hindostan.  She  has 
raised  her  standard  beyond  it.  She  has  entered  the  confines 
of  the  Celestial  Empire.  She  has  gained  a  permanent  foot- 
hold within  it ;  and  who  that  knows  her  can  believe  that  pre- 
texts will  long  be  wanting  to  extend  her  dominion  there? 
Though  it  is  for  commerce  mainly  that  she  is  thus  adding 
to  the  number  and  extent  of  her  dependencies,  it  is  not  for 
commerce  alone.  The  love  of  power  and  extended  empire 
is  one  of  the  efiicient  principles  of  her  gigantic  efforts  and 
movements,  ^o  island,  however  remote,  no  rock,  however 
barren,  on  w^hich  the  Cross  of  St.  George  has  once  been  un- 
furled, is  ever  willingly  relinquished,  no  matter  how  expen- 
sive or  inconvenient  it  may  be  to  maintain  it.  She  may  be 
said  literally  to  encircle  the  globe  by  an  unbroken  chain  of 
dependencies.  JSTor  is  it  by  peaceful  means  that  she  is  thus 
extending  herself.  She  propagates  commerce,  as  Mohamme- 
danism propagated  religion,  by  fire  and  sword.  If  she  nego- 
tiates, it  is  with  fleets  and  armies  at  the  side  of  her  ambassa- 
dors, in  order,  to  use  the  language  of  her  diplomacy, '  to  give 
force  to  their  representations.'  She  is  essentially  and  emi- 
nently a  military  power,  unequalled  on  the  sea  and  unsur- 
passed on  the  land.     Happily,  the  civilization  which  distin- 


220'  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

guishes  her  at  home  goes  with  her,  and  obliterates  some  of 
the  bloody  traces  of  her  march  to  unlimited  empire." 

]^or  is  the  following  a  less  striking  picture  by  way  of  con- 
trast to  the  passages  just  quoted : 

"One  position  we  have  assumed,  and  I  trust  it  will  be 
maintained  with  inflexible  firmness — that  nations  beyond  this 
continent  cannot  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  our  progress, 
so  long  as  there  is  on  our  part  no  violation  of  their  rights.  I 
would  resist  at  the  outset,  as  matter  of  the  gravest  offence,  all 
indications  of  such  interference.  If  the  abstract  right  could 
be  asserted  on  grounds  of  international  law,  there  has  been 
nothing  in  the  nature  of  our  extension,  or  the  means  by 
which  it  has  been  accomplished,  to  warrant  its  application  to 
us.  From  the  formation  of  our  government,  for  nearly  three- 
quarters  of  a  century,  military  power — ^brute  force — has  had 
no  agency  in  the  conquests  we  have  achieved.  "We  have 
overrun  no  provinces  or  countries  abounding  in  wealth.  Our 
capital  has  witnessed  no  triumphal  entries  of  returning  arm- 
ies, bearing  with  them  the  spoils  and  trophies  of  conquest. 
Our  ships  have  not  been  seen  returning  from  subjugated  dis- 
tricts, freighted  with  the  tributes  of  an  extended  commerce. 
In  the  extension  of  our  commercial  intercourse  we  have  not, 
like  our  Anglo-Saxon  mother,  been  seen  hewing  down  with 
the  sword,  with  unrelenting  and  remorseless  determination, 
every  obstacle  which  opposed  itself  to  her  progress.  Our 
career  thus  far  has  been  stained  by  no  such  companionship 
with  evil.  Our  conquests  have  been  the  peaceful  achieve- 
ments of  enterprise  and  industry — the  one  leading  the  way 
into  the  wilderness,  the  other  following  and  completing  the 
acquisition  by  the  formal  symbols  of  occupancy  and  posses- 
sion. They  have  looked  to  no  objects  beyond  the  conversion 
of  uninhabited  wilds  into  abodes  of  civilization  and  freedom. 
Their  only  arms  were  the  axe  and  the  ploughshare.  The  ac- 
cumulations of  wealth  they  have  brought  were  all  extracted 
from  the  bosom  of  the  earth  by  the  unoffending  hand  of 


1845-1853.]       AMERICA'S  APPOINTED  PATE  ONWARD,  221 

labor.  If,  in  the  progress  of  our  people  Westward,  they  shall 
occupy  territories  not  our  own,  but  to  become  ours  by  amica- 
ble arrangements  with  the  governments  to  which  they  belong, 
which  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  shall  venture  to  stand  forth 
in  the  face  of  the  civilized  world  and  call  on  us  to  pause  in 
this  great  work  of  human  improvement  ?  It  is  as  much  the 
interest  of  Europe  as  it  is  ours  that  we  should  be  permitted 
to  follow  undisturbed  the  path  which,  in  the  allotment  of 
national  fortunes,  we  seem  appointed  to  tread.  Our  country 
has  long  been  a  refuge  for  those  who  desire  a  larger  liberty 
than  they  enjoy  under  their  own  rulers.  It  is  an  outlet  for 
the  political  disaffection  of  the  Old  World — for  social  ele- 
ments which  might  there  have  become  sources  of  agitation, 
but  which  are  here  silently  and  tranquilly  incorporated  into 
our  system,  ceasing  to  be  principles  of  disturbance  as  they  at- 
tain the  greater  freedom,  which  was  the  object  of  their  sepa- 
ration from  less  congenial  combinations  in  other  quarters  of 
the  globe.  IN'ay,  more :  it  is  into  the  vast  reservoir  of  the 
Western  wilderness,  teeming  with  fruitfulness  and  fertility, 
that  Europe  is  constantly  pouring,  under  our  protection,  her 
human  surpluses,  unable  to  draw  from  her  own  bosom  the  ele- 
ments of  their  suj^port  and  reproduction.  She  is  literally  go- 
ing along  with  us  in  our  march  to  prosperity  and  power,  to 
share  with  us  its  triumphs  and  its  fruits.  Happily,  this  conti- 
nent is  not  a  legitimate  theatre  for  the  political  arrangements 
of  the  sovereigns  of  the  eastern  hemisphere.  Their  armies 
may  range,  undisturbed  by  us,  over  the  plains  of  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  dethroning  monarchs,  partitioning  kingdoms,  and 
subverting  republics,  as  interest  or  caprice  may  dictate.  But 
political  justice  demands  that  in  one  quarter  of  the  globe  self- 
government,  freedom,  the  arts  of  peace,  shall  be  permitted  to 
work  out,  unmolested,  the  great  purposes  of  human  civili- 
zation." 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  and  one  which  shows  what  good  ground 
there  was  to  fear  European  intervention,  if  the  relations  be- 


222  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

tween  the  United  States  and  Mexico  had  been  left  at  loose 
ends,  that  on  the  very  day  after  this  speech  was  delivered 
General  Dix  received  from  a  friend  in  New  York,  who  conld 
have  no  knowledge  of  his  intention  to  speak,  much  less  of  the 
topics  he  designed  to  discuss,  a  translation  from  a  speech  de- 
livered to  the  Cortes  of  Spain,  December  1, 1847,  by  Senor 
Olozaga.  It  appeared  from  that  speech  that,  but  a  short  time 
previous  to  M.  Guizot's  declaration  above  referred  to,  large 
sums  were  expended  in  Spain  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
a  monarchy  in  Mexico,  and  placing  a  Spanish  prince  upon 
the  throne.* 

Soon  after  the  delivery  of  this  speech  the  treaty  of  peace 
was  made,  by  which  Mexico  ceded  to  the  United  States  the 
line  of  the  Eio  Grande  as  a  boundary,  and  the  territory  of 
New  Mexico  and  California,  in  consideration  of  which  the 
United  States  agreed  to  pay  her  the  sum  of  §15,000,000,  and 
to  assume  her  debts  to  American  citizens  to  an  extent  not  to 
exceed  $3,500,000. 

The  termination  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  results  at- 
tained by  that  contest,  prejDared  the  way  for  an  acrimonious 
renewal  of  the  strife  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  sec- 
tions. The  question  was  as  to  the  equal  rights  of  our  citizens 
in  the  occupation  of  the  territory  acquired.  On  the  one  hand, 
it  was  contended  that  the  United  States  Government  ought 
not  to  permit  the  establishment  of  slavery  in  any  region  al- 
ready free ;  on  the  other,  it  was  urged  that  no  discrimination 
should  be  made  between  settlers,  and  that  the  Soutlierner  had 
as  clear  a  right  to  carry  his  property  with  him,  including  his 
servants,  as  the  Northerner  had  to  take  his  tools  and  invested 
funds.  The  question  came  up  in  the  Senate,  as  a  matter  of 
course;  it  was  debated  with  great  earnestness  and  no  little 
feeling.  General  Dix's  speech,  June  26, 1848,  on  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  Territorial  government  in  Oregon,  deals  princi- 

*  See  foot-note  on  p.  214,  vol.  i.,  "  Speeches  and  Addresses."  See  also 
Appendix,  No.  III.,  for  a  Project  of  a  Treaty,  by  Albert  Gallatin. 


1845-1853.]     NEW  YORK  DEFENDED  FROM  ASPERSIONS.      223 

pally  with  that  subject.  The  bill  for  establishing  such  a  gov- 
ernment expressly  excluded  slavery,  by  declaring  all  laws  then 
existing  in  the  Territory  to  be  valid  and  operative ;  and  one 
of  those  laws  prohibited  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude 
otherwise  than  for  the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the 
party  should  be  duly  convicted.  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mis- 
sissippi, was  among  the  Senators  on  the  Southern  side  of  the 
House  who  opposed  the  scheme.  The  bill  passed,  however,  on 
the  12th  of  August  ensuing,  with  the  restrictions  and  prohibi- 
tions of  slavery  contained  in  the  memorable  ordinance  of  1787. 
Again  the  question  came  before  the  Senate,  when  a  bill  was 
introduced  embracing  the  whole  subject  of  organizing  govern- 
ments for  the  Territories  acquired  from  Mexico,  the  material 
point  of  disagreement  being  the  question  of  permitting  slav- 
ery to  be  established  in  those  Territories.  The  Southern  Sena- 
tors insisted  that  citizens  of  the  United  States  had  the  right, 
under  the  Constitution,  to  carry  into  those  Territories  what- 
ever was  recognized  as  property  in  the  States  from  which 
they  emigrated.  The  free  States  denied  this  doctrine,  and  in- 
sisted that,  slavery  having  been  abolished  in  Mexico,  it  could 
only  be  restored  by  positive  enactment.  But,  to  remove  all 
doubt  upon  this  point,  it  was  contended  that  the  acts  organiz- 
ing governments  in  those  Territories  should  contain  an  abso- 
lute prohibition  of  slavery,  in  order  to  save  the  government 
from  the  reproach  of  re-establishing  it  where  it  had  long  been 
abolished  by  the  fundamental  law.  General  Dix,  in  address- 
ing the  Senate  on  this  subject,  took  occasion  to  defend  the 
State  of  ISTew  York  from  aspersions  cast  on  her  by  Senator 
Butler,  of  South  Carolina.  In  this  speech,  and  in  one  deliv- 
ered just  a  month  before,  may  be  found  a  full  historical  vin- 
dication of  the  course  of  the  men  who  were  equally  opposed 
to  external  interference  with  slavery  in  the  States  in  which  it 
existed,  and  to  its  extension  to  territory  where  it  did  not  exist. 
If  a  calm,  critical,  and  dispassionate  examination  of  the  public 
records  of  the  nation  from  the  beginning,  the  statements  of 
its  founders,  and  the   acts   of  its  representative  bodies   can 


224  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

prove  anything,  it  shows  this,  that  General  Dix  and  those 
who  acted  with  him  truly  represented  the  thought  of  our 
earliest  statesmen  on  that  subject,  and  vindicates  them  from 
the  reproaches  of  extremists  in  both  sections  of  the  country. 
Throughout  that  exciting  period,  in  which  the  skies  grew 
stormier  every  day,  their  position,  as  stated  by  themselves, 
was  as  follows : 

"  1.  All  external  interference  with  slavery  in  the  States  is 
a  violation  of  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  dan- 
gerous to  the  harmony  and  perpetuity  of  the  Federal  Union. 

"  2.  If  territory  is  acquired  by  the  United  States,  it  should, 
in  respect  to  slavery,  be  received  as  it  is  found.  If  slavery 
exists  therein  at  the  time  of  the  acquisition,  it  should  not  be 
the  subject  of  legislation  by  Congress.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
slavery  does  not  exist  therein  at  the  time  of  the  acquisition, 
its  introduction  ought  to  be  prohibited  while  the  Territory 
continues  to  be  governed  as  such. 

"  3.  All  legislation  by  Congress,  in  respect  to  slavery  in  the 
territory  belonging  to  the  United  States,  ceases  to  be  opera- 
tive when  the  inhabitants  are  permitted  to  form  a  State  gov- 
ernment ;  and  the  admission  of  a  State  into  the  Union  carries 
with  it,  by  force  of  the  sovereignty  such  admission  confers, 
the  right  to  dispose  of  the  whole  question  of  slavery  at  its 
discretion,  without  external  interference." 

It  was  the  determination  of  those  men  to  resist  interfer- 
ence with  slavery  in  the  States,  as  unauthorized  and  disor- 
ganizing, and  at  the  same  time  to  withhold  assent  to  its  ex- 
tension under  any  pretext,  and  to  oppose  such  extension  in 
every  constitutional  mode,  as  of  evil  tendency  in  government, 
wrong  in  itself,  and  repugnant  to  humanity  and  civilization. 
They  appear  to  have  demonstrated  that  in  this  position  they 
were  in  accord  with  the  fathers  of  the  Republic.  Tlie  appeal 
to  the  representatives  of  the  Southern  people,  with  which 
the  speech  from  which  I  have  just  quoted  closes,  will  be  read 
with  profound  interest,  considering  the  contempt  with  which 
the  solemn  remonstrance  was  met ; 


1845-1853.]     NO  FEABS  FOB  INTEGBITY  OF  THE  UNION.      225 

"  I  do  entreat  our  Southern  friends  earnestly,  solemnly,  not 
to  press  this  measure  upon  us  :  I  mean  that  of  insisting  on  the 
right  to  carry  slaves  into  l^ew  Mexico  and  California.  I  say 
to  you  in  sincerity,  and  with  the  deepest  conviction  of  the 
truth  of  what  I  say,  that  the  Northern  feeling  can  go  no  far- 
ther in  this  direction.  I  appeal  to  you,  through  the  memory 
of  the  past,  to  do  us  the  justice  we  have  rendered  you.  You 
asked  for  Florida.  You  said  it  shut  you  out  from  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  It  was  an  inlet  for  political  intrigue  and  so- 
cial disorganization.  It  was  necessary  for  your  safety.  We 
united  with  you  to  obtain  it.  Our  blood,  our  treasure  was 
freely  shared  with  you  in  making  the  acquisition.  We  gave 
it  up  to  you  without  reserve.  You  asked  for  Texas.  It  was 
said  to  be  in  danger  of  falling  under  the  control  of  your  com- 
mercial rivals.  It  was  necessary  for  your  safety.  You  said 
it  w^ould  become  a  theatre  for  the  intrigues  of  abolitionism. 
Your  slave  population  might  be  endangered  without  it.  We 
united  with  you  again,  and  gave  you  back,  by  legislation  and 
arms,  what  you  had  lost  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  by  dip- 
lomacy. We  have  now  acquired  free  territory.  We  ask  only 
that  it  may  remain  free.  Do  not  ask  us  to  unite  with  you  in 
extending  slavery  to  it.  We  abstain  from  all  interference 
with  slavery  where  it  exists.  We  cannot  sanction  its  exten- 
sion, directly  or  indirectly,  where  it  does  not  exist.  And  if  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  is  exerted  for  this  purpose — if 
slavery  is  carried  into  and  established,  as  it  will  be  by  this 
bill,  in  the  territory  we  have  acquired — I  am  constrained  to 
say — I  say  it  in  sorrow — the  bond  of  confidence  which  unites 
the  two  sections  of  the  Union  will  be  rent  asunder,  and  years 
of  alienation  and  unkindness  may  intervene  before  it  can  be 
restored,  if  ever,  in  its  wonted  tenacity  and  strength.  IS'ot 
that  I  have  any  present  fears  for  the  integrity  of  the  Union. 
I  have  not.  It  is  capable  of  sustaining  far  ruder  shocks  than 
any  possible  settlement  of  this  question  can  give.  But  what 
I  fear  is  that  the  current  of  reciprocal  kindness  and  confidence 
which  runs  through  every  portion  of  the  community,  pervad- 
L-15 


226  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

ing,  refresliing,  invigorating  all,  may  be  turned  out  of  its 
course  and  forced  into  channels  to  wiiicli  the  common  feeling 
is  alien,  and  in  which  it  may  be  converted  into  a  fountain  of 
bitterness  and  strife.  I  conjure  you,  then,  to  avoid  all  this. 
Ask  us  not  to  do  what  every  principle  we  have  been  taught, 
and  taught  by  your  fathers,  to  venerate,  condemns  as  unnatu- 
ral and  unjust."  . 

Amid  these  painful  discussions  it  is  refreshing  to  turn  to 
an  address  of  a  different  character.  I  allude  to  the  speech, 
made  March  21, 1848,  on  a  proposition  to  abolish  the  mission 
to  the  Papal  States.  This  measure  was  opposed  by  the  Sena- 
tor from  ^Niew  York.  His  remarks  were  listened  to  with  at- 
tention and  interest,  including  as  they  did  an  account  of  the 
order  and  state  of  the  Court  of  the  Vatican,  a  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  temporal  power,  and  such  a  pleasant  descrip- 
tion of  the  Eternal  City,  its  Campagna,  and  ancient  port,  as 
an  accomplished  classical  scholar  would  be  expected  to  give. 
Pope  Pius  IX.  had  but  recently  begun  his  reign ;  he  was  ad- 
mired and  honored  as  a  prince  of  liberal  views  and  progres- 
sive tendencies ;  it  was  in  a  spirit  of  great  cordiality  toward 
him,  and  of  veneration  for  that  branch  of  the  Church  of 
which  he  was  the  admired  head,  that  this  plea  for  a  suitable 
representative  near  him  was  made;  and  the  desired  object 
was  accomplished. 

I  omit  particular  mention  of  other  speeches  made  about 
this  time,  such  as  that  on  the  California  claims,  March  29, 
1848  ;  on  the  Yucatan  bill.  May  IT,  in  the  same  year ;  and 
on  trade  with  Canada,  delivered  several  months  later.  It  is 
time  to  proceed  to  the  subject  of  the  Free-soil  movement  in 
1848. 

Silas  "Wright  was  inaugurated  Governor  of  the  State  of 
I^ew  York  January  1, 1845.  The  reluctance  with  which  he 
accepted  that  office  was  justified  by  the  events  which  follow- 
ed. His  administration  was  embarrassed  by  a  series  of  un- 
toward occurrences,  in  consequence  of  which,  notwithstanding 


1845-1853.]     SILAS  WRIGHTS  DIGNIFIED  RUSTIC  LIFE.      227 

his  abilities  and  honesty  of  purpose,  he  lost  popularity.  The 
anti-rent  disturbances  lost  him  the  support  of  a  part  of  the 
rural  population,  in  consequence  of  the  firmness  with  which 
he  repressed  the  proceedings  of  the  agrarians  of  that  day,  and 
maintained  the  cause  of  law  and  order  in  disaffected  regions. 
His  disapproval  of  the  Canal  Bill,  though  in  accord  with  his 
well-known  and  unalterable  convictions,  alienated  those  who 
were  in  favor  of  large  expenditure  for  internal  improvements. 
More  serious  than  either  of  these  was  the  harm  done  by  the 
quiet  yet  persistent  opposition  of  the  "  Hunkers."  JSTor  can 
it  be  doubted  that  the  influence  of  the  Government  at  "Wash- 
ington was  thrown  against  him  in  that  critical  hour.  Gov- 
ernor Marcy  was  Secretary  of  War ;  Samuel  Nelson  had  just 
been  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States;  Governor  Bouck  held  one  of  the  most  influential 
oflices  in  the  city  of  New  York — all  these  were  members  of 
that  section  of  the  party  with  which  Governor  Wright  was 
not  in  sympathy.  It  was  evident  that  he  would  be  unable  to 
maintain  himself  against  an  opposition  of  which  the  elements 
were  so  numerous,  so  varied,  and  so  dangerous ;  and,  accord- 
ingly, it  occasioned  little  surprise  among  intelligent  observers 
of  public  affairs  when,  in  the  autumn  of  1846,  he  was  defeated 
by  a  majority  of  nearly  12,000  votes. 

Nothing  can  be  imagined  more  admirable  than  the  conduct 
of  that  great  man  under  these  trying  circumstances.  He  re- 
turned at  once  to  his  beloved  farm  at  Canton,  and  resumed, 
with  apparent  delight,  the  occupations  of  a  rustic  life.  Yisit- 
ors  to  that  place  have  related  how  they  found  him  at  work  in 
his  fields,  in  the  midst  of  his  farm-hands,  setting  an  example 
of  industry  and  zeal  which  kept  all  about  him  up  to  their 
duty.  His  house  was  the  shrine  of  many  a  pilgrimage ;  and, 
as  profound  regret  at  the  loss  of  such  a  man  from  the  helm 
of  affairs  and  the  councils  of  the  State  took  the  place  of  a  less 
honorable  sentiment,  his  popularity  began  to  return.  Already, 
as  the  time  for  the  nomination  of  a  President  drew  near,  men 
were  looking  to  him,  as  an  illustrious  representative  of  the 


228  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

principles  and  hereditary  faith  of  the  Democratic  Republican 
party,  in  whose  hands  the  country  would  be  safe,  no  matter 
from  what  quarter  the  tempest  might  come. 

But  it  is  not  always  possible  for  sinners  to  bring  forth  fruits 
meet  for  repentance,  however  earnestly  disposed  to  do  so,  nor 
can  the  wrong  and  injustice  done  to  noble  citizens  be  always 
repaired.  A  higher  power  rules  the  affairs  of  states,  and 
often  cuts  short  the  designs  which  men  would  fain  carry  into 
effect.  The  State  Agricultural  Fair  was  to  be  held  at  Saratoga 
Springs  in  the  month  of  September,  1847 ;  Mr.  Wright  had 
consented  to  deliver  the  customary  address  on  that  occasion. 
The  work  of  preparation  was  completed  on  the  evening  of 
the  26th  of  August.  At  ten  o'clock  on  the  following  morn- 
ing he  fell  dead  of  disease  of  the  heart.  The  news  produced 
a  profound  impression.  It  was  officially  announced  to  the 
Legislature  of  the  State;  it  was  brought  to  the  notice  of  the 
United  States  Senate.  The  city  of  Albany  appointed  the  day 
for  the  funeral,  and,  with  the  honors  appropriate  to  great  men, 
what  remained  on  earth  of  that  venerable  and  patriotic  citi- 
zen was  consigned  to  its  last  resting-place. 

The  address  which  he  had  just  completed  was  read  at  the 
opening  of  the  Fair  by  General  Dix,  his  faithful  and  devoted 
friend.  Another  duty  in  connection  with  that  melancholy 
event  devolved  upon  my  father.  Previous  to  Mr.  Wright's 
death  the  merchants  of  the  city  of  N'ew  York  had  ordered 
a  magnificent  service  of  plate  to  be  presented  to  him  in  rec- 
ognition of  his  eminent  worth,  and  of  the  benefits  resulting  to 
the  public  from  his  official  conduct  and  private  and  personal 
example.  The  workmen  had  not  yet  completed  it  when  he 
died.  It  was  thereupon  determined  to  present  it  to  his  wid- 
ow, which  was  done  on  the  18th  of  I^ovember.  On  that  occa- 
sion Mr.  John  D.  Yan  Buren  made  an  address ;  and  General 
Dix,  on  the  part  of  Mrs.  Wright,  received  in  her  name  and 
acknowledged  the  splendid  gift. 

Thus  ended,  for  this  world  at  least,  a  friendship  of  many 
years.     On  me,  as  a  youth,  it  made  a  deep  impression.    I  well 


1845-1853.]        A  CRITICAL  MOVEMENT  AT  HAND.  229 

remember  the  man  in  whom  my  father's  faith  was  so  strong, 
and  to  whom  he  was  so  warmly  attached.  Ever  a  welcome 
guest  at  our  house,  Mr.  Wright  was,  when  at  a  distance,  in 
constant  correspondence  with  us.  I  could  appreciate  the 
truth  and  sincerity  of  that  friendship ;  I  was  too  young  to 
comprehend  how  great  was  the  blow  to  my  father  and  the 
men  who  stood  with  him  when  the  standard-bearer  of  their 
cause  and  exponent  of  their  deepest  convictions  was  thus 
suddenly  taken  from  them. 

For  now  a  critical  movement  was  at  hand,  wherein  no  one 
knew  what  might  occur.  The  next  Presidential  election  was 
to  be  held  in  the  autumn  of  1848.  The  aggressive  temper  of 
the  Southern  statesmen,  and  their  determination  to  extend  if 
possible  the  area  of  slavery,  had  produced  a  deep  uneasiness 
in  many  quarters,  and  in  some  directions  a  feeling  of  resent- 
ment and  indignation.  Evidently  something  formidable  was 
in  the  air. 

The  trouble  which  resulted  in  the  open  rupture  in  the 
Democratic  party  in  1848  had  been  brewing  for  a  long  time. 
It  seems  probable  that  the  administration  helped  to  push  mat- 
ters to  a  crisis  by  its  treatment  of  the  Barnburners  and  its  thin- 
ly disguised  sympathy  with  their  opponents.  Yery  early  in 
President  Polk's  administration  it  became  evident  how  mat- 
ters were  likely  to  go.  I  have  before  me  a  letter  addressed 
to  General  Dix,  March  14,  1845,  only  ten  days  after  the  in- 
auguration. Speaking  of  the  [NTew  York  appointments,  and 
referring  particularly  to  a  person  for  whom  the  writer  would 
have  secured  the  favor  and  influence  of  the  Senator,  he  adds : 

"  When  I  first  heard  of  this,  a  month  since,  I  thought  there 
was  much  certainty  of  Mr. 's  success.  I  did  not  antici- 
pate at  that  time  that  the  present  administration  at  Washing- 
ton was  to  be  a  mere  elongation  of  the  trading,  time-serving, 
mongrel  Tyler  concern.  I  thought  that  President  Polk  would 
be  desirous  of  having  his  administration  stand  out  in  alto-ri- 
lievo,  separate  from  the  past,  and  only  provident  of  the  good 
of  the  future.     Eecent  appearances,  however,  give  me  other 


230  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

forebodings.  To  my  vision  it  is  hardly  in  hasso-rilievo.  If 
the  present  and  the  future  are  to  be  a  reproduction  of  the 
past,  I  do  not  desire  that  you  should  incur  the  humiliation 
for  yourself  or  for  me  of  asking  anything  for  any  friend  of 
mine." 

The  use  of  the  term  "  humiliation  "  in  the  preceding  letter 
was  apt,  and  amply  justified  by  facts.  General  Dix,  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  State  of  IS'ew  York  in  the  Senate,  and  expo- 
nent of  the  old  Democratic  traditions,  had  a  right  to  be  heard 
on  the  subject  of  the  appointments.  But,  though  there  was 
an  apparent  desire  to  oblige  him  and  to  defer  to  his  wishes, 
yet  it  seems  clear  that  he  was  wilfully  and  constantly  de- 
ceived. Assurances  were  held  out  to  him  that  Mr.  Jonathan 
I.  Coddington  should  be  appointed  Collector  of  the  Port,  that 
Mr.  riagg  should  go  into  the  Treasury,  and  that  Mr.  Benton's 
plan  of  annexation  should  be  adopted.  ]N"ot  one  of  these  prom- 
ises was  fulfilled,  nor  is  it  likely  that  there  was  any  intention 
of  fulfilling  them.  The  course  pursued  toward  him  was  re- 
garded as  one  of  duplicity.  My  father,  honest  himself,  relied 
on  the  honesty  of  other  men,  and  on  this  occasion,  as  on  oth- 
ers in  the  course  of  his  life,  allowed  himself  to  be  deceived. 
But  his  disgust  and  indignation  were  great  when  he  discov- 
ered that  he  had  been  cheated.  Among  his  letters  are  two 
addressed  to  President  Polk,  which  express,  in  dignified 
terms,  his  sense  of  the  arts  practised  at  Washington,  and 
imply  that  the  government  had  broken  faith  with  him  and 
cajoled  him  by  what  looked  like  deliberate  falsehoods.  The 
sense  of  these  wrongs  burnt  in  the  breasts  of  many  of  the 
old-line  Democrats.  Mr.  Flagg,  referring  to  the  new  cabinet, 
writes,  March  5,  in  a  somewhat  desponding  tone : 

"  The  President  will  have  a  hard  time  in  restoring  the  Sub- 
treasury  with  agents  who  were  opposed  to  it  in  1837  and 
probably  now.  But  we  have  learned  to  bear  grief  by  being 
schooled  in  adversity ;  if  the  President  gives  us  sound  princi- 
ples, we  can  get  along." 

But  that  was  the  question :  whether  the  government  would 


1845-1853.]        GENERAL  DIX'S  POLITICAL  CREDO.  231 

be  administered  on  sound  principles.  There  is  no  doubt  what 
the  men  of  the  school  of  Flagg,  Wright,  and  Dix  understood 
by  those  words.  There  is  a  paper,  without  date,  but  evidently 
written  about  this  time ;  I  transcribe  it  just  as  I  find  it,  since 
it  seems  to  be  a  summary  of  my  father's  political  credo.  It 
is  endorsed  by  him  "Democratic  Points,"  and'  it  runs  as 
follows : 

"  1.  A  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States ; 

"  2.  Unyielding  opposition,  in  every  constitutional  mode,  to 
all  encroachment  on  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States ; 

"  3.  The  receipt  and  disbursement  of  the  revenue  in  gold 
and  silver,  and  the  custody  of  the  public  money  without  the 
agency  of  banks ; 

"  4.  The  full  and  complete  payment  of  the  public  debt  at 
the  earliest  practicable  day ; 

"  5.  Eetrenchment  in  the  public  expenditure,  and  a  rigid 
economy  of  our  resources ; 

"6.  A  curtailment  of  the  patronage  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment ; 

"  7.  A  tariff  for  revenue,  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses 
of  the  government ; 

"  8.  Appropriations  of  money  from  the  public  treasury  for 
the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors,  to  be  confined  to  such 
as  are  general  in  their  character ;  and  no  more  than  one  new 
work  to  be  provided  for  in  the  same  bill ; 

"  9.  A  graduation  and  reduction  in  the  price  of  the  public 
lands ; 

"10.  E'o  interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  where  it 
exists;  and 

"  11.  Absolute  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  of 
the  United  States  where  it  does  not  exist." 

This  was  their  creed  in  those  days ;  and  this,  according  to 
their  idea,  was  the  old  faith  of  the  party  to  which  they  were 
devoted,  and  of  which  they  were  the  consistent  represent- 
atives. 


MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

Year  by  year  matters  grew  worse,  till  the  time  came  to 
nominate  for  the  elections  of  1848.  That  year  is  one  of  the 
most  perplexing  in  American  political  history.  A  review  of 
the  steps  successively  taken  with  reference  to  the  questions 
then  agitating  the  country  throws  light  on  the  position  of 
General  Dix  in  the  Free-soil  movement,  and  shows  to  what 
extent  he  approved  of  it,  and  at  what  point  he  lost  confidence 
in  it ;  for  it  is  evident,  from  his  correspondence,  that  he  re- 
garded it,  in  the  form  which  it  ultimately  assumed,  as  a  grave 
if  not  a  fatal  blunder,  and  would  have  withdrawn  from  it  if 
he  could  have  done  so.  The  course  of  events  may  be  traced 
by  observing  the  conventions  held  about  that  time.  These 
I  shall  note  in  order : 

{a)  The  State  Democratic  Convention  was  held  at  Syra- 
cuse, September  29, 1847.  Its  session  was  stormy,  lasting  till 
October  3.  Both  sections  of  the  party  were  represented.  A 
split  took  place  before  the  adjournment,  owing  to  the  refusal 
of  the  majority  to  adopt  resolutions  sustaining  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  The  Hunkers  retained  the  control ;  while  the  Barn- 
burners announced  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  proceedings, 
and  their  refusal  to  accept  them  as  a  true  index  of  Demo- 
cratic sentiment. 

(b)  The  Barnburners,  thus  outnumbered  at  Syracuse,  met 
soon  after  at  Herkimer,  and  then  adjourned,  after  making 
arrangements  to  hold  a  convention  of  their  own  in  the  month 
of  February  following. 

{c)  A  convention  was  held  at  Albany,  January  26,  1848. 
It  was  composed  exclusively  of  the  Hunker  wing.  It  ap- 
pointed a  full  delegation  to  represent  the  Democracy  of  the 
State  of  New  York  in  the  National  Convention,  which  was  to 
meet  in  May. 

{d)  The  Barnburners  next  held  a  convention  at  Utica,  Feb- 
ruary 16.  They  also  appointed  a  full  delegation  to  Baltimore, 
and  claimed,  as  the  Hunkers  had  done,  to  be  the  real  Democ- 
racy of  the  State. 

{e)  The  National  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Baltimore, 


1845-1853.]     VIOLENT  AGITATION  IN  NEW  YORK  STATE.      233 

May  24.  Both  of  the  l^ew  York  delegations  presented  them- 
selves, offered  their  credentials,  and  demanded  seats.  It  was 
resolved  to  admit  both,  but  on  condition  that  the  vote  of  the 
State  should  be  divided  between  them.  To  this  the  Barn- 
burners would  not  consent;  they  were  farther  irritated  by 
the  refusal  of  the  convention  to  pledge  the  Democratic  party 
and  its  candidates  to  resist  the  extension  of  slavery.  They 
withdrew ;  and  the  convention,  having  nominated  Lewis 
Cass  of  Michigan,  and  William  O.  Butler  of  Kentucky,  ad- 
journed. 

The  action  of  the  ^National  Democratic  Convention  was  the 
signal  for  a  violent  agitation  in  the  State  of  I^eW  York.  On 
the  reception  of  the  news  the  Barnburners  called  meetings  at 
Albany  and  New  York,  to  express  the  feelings  of  the  "  Kadi- 
cal  Democracy."  At  these  meetings  the  proceedings  at  Balti- 
more were  denounced;  support  to  the  nominations  was  re- 
fused, on  the  ground  that  the  party  had  not  been  fully  repre- 
sented, and  that  the  nominations  were,  in  consequence,  irregu- 
lar ;  and  it  was  declared  that  regular  Democratic  nominations 
had  yet  to  be  made.  Under  these  circumstances  another  con- 
vention was  called. 

{/)  It  met  at  Utica  on  the  22d  of  June.  It  was  composed 
exclusively  of  Democrats  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  action 
of  the  l^ational  Convention,  and  hostile  to  its  candidates.  The 
question  first  to  be  settled  was,  what  should  be  done ;  on  that 
men  differed  greatly ;  some  advising,  or  rather  insisting,  that 
new  nominations  should  be  made ;  others,  more  moderate  in 
their  views,  considering  that  it  would  be  unwise  and  inexpe- 
dient to  proceed  to  a  measure  so  extreme.  This  was  the  view 
of  General  Dix,  and  for  it  he  was  roundly  abused  by  his  ex- 
cited friends ;  it  was  also  the  view  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  the 
most  sagacious  of  Democratic  leaders.  But  men  of  moderate 
counsels  were  overborne  in  the  excitement  of  the  hour,  as  may 
be  seen  in  the  following  letter  from  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  from 
which  it  appears  that  his  judgment  was  against  the  proposed 
action,  and  that  he  had  been  compelled  to  yield  : 


234:  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

"  Stuyvesant,  June  20, 1848. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — In  a  private  letter  written  by  me  to  our  friend  Colonel 
Benton  I  intimated  a  concurrence  with  him  and  yourself  in  an  opinion 
adverse  to  a  national  nomination  at  Utica,  at  the  same  time  informing 
him  that  it  was  by  no  means  certain  that  an  opposite  course  would  not 
be  pursued.  The  exhibition  of  a  desire  to  nominate  has  since  appeared 
so  universal  with  the  Radical  Democracy  of  the  State,  and  the  reasons 
assigned  in  favor  of  it  so  strong,  as  to  satisfy  me  that  I  ought  not  to  ad- 
vise against  it,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  a  nomination  will  be  made. 
Application  has  been  made  to  me  for  permission  to  use  my  name,  which 
I  have  declined  to  give,  on  the  ground  that  I  have  long  since  retired 
from  public  life,  with  the  tacit  approbation  of  my  friends,  and  I  am  re- 
solved never  again  to  be  a  candidate  for  public  office.  Finding  a  strong 
desire  to  nominate  you,  and  a  very  great  degree  of  sensibility  upon  the 
subject,  it  has  occurred  to  me  as  possible,  though  not  probable,  that  my 
letter  to  the  Colonel,  which  he  was  authorized  to  show  to  you,  might  in 
some  degree  influence  your  opinion.  I  therefore  write  you  this  letter, 
which  will,  I  understand,  come  to  you  in  person,  to  communicate  by  tele- 
graph with  the  Convention,  if  there  should  happen  to  be  any  ground 
for  my  apprehension. 

"  There  is  an  unusual  degree  of  animation  in  the  Party,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  that  the  Radical  Democracy  of  this  State  will  rally  in  favor 
of  the  Utica  proceedings  with  great  unanimity  and  power.  With  kind 
regards  to  Mrs.  Dix, 

"  Very  respectfully  and  truly  yours,  M.  Van  Buren. 

"Genl.  JNO.A.DIX." 

The  views  of  General  Dix  on  the  subject  of  separate  nomi- 
nations were  well  understood;  he  took  no  pains  to  conceal 
them ;  he  disapproved  of  what  his  political  friends  were  bent 
on  doing ;  he  declined  to  be  the  opposition  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  But  the  convention  represented  a  movement 
which  could  not  be  stopped  at  that  hour ;  and  the  result  was 
that  they  nominated  Martin  Yan  Buren,  and  Henry  Dodge, 
of  Wisconsin,  as  the  candidates  of  "  the  Kadical  Democracy." 
Having  accomplished  this,  the  convention  adjourned;  but 
Mr.  Dodge  declined  the  nomination,  and  thus  their  work  was 
left  incomplete,  and  their  design  partially  frustrated,  as  they 
remained  without  any  candidate  for  the  Vice  -  Presidency 
whom  they  would  regard  as  having  been  regularly  nominated. 


1845-1853.]     FEALTY  TO  THE  BABICAL  DEMOCBACY.  235 

This  unfortunate  and  unexpected  position  must  be  borne  in 
mind  in  connection  with  what  followed. 

Thus  far  the  quarrel  in  the  Democratic  party  was  strictly 
a  family  dispute ;  no  outsiders  had  as  yet  been  drawn  in,  and 
therefore  the  alienation  was  not  altogether  hopeless. 

A  meeting  was  held  at  JS'ew  York,  July  18,  to  ratify  the 
nominations  of  the  Radical  Democracy.  General  Dix  was 
not  present ;  he  wrote  a  letter,  however,  giving  his  adhesion 
to  the  movement  at  the  stage  which  it  had  then  reached.  It 
will  be  observed  that  he  mentions  Mr.  Yan  Buren  only,  Mr. 
Dodge's  name  having  been  withdrawn : 

*'  Washington,  July  17, 1848. 

"  Gentlemen, — I  received  some  days  ago  your  favor  of  the  7th  instant 
inviting  me  to  attend  and  address  a  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
city  of  New  York  in  the  Park,  on  the  18th  instant,  'for  the  purpose  of 
ratifying  the  nomination  of  Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  Presidency,  and 
of  contributing  to  the  extension  of  free  soil  and  the  perpetuation  of  free 
labor.' 

"  I  have  deferred  answering  your  favor  to  the  latest  practicable  mo- 
ment from  a  desire  to  accept  the  invitation,  if  in  my  power,  without  neg- 
lecting my  public  duties.  But  I  find  it  impossible.  Important  subjects 
of  legislation  press  on  both  Houses  of  Congress ;  and  I  may  at  any  mo- 
ment be  required  to  vote  on  some  one  of  them. 

"In  respect  to  the  great  question  on  which  so  deep  an  interest  is  felt 
by  yourselves  and  those  you  represent,  I  have  so  recently  expressed  my 
opinion  in  the  most  public  manner  that  any  farther  annunciation  of  it 
would  be  superfluous.  It  accords  entirely  with  your  own ;  and  much  as 
I  desire  to  see  this  distracting  question  settled,  I  cannot  advocate  or 
acquiesce  in  any  adjustment  by  which  slavery  will  be  planted  where  it 
does  not  now  exist. 

"  So  long  as  there  was  a  possibility  of  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  New  York,  without  submitting  to  a  sacrifice  of  prin- 
ciple, my  efforts  were  directed,  in  every  proper  way,  to  the  restoration  of 
harmony.  Events  too  clearly  indicate  the  hopelessness  of  its  reunion. 
Under  such  circumstances  I  cannot  hesitate  an  instant  as  to  the  course 
of  propriety  and  duty.  From  the  Radical  Democracy  of  New  York  I 
cannot  separate ;  their  principles  and  measures  are  those  for  the  main- 
tenance of  which  I  have  contended,  side  by  side,  with  them  in  the  politi- 
cal field  from  the  moment  I  entered  it.    To  introduce  and  preserve  a 


MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

rigid  economy  in  the  public  expenditure ;  to  curtail  the  patronage  of 
the  Federal  Government,  or,  in  other  words,  to  diffuse  political  power 
and  not  to  centralize  it ;  to  liberate  industry  under  all  its  forms  from 
useless  and  oppressive  restraints ;  to  narrow  the  sphere  of  monopoly  and 
exclusive  privilege ;  to  uphold  the  rights  of  free  labor;  to  maintain  with 
fidelity  and  good  faith  all  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  by  ab- 
staining from  every  species  of  interference  with  the  domestic  concerns 
and  relations  of  the  people  of  the  States,  and  at  the  same  time  to  resist 
the  extension  of  slavery  to  those  portions  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  in  which  it  does  not  exist,  and  especially  where  it  is  prohibited — 
these  are  the  great  issues  presented  by  the  position  you  have  taken.  I 
shall  contribute  my  humble  efforts  to  maintain  it,  satisfied  as  I  am  that 
the  public  honor  and  prosperity  are  alike  involved  in  your  success. 

"  I  have  never  considered  the  Democracy  of  New  York  bound  by  the 
nominations  at  Baltimore.  No  portion  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Union 
can  be  committed  to  the  support  of  proceedings  in  which  it  has  had  no 
part,  or  to  a  participation  in  which  it  has  been  admitted  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  deprive  it  of  all  influence  upon  the  result.  I  have,  therefore,  deemed 
it  a  matter  of  entire  discretion  with  the  Radical  Democracy  of  New  York 
how  far  they  should  acquiesce  in  the  proceedings  referred  to.  They 
have  deemed  it  due  to  their  own  rights  to  make  a  separate  nomination, 
and  thus  to  sustain  their  delegates  in  the  firm,  manly,  and  dignified 
course  by  which  they  disconnected  themselves  from  the  Baltimore  Con- 
vention. That  nomination  I  shall  support,  as  the  one  best  in  accordance 
with  the  principles  and  issues  I  have  alluded  to,  and  the  only  one  by 
which  they  can  be  fully  vindicated. 

"Of  the  talents,  firmness,  moderation,  private  worth,  and  public  ser- 
vices of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  his  great  experience  in  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment, no  one  can  entertain  a  higher  opinion  than  myself;  and  I  shall 
give  him  my  support,  cheerfully  and  cordially,  as  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  New  York  Democracy  in  a  great  contest  for  principle,  and  as  a  states- 
man who  has  graced  every  official  position  he  has  occupied  in  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country,  and  none  more  than  the  highest. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  fellow-citizen, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Messrs.  John  Cochran, 

Eugene  Casserly, 

Clement  Guion, 

James  Pattison,  V  Committee. 

Isaac  V.  Fowler, 

Andrew  Carrigain, 

Gabriel  Harrison, 


1845-1853.]     A  NEW  THING— THE  "FEEE-SOIL  PARTY."        237 

I  have  already  observed  that  the  trouble  in  the  Democratic 
camp  amounted,  thus  far,  to  no  more  than  a  very  angry  do- 
mestic quarrel.  In  going  with  his  old  associates  General  Dix 
had  done  nothing  inconsistent  either  with  his  political  convic- 
tions or  with  his  position  as  a  life-long  Democrat.  But  the 
time  was  at  hand  when  "strangers  and  aliens"  were  to  be- 
come involved  in  the  dispute,  making  matters  a  hundred-fold 
worse. 

ig)  The  next  convention  to  be  noted  was  that  which  met 
at  Philadelphia,  June  7.  This  was  the  ITational  Convention 
of  the  Whig  party.  The  question  of  slavery  came  up,  as  it 
had  done  in  the  National  Democratic  Convention,  and  again 
it  led  to  a  rupture,  through  the  refusal  of  the  majority  to 
adopt  resolutions  against  the  extension  of  the  peculiar  insti- 
tution of  the  South.  General  Taylor,  "  the  hero  of  Buena 
Yista,"  was  nominated  for  President,  and  Millard  Fillmore 
of  New  York  for  Yice-President ;  but  the  nominations  were 
disapproved  by  a  portion  of  the  party,  and  a  secession  took 
place. 

(A)  A  convention  next  assembled  at  Buffalo.  It  was  called 
by  the  seceders  from  the  "Whig  National  Convention,  who 
were  unwilling  to  support  the  Philadelphia  candidates.  Pre- 
viously to  this  time  the  moderate  Abolitionists,  then  styl- 
ing themselves  the  "Liberty  Party,"  had  made  their  nomi- 
nations ;  and  it  seems  that  at  this  juncture  a  scheme  was 
set  afoot  to  fuse,  if  possible,  the  Liberty  Party,  the  "Whig 
seceders,  and  the  Democratic  "  Barnburners,"  so  as  to  bring 
their  united  strength  to  bear  in  the  approaching  election. 
Into  this  ingeniously  contrived  trap  some  of  the  leaders  of 
the  "Eadical  Democracy"  fell,  and  the  result  was  seen  in 
the  formation  of  a  new  thing,  the  "Free -soil  Party,"  com- 
posed of  heterogeneous  elements,  and  constituting  a  transi- 
tion to  something  else  which  was  to  come  of  it  in  later  years. 

{i)  A  convention  next  assembled  at  Buffalo,  August  9. 
This  was  the  outcome  of  the  scheme  already  referred  to — a 
fusion  convention,  composed  of  all  the  elements  that  were 


238  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

hostile  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  There  were  delegates 
from  every  free  State,  and  also  from  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Yirginia,  and  the  District  of  Columbia — these  latter  represent- 
ing those  who,  though  residing  in  slave-holding  States,  held 
the  old  views  on  the  subject,  and  desired  its  peaceful  and 
final  extinction.  Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio  was  chosen  pre- 
siding officer  of  that  remarkable  assemblage.  Preston  King, 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  John  Yan  Buren,  and  Benja- 
min F.  Butler  of  New  York,  prominent  members  of  the  Radi- 
cal Democracy,  were  there ;  while  I^athaniel  Sawyer  of  Ohio, 
Governor  Briggs,  and  Charles  F.  Adams  of  Massachusetts, 
represented  the  Whig  party  in  its  deliberations.  Joshua  R. 
Giddings  and  Frederick  Douglass,  abolitionists  of  the  extreme 
type,  struck  hands  with  the  rest,  and  added  to  the  motley  as- 
pect of  that  incongruous  assemblage.  With  a  view  to  unite 
the  largest  possible  number  in  support  of  the  candidates  to 
be  brought  forward,  it  was  thought  essential  that  they  should 
be  representatives  of  both  the  great  parties ;  and  as  the  Radical 
Democracy  had  already  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  but 
none  for  the  Yice-Presidency,  the  course  of  the  convention 
seemed  clear.  Martin  Yan  Buren,  the  nominee  of  the  IS'ew 
York  malcontents,  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Charles  Francis  Adams  of  Massachusetts,  an  eminent  Whig 
politician  and  statesman,  for  the  Yice-Presidency.  And  then 
the  convention  adjourned. 

It  was  a  strange  combination,  that  of  a  New  York  "  Barn- 
burner" and  a  Massachusetts  *' Conscience-Whig."* 

(Jc)  Finally,  another  convention  was  held  at  Utica,  Sep- 
tember 14.  This,  the  last  which  I  have  occasion  to  mention, 
was  actually  a  "Free-soil,"  or  Democratic,  Convention,  but 
it  united  all  the  elements  that  had  assisted  at  Buffalo  on 


*  The  love  of  grotesque  names  seems  to  be  a  passion  in  American  poli- 
tics. We  read  of  "  Buck-tails,"  "  Barnburners,"  "  Old  Hunkers,"  "  Con- 
science-Whigs," "  Cotton-Whigs,"  "  Silver  Grays,"  "  Loco-focos,"  "  Cop- 
per heads,"  and  now  of  "  Stalwarts  "  and  "  Half-breeds." 


1845-1853.]        A   TORRENT  NOT  TO  BE  STEMMED.  239 

the  9 til  of  August.  It  ratified  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Yan 
Buren  and  Mr.  Adams ;  it  proceeded,  farther,  to  nominate 
a  candidate  for  the  ofiice  of  Governor  of  the  State  of  l^ew 
York.  The  choice  fell  on  General  Dix :  he  was  unable  to  re- 
sist the  pressure,  and  submitted  to  the  misfortune  which  had 
thus  overtaken  him. 

I  have  always  felt  great  sympathy  with  my  father  in  the 
trying  position  in  which  he  was  thus  placed  since  I  came  to 
understand  what  it  involved.  He  disapproved  of  the  design 
of  that  section  of  the  Democracy  with  whom  he  acted  to 
make  separate  nominations,  thinking  it  unwise  and  unneces- 
sary, and  foreseeing  that  it  would  increase  the  difficulty  of 
bringing  about  a  reconciliation.  But  he  must  have  regarded 
with  much  greater  concern  the  fusion  of  members  of  oppo- 
site parties  who  were  divided  on  subjects  regarded  by  him 
as  of  the  utmost  importance.  That  he,  a  Democrat  of  the 
old  school,  should  find  himself  associated  with  gentlemen 
of  the  Whig  party,  from  whom  he  differed  on  almost  every 
point,  whose  political  principles  he  had  always  opposed,  and 
with  whom  he  could  never  agree  on  questions  of  taxation, 
public  works,  finance.  Constitutional  interpretation,  and  State 
and  national  policy,  was  a  painful  and  distressing  surprise. 
He  was  willing,  if  it  must  be  so,  to  go  with  his  own  section 
of  the  Democratic  party,  though  deeming  their  course  not 
the  wisest.  But  when  it  came  to  alliance  with  Whigs  and 
Abolitionists  he  lost  all  heart  in  the  movement.  This  ac- 
counts for  his  strong  expression  in  after -years  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  fusion  in  1848,  for  the  indefatigable  zeal  with 
which  he  labored  to  bring  about  a  reunion  of  his  own  peo- 
ple in  1852,  and  for  his  strenuous  efforts  to  justify  himself 
from  the  charge  of  being  an  Abolitionist  and  false  to  his 
old  faith. 

It  will  be  asked,  of  course,  why  he  yielded ;  and  to  this  the 
reply  is  simple.  He  was  caught  in  a  torrent  which  he  could 
not  stem ;  he  was  also  under  personal  and  domestic  influences 
which  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  resist.     Looking  back  to 


24:0  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX, 

those  days,  I  frankly  admit  that  I  do  not  see  how  he  could 
have  resisted.  I  will  throw  what  light  I  can  on  this  part  of 
his  life.  He  was  one  of  those  men  who  are  never  influenced 
by  passion,  but  follow  the  dictates  of  a  sober  judgment.  He 
was  very  cautious;  prudent,  perhaps,  in  some  things,  to  a 
fault ;  f oresighted,  wise.  The  rash  enthusiasm  which  hurries 
men  forward  with  little  or  no  reflection,  leading  them  more 
frequently  to  derisory  failure  than  to  brilliant  success,  was 
not  in  him.  Though  he  had  the  temper  of  self-sacrifice  in 
perfection,  he  was  not  the  man  to  commit  political  suicide 
without  a  distinct  intellectual  impression  that  the  cause  was 
worth  the  price.  Hence  he  failed  his  eager  and  excited 
friends  in  the  earlier  stage  of  their  proceedings  in  1848.  He 
was  vehemently  urged,  before  the  Convention  of  the  23d  of 
June,  to  allow  himself  to  be  nominated  for  the  Presidency. 
He  was  assured  that  nine-tenths  of  the  Radical  Democracy  of 
the  State  were  convinced  of  the  expediency  and  propriety  of 
making  separate  nominations,  and  that  every  hour  strength- 
ened their  convictions  on  that  point ;  that  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Yan  Buren  was  out  of  the  question  ;  that  the  thoughts  of 
men  were  turning  more  and  more  toward  him ;  and  that  he 
must  not  withhold  his  consent  to  the  use  of  his  name.  He 
was  threatened  with  the  consequences  of  failing  to  throw  him- 
self into  the  arena,  and  told  that  the  man  who  would  not  "  go 
with  the  masses  in  their  triumphal  progress  would  be  trampled 
under  foot."  The  letters  of  that  date  vary.*  Some  are  calm 
and  rational,  but  most  of  them  are  mere  fire  and  fury.  The 
writers  seem  to  have  looked  for  no  immediate  result  beyond 

*  I  refer  to  private  letters  whicli  poured  in  at  that  time.  There  is  one 
from  Ward  Hunt,  of  Utica,  June  3 ;  another  from  Bradford  R.  Wood, 
June  13;  another  from  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  June  16;  another  from 
T.  M.  Burt,  of  Kinderhook,  June  20 ;  and  finally  a  notable  one  from 
myself,  then  a  college  student,  in  my  twenty-first  year.  Of  it  I  am  now 
heartily  ashamed,  yet  it  shows  the  wild  extravagance  of  the  "  Young 
America  "  of  the  day,  as  well  as  the  feeling  of  the  household  in  Bond 
Street. 


1845-1853.]  A  DIFFICULT  COURSE  TO  STEER.  241 

the  defeat  of  General  Cass,  whose  name,  apparently,  was 
odious  to  tliem ;  yet  the  idea  possessed  them  that  tlie  de- 
feated candidate  of  1848  would  undoubtedly  be  victor  in  1852. 

No  doubt  General  Dix  saw  through  tlie  cloud  of  decep- 
tions thus  raised,  and  perceived  the  end  of  these  fond  expec- 
tations. His  reason  could  not  have  been  convinced ;  nor  w^as 
it  possible  to  intimidate  him  by  threats,  as  some  attempted  to 
do.  But  he  was  very  closely  bound  to  his  political  friends, 
and  devoted  to  them ;  personal  ties  were  even  stronger  than 
political,  and  he  could  not  have  broken  oif  his  intimate  rela- 
tions without  great  pain.  Added  to  this,  however,  was  the 
fact  that  Mr.  Morgan,  liis  father-in-law — to  whom  he  was  in- 
debted for  a  constant  sympathy,  a  generous  assistance,  and  an 
affectionate  devotion — was  committed  to  the  movement,  and 
intensely  interested,  or  rather  violently  excited,  on  the  sub- 
ject. Mr.  Yan  Buren  and  Mr.  Morgan  were  on  terms  of  the 
closest  intimacy ;  the  ex-President  and  he  were  warm  friends ; 
while  it  was  to  Mr.  Morgan  that  my  father  owed  the  means 
of  releasing  him  from  army  life,  of  establishing  him  in  his 
profession  as  a  lawyer,  of  enabling  him  to  maintain  his  fam- 
ily in  comfort  and  ease  while  out  of  public  office,  and  of  in- 
numerable advantages  enjoyed  by  him  in  the  varied  experi- 
ences of  his  career.  When  all  these  circumstances  are  taken 
into  consideration  it  will  be  better  understood  how  hopelessly 
my  father  was  involved  in  a  movement  which  his  judgment 
disapproved,  and  under  what  peculiar  pressure  he  yielded  to 
what  must  liave  sounded  to  him  like  the  mandate  of  a  domi- 
nant and  irresistible  fate.  I  see  not  how  he  could  have  done 
otherwise  without  the  risk  of  trials  from  which  a  man  of 
sensibility  instinctively  shrinks,  and  in  which  others  more 
dear  to  him  than  himself  are  sure  to  become  involved.  The 
sentiments  which  actuated  him  w^ere  such  as  no  good  man 
need  be  ashamed  of ;  the  guiding  motive  was  self-sacrifice. 

The  Southern  politicians  never  forgave  General  Dix.     For 
this  I  do  not  blame  them ;  but  they  deserve  censure  for  their 
systematic  misrepresentation  of  his  motives  and  his  principles. 
L— 16 


242  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

I  may  add  that  ^N^ortliern  men  of  the  Democratic  party,  jeal- 
ous of  him,  and  determined  to  remove  him  from  the  field, 
were  equally  unscrupulous  in  their  attacks  on  him  based  on 
his  connection  with  the  Free -soil  movement.  The  policy 
of  revenge  was  pursued  with  success,  under  administrations 
which  trembled  at  the  thought  of  losing  the  confidence  of  the 
slave-holding  leaders  and  the  vote  of  the  South.  Of  this  a 
striking  illustration  will  be  given  in  the  j^roper  place. 

But  let  me  leave  this  scene  of  strife  and  turn  to  more  re- 
freshing subjects.  It  was  fortunate  that,  during  the  years  of 
prolonged  excitement  and  continuous  labor  in  the  Senate, 
General  Dix  found  rest  and  refreshment  in  the  summers  spent 
at  East  Hampton,  on  Long  Island.  Reports  of  the  charms  of 
the  climate  and  the  rural  beauty  of  the  place  induced  him  to 
go  there.  It  was  not  easy  at  that  time  to  reach  the  sequester- 
ed village.  A  tedious  railroad  took  us  to  Greenport :  there 
we  were  obliged  to  secure  a  couple  of  small  sail-boats,  one  for 
ourselves,  the  other  for  the  luggage ;  and  in  these  we  made  a 
voyage  of  uncertain  length  round  Shelter  Island  to  Sag  Har- 
bor. Thence,  by  stage,  we  proceeded  to  the  quaint  and  se- 
cluded settlement  which  was  the  object  of  our  quest.  It  was 
well  worth  seeing.  It  has  changed  but  little  since  that  time ; 
there  is  the  same  village  street^  a  mile  long,  having  at  each 
end  a  windmill,  a  goose-pond,  and  a  graveyard ;  there  are  the 
same  brown,  weather-beaten  houses,  shaded  by  rows  of  stately 
trees ;  but  in  the  year  1846,  when  we  first  went  there,  its  look 
was  somewhat  more  venerable  than  it  is  now,  as  became  what 
was  almost  a  terra  incognita.  It  was  originally  settled  by  peo- 
ple from  Kent,  in  England,  and  at  that  time  words  and  phrases 
were  in  use  among  the  villagers  and  country  folk  which  were 
heard  nowhere  else  in  the  world  save  in  Kent.  The  General 
passed  his  summers  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  village, 
at  a  house  kept  by  an  Englishman  named  Candy.  The  hamlet, 
still  known  as  Appaquogue,  consists  of  one  or  two  dwellings 
at  one  end  of  Georgica  Pond,  a  great  sheet  of  water  which,  at 
its  lower  edge,  almost  touches  the  ocean,  being  divided  from  it 


1845-1853.]     NATURAL  CHARMS  OF  THE  HAMPTONS.  243 

by  a  mere  strip  of  sand  beacli.  Every  summer  it  was  our  cus- 
tom to  proceed,  with  spades  and  shovels,  to  that  link  between 
the  fresh-water  pond  and  the  sea  and  cut  a  trench  through  it 
some  ^ve  feet  wide.  When  once  the  inland  waters  began 
to  flow  into  this  little  canal  it  took  but  a  short  time  to  tear 
through  the  beach,  and  then  they  rushed  with  prodigious 
force,  like  a  broad  river,  to  the  main,  and  the  pond,  disappear- 
ing, left  in  its  place,  for  some  four  or  five  weeks,  a  broad  ex- 
panse of  sandy  shallows  and  sedge.  On  these  immense  flocks 
of  birds  would  alight  on  their  passage  westward;  and  there 
the  General  found  ample  field  for  his  favorite  pastime  of  gun- 
ning. There  were  few  sportsmen  in  that  region ;  he  enjoyed 
a  practical  monopoly  of  the  game,  and  his  delight  was  im- 
mense. He  spent  his  w^hole  time,  day  after  day  and  week 
after  week,  in  the  fresh,  pure  air,  surrounded  by  his  decoys, 
which  he  carved  and  painted  with  his  own  hand,  and  aided 
by  us,  his  boys,  whom  he  trained  to  love  the  open  life  and 
to  help  him  in  his  work.  He  was  an  unerring  shot;  it 
was  certain  death  to  any  bird  to  come  within  range  of  his 
piece. 

The  General  added  many  years  to  his  life  by  his  habit  of 
spending  his  summers  in  the  open  air,  and  wading  about  all 
day  barefoot  on  the  sand-flats  and  sea-beaches  of  the  southern 
shore  of  Long  Island.  Thus  he  spent  three  or  four  successive 
summers  near  East  Hampton.  Later  (in  1855)  he  went  to 
Quogue,  and  passed  six  or  seven  seasons  there ;  at  last,  in 
1870,  he  purchased  land  at  West  Hampton,  built  a  large  house 
on  it,  and  was  a  resident  of  the  town  of  South  Hampton,  in  the 
county  of  Suffolk,  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He  loved  Long 
Island,  its  scenery,  its  climate,  and  its  quiet,  simple  ways ;  he 
wished  himself  back  there  when  away  from  it.  Through  the 
winter  he  made  occasional  visits  to  his  place,  "  Seafield ;"  as 
soon  as  possible  in  the  early  summer  he  went  thither,  and 
left  it  late  in  the  autumn,  returning  reluctantly  to  the  city. 
This  will  not  appear  strange  to  any  who  have  felt  the  fasci- 
nation of  that  region  of  the  Hamptons. 


244:  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

For  I  question  whether  there  can  be  found  on  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  America  a  summer  climate  so  agreeable  as  that  which 
one  reaches  bj  going  some  seventy  miles  eastward  of  l^ew 
York  on  the  Long  Island  Eailroad.  The  prevailing  summer 
wind  along  our  seaboard  is  the  south-west ;  but,  as  the  coast 
trends  from  south-west  to  north-east,  it  is  obvious  that  the 
south-west  must  be  a  hot  wind  along  the  shore,  coming  as  it 
does  from  the  torrid  plains  and  bayous  of  the  South.  But 
that  odd -looking,  fish -shaped  piece  of  outlying  sea -beach, 
known  on  the  maps  as  "  Long  Island,"  thrusts  forth  at  a  bold 
angle  from  the  general  line  of  the  coast.  Montauk  Point  is 
really  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  out  at  sea ;  and  the 
breeze  which  blows  from  the  heated  land  on  the  dwellers  along 
the  Jersey  shore  is  a  pure  sea-breeze  at  the  more  fortunate 
Hamptons.  The  thermometer  sometimes  stands,  with  very 
slight  variation,  for  weeks  together  at  a  pleasant  summer  heat, 
while  the  wind  from  the  deep  water  fills  the  land  with  fresh- 
ness, and  at  evening  proves  almost  too  cool.  Such  is  the  cli- 
mate ;  the  scenery  is  as  peculiar  in  its  way.  As  flat  almost 
as  Holland,  the  fields  stretch  to  the  low  horizon,  leaving  a 
full  dome  of  sky  unbroken  on  its  entire  circle,  save  by  the 
pine  and  oak  forests  inland,  and,  oceanward,  by  picturesque 
sand-dunes,  which  stand  as  nature's  ramparts  between  us  and 
the  white  surf  on  the  beach.  ^Nowhere  else  have  I  seen 
such  skies,  such  thunder-storms,  such  sunsets,  such  auroras, 
such  display  of  stars — the  panorama  of  the  heavens  is  shown 
on  an  absolutely  unobstructed  field.  ]^or,  in  the  way  of  color, 
could  the  artist  ask  for  aught  more  delicious  than  the  varied 
greens  of  the  great  meadows  of  salt -grass,  and  the  rustling 
mantle  of  the  dunes,  where  the  strong  stalks  of  an  incom- 
prehensible vegetation  whistle  in  the  breeze,  leaving  us  ever 
in  doubt  on  what  they  thrive  as  they  do.  And  out  beyond 
lies  the  immeasurable  sea,  rolling  to  the  far  horizon  and 
thence  till  its  waters  strike  the  other  side  of  the  world,  and 
beating  its  incessant  music  on  the  white  sand,  with  a  roar 
which  reminds  me  of  nothing  so  much  as  the  cadence  of 


1845-1853.]     A  DISCOURSE  IN  AN  UNKNOWN  TONGUE.         245 

the  ancient  Gregorian  chanting  which  I  have  heard,  swelling 
out  and  dying  away,  in  the  aisles  of  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore  at 
Florence,  and  in  other  churches  of  the  Old  "World ;  a  music 
of  which  some  one  well  said,  when  hearing  the  objection  that 
it  had  no  time,  and  could  not  be  counted  off  by  bars :  "  Of 
course  there  is  no  time  in  it,  for  it  is  not  the  music  of  time, 
but  of  eternity." 

It  was  the  summer  of  1848.  Congress  sat  on  and  on,  in 
the  terrible  heat  at  Washington,  until  at  length  the  adjourn- 
ment released  those  weary  men  and  gave  them  a  breathing- 
spell.  With  what  eagerness  my  father  hastened  to  his  sum- 
mer quarters  at  East  Hampton  may  be  imagined.  The  season 
was  one  of  unusual  interest  to  him  in  more  ways  than  one. 
It  w^as  at  that  time  that  his  eldest  son,  having  completed  the 
course  at  Columbia  College,  in  the  city  of  J^ew  York,  was 
graduated  from  that  venerable  institution  by  the  President, 
Nathaniel  F.  Moore,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  scholars 
and  gentlemen  that  ever  filled  that  post.  Tlie  commence- 
ment exercises  were  held  in  a  dismal  and  ugly  Methodist 
meeting-house  in  Greene  Street,  near  Grand,  wherein  were 
gathered  many  of  the  elite  of  the  day ;  and  strange  was  the 
contrast  between  the  dingy  edifice  and  the  radiant  hues  of 
the  beauty  and  fashion  which  then,  perhaps  for  the  first  and 
last  time,  lit  up  its  dust  and  dimness.  It  fell  to  my  lot,  by 
the  rule  of  the  college,  to  deliver  the  Greek  salutatory — an 
honor  which  brought  care  with  it,  as  most  honors  do ;  yet  I 
found  a  certain  satisfaction  on  that  occasion  in  describing  to 
the  audience,  in  a  tongue  to  them  unknown,  the  absurdity  of 
their  appearance  as  they  sat  listening,  with  an  air  of  interest 
and  an  affectation  of  intelligence,  to  a  discourse  of  which  it 
was  impossible  for  one  of  them  to  gather  the  purport.  Pro- 
fessor Charles  Anthon,  the  official  critic  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  oratory,  smiled  grimly  as  he  read  my  manuscript,  but 
kindly  permitted  me  to  give  it  as  it  stood,  quite  sure  that 
few,  if  any,  of  the  audience  would  be  the  wiser. 

Among  the  companions  of  that  summer  at  East  Hampton 


24:6  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

— tlie  last  we  spent  there — was  Colonel  Dlx.  He  liad  re- 
ceived his  brevet  for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  at  the 
battle  of  Buena  Yista,  in  which  bloody  engagement  he  served 
as  extra  aide-de-camp  to  General  Taylor,  as  his  letters,  already 
given,  relate.  We  never  saw  him  again.  He  died  of  chol- 
era, on  the  7th  day  of  January  following,  at  Wheeling,  while 
crossing  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  on  his  way  to  Washington. 
The  summer  passed  by  and  the  autumn  came  on.  The 
month  of  September  brought  with  it  the  unwelcome  nomina- 
tion to  the  office  of  Governor  of  the  State.  The  General 
submitted  to  the  inevitable.  I  give  the  correspondence  on 
the  subject  between  the  Committee  of  the  Convention  at 
Utica  and  himself : 

"  utica,  September  14, 1848. 
"Hon.  John  A.  Dix: 

"In  behalf  of  the  Free -soil  Democratic  Convention  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  now  in  session  here,  whose  Committee  we  are  for  that  pur- 
pose, we  would  respectfully  communicate  to  you  that  said  Convention 
have,  by  acclamation,  nominated  you,  as  the  candidate  of  tlie  free  De- 
mocracy of  the  State  of  New  York,  for  the  office  of  Governor,  and  ask 
your  acceptance  thereof. 

"  Your  unyielding  advocacy  of  human  freedom,  efficient  opposition  to 
the  extension  of  slavery  over  the  Territories,  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  long,  faithful  public  services,  have  emphatically  pointed  you  out  as 
the  man  upon  whom  the  hearts  of  the  virtuous  and  the  good  concentrate, 
and  around  whom  tlie  Democracy  cluster,  as  most  worthy  to  be  their 
standard-bearer  in  the  contest  for  free  soil,  free  labor,  free  men,  and  free 
speech,  with  New  York's  favorite  son,  Martin  Van  Buren;  and  your  ac- 
ceptance will  be  hailed  by  thousands  as  a  sure  harbinger  of  victory. 
"  Yours  we  are,  very  respectfully, 

"  Edgar  C.  Dibble, 

R.  P.  WiSNER, 

Henry  B.  Stanton, 
H.  W.  Sage, 
G.  A.  Grant." 


"East  Hampton,  September  21, 1848. 
"  Gentlemen, — On  my  return  to  this  place  last  evening,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  a  few  days,  I  found  your  favor  of  the  14th  inst.,  informing  me 
of  my  nomination  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  this  State  by  the  Free-soil 


1845-1853.]     GENERAL  DIX  NOMINATED  FOB  GOVERNOR.     247 

Democmtic  Convention,  then  in  session  at  Utica.    This  communication 
was  entirely  unexpected,  no  intimation  having  been  made  to  me,  from 
any  quarter,  that  the  intention  of  putting  me  in  nomination  for  that  high 
and  responsible  trust  was  entertained.     If  I  had  been  apprised  of  it  I 
should  have  endeavored  to  satisfy  the  political  friends  who  liave  thus 
honored  me  with  their  confidence  that  the  great  interests  at  stake  would 
have  been  better  promoted  by  conferring  the  nomination  on  some  one 
more  worthy  to  receive  it  than  myself.    But,  as  it  has  been  their  pleasure 
to  act  without  consultation  with  me,  I  submit  myself  to  their  bettei- 
judgment  by  responding  with  cheerfulness  and  promptitude  to  their 
call.     Holding  an  office  under  the  authority  of  the  State,  I  acknowledge 
the  right  of  those  who  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  conferring  it  on  me 
to  nominate  me  for  any  other  whenever  they  think  proper  to  do  so ;  and 
I  deem  it  my  duty  to  accede  to  their  wishes  without  regard  to  my  own. 
"Whatever  objection,  arising  from  considerations  personal  to  myself,  I 
might  have,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  to  a  nomination  for  an  office 
the  honor  of  which  no  one  appreciates  more  highly  than  I  do,  all  such 
objection  is  outweighed  by  the  public  considerations  in  view  of  which 
it  is  now  presented  to  me.     The  State  of  New  York,  though  not  the  first, 
Avas  among  the  earliest  of  the  thirteen  States  which  have,  through  legis- 
lative instructions  to  their  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress,  de- 
clared themselves  opposed  to  the  farther  extension  of  slavery.     Her  reso- 
lutions were  presented  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  the  early 
part  of  February,  1847,  and  during  the  same  month  I  supported  them  in 
that  body  to  the  best  of  my  ability  in  a  speech  setting  forth  at  large  the 
grounds  on  which  New  York  and  her  associates,  then  eleven  in  number, 
among  the  free  States,  had  placed  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery  into  Territories  in  whicli  it  does  not  exist.    I  also  endeav- 
ored to  show  that  this  course,  which  they  deemed  enjoined  upon  them 
by  the  highest  considerations  of  patriotism  and  humanity,  was  in  strict 
accordance  with  all  tlieir  obligations  and  duties  to  their  sister  States. 
These  positions  I  have  labored  to  defend,  whenever  practical  questions 
involving  them  have  come  before  the  Senate,  in  a  manner  which,  while  it 
did  full  justice  to  the  States  assuming  them,  could  not  reasonably  be 
complained  of  as  offensive  to  those  who  differed  with  us  in  opinion. 
Regarding  the  nomination  which  has  been  conferred  on  me  as  an  ap- 
proval of  this  part  of  my  public  service  in  the  Senate,  it  is  received  as  a 
gratifying  token  of  the  confidence  of  those  you  represent.     And  now, 
when  the  ground  in  favor  of  freedom  in  the  Territories,  assumed  by  thir- 
teen of  the  sovereign  States  of  the  Union  (and  one  of  them  a  slave-hold- 
ing State),  is  both  openly  and  covertly  assailed — the  ground  taken  more 
than  half  a  century  ago  by  Washington,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Madison, 


248  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  I)IX. 

Mason,  Randolph,  Hancock,  Adams,  and  others  among  the  founders  of 
the  Republic — as  the  use  of  my  name  has  been  deemed  material  to  sus- 
tain the  position  of  New  York  in  resiject  to  a  principle,  on  the  main- 
tenance of  which  the  honor  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country  depend,  it 
is,  on  my  part,  freely  yielded,  though  with  the  apprehension  that  undue 
importance  may  have  been  attached  to  it. 

"  With  my  thanks  for  the  kind  manner  in  which  the  result  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Convention  has  been  communicated  to  me,  I  am, 

Gentlemen,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Messrs.  Edgar  C.  Dibble, 


R.  P.  WiSNER, 

Henry  B.  Stanton, 
G.  A.  Grant, 
H.  W.  Sage, 


Committee' 


The  result  of  the  fall  elections  was  what  General  Dix  had 
expected.  The  Free  -  soil  candidates  were  defeated :  Mr.  Van 
Buren  did  not  receive  a  single  electoral  vote.  General  Tay- 
lor became  President;  Hamilton  Fish,  Governor  of  'New 
York.  The  official  canvass  shows  the  feeling  of  the  people 
of  this  State  as  expressed  by  their  ballots.     I  give  it  below.* 

*  The  Albany  Argus  gives  the  aggregate  of  the  official  vote  for  Gov- 
ernor in  all  the  counties  of  the  State,  which  we  compare  with  the  vote 
for  Presidential  electors,  as  follows : 

Govei'nor.  I^esident. 

Fish 218,616  Taylor 218,551 

Walworth 116,019  Cass 114,592 

Dix 122,583  VanBuren 120,519 


Excess  of  votes  for  Governor,  exclusive  of  scattering  votes,  3526,  viz. : 

Fish,  more  than  Taylor 65 

"Walworth,  more  than  Cass 1,427 

Dix,  more  than  Van  Buren 2,064 


Fish's  plurality  over  Walworth,  102,597 ;  over  Dix,  96,033 ;  Walworth 
and  Dix  over  Fish,  19,986.  It  should  be  observed  that  Mr.  Dix  received 
about  3500  anti-rent  votes,  which  were  withheld  from  Mr.  Fish. 


1845-1853.]         A  EADIANT  GALAXY  OF  BEAUTY.  249 

I  spent  the  winter  of  1848-49  in  Washington.  It  was  my 
father's  last  year  in  the  Senate.  His  residence  was  on  C 
Street ;  Colonel  Benton,  his  intimate  personal  friend,  was  his 
near  neighbor,  but  two  or  three  houses  away.  Opposite  us 
lived  Senator  Bagley,  and  near  him  Mr.  Philip  Barton  Key 
and  his  beautiful  wife.  J^othing  could  be  more  delightful 
than  the  society  of  Washington  at  that  time  to  one  able  to 
enjoy  the  lazy,  listless,  easy  existence  led  by  the  families  of 
prominent  officials  or  pleasure-seekers  at  the  capital.  There 
was,  and  probably  still  is,  a  certain  indefinable  charm  in  the 
place,  due  in  part  to  temperate  climate  and  agreeable  air,  and 
in  part  to  the  intermingling  of  cultivated  persons  from  all 
parts  of  our  country,  officers  in  the  military  and  naval  service, 
and  a  select  foreign  society  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Presi- 
dent Polk  and  his  very  agreeable  wife  were  at  the  White 
House.  The  Yice  -  President,  Mr.  George  M.  Dallas,  was  a 
picture  to  look  upon,  tall  and  commanding,  with  snowy  white 
hair,  a  florid  visage,  and  aristocratic  bearing.  On  the  square, 
not  far  from  the  Executive  Mansion,  the  venerable  Mrs.  Mad- 
ison held  her  court,  conspicuous  for  her  antiquated  costume, 
her  spotless  turban,  and  her  rigid  observance  of  the  manners 
of  the  olden  time.  Kext  door  to  her  lived  my  father's  old 
friend,  Benjamin  Ogle  Tayloe,  occupying  one  of  those  ample 
and  comfortable  houses  wherein  one  feels  instantly  at  home. 
The  families  of  General  Totten,  of  the  Engineers,  Commodore 
Morris,  of  the  navy,  and  other  officers,  were  represented  at  the 
balls  and  receptions  by  lovely  young  women  in  the  full  bloom 
of  their  charms.  M.  de  Bodisco  w^as  Eussian  Minister ;  his 
wife,  an  American  lady,  celebrated  not  less  for  her  beauty 
than  for  her  virtues.  Colonel  Benton's  daughter  Jessie,  the 
young  wife  of  the  brilliant  soldier  Fremont,  himself  a  kind 
of  idol  among  us  at  that  day,  shone  radiantly  in  the  galaxy. 

I  remember  the  picturesque  mansion  "Kalorama,"  which 
overlooked  the  city  from  a  wooded  ridge ;  and  "  Arlington ;" 
and  i\\Q  fetes  given  in  those  and  other  stately  houses,  destined, 
alas !  in  time  to  put  off  their  glory  and  gather  up  grime  and 


250  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

gloom  in  the  years  of  the  Civil  War.  I  recollect  a  long  drive 
to  Mount  Yernon  over  an  intolerable  corduroy  road ;  our  cor- 
dial reception  by  Mr.  Washington,  and  the  dinner  to  which  I 
was  hospitably  invited,  with  other  guests.  That  winter  was 
full  of  excitement  and  interest.  One  administration  was  pre- 
paring its  departure,  another  was  coming ;  the  city  was  agog 
with  leave-takings  and  welcomes.  Gruff  old  Zachary  Taylor 
was  coming  in  March  ;  and  a  ball  was  in  preparation  to  relieve 
the  official  severities  of  the  Inauguration  with  a  background 
of  gleaming  dresses,  and  a  whirl  of  mazy  dances,  and  music 
and  revelry.  These  things  go  on,  no  doubt,  to-day,  as  they 
have  ever  gone,  though  the  actors  change  and  vanish,  and  one 
generation  passes  away  and  another  takes  its  place ;  and  we, 
who  see  them  in  the  far  past,  greet  the  image  of  those  van- 
ished hours  and  are  glad  of  the  brief  pleasures  tasted  in  this 
care-burdened  life. 

With  the  ending  of  that  administration  came  also  the  end 
of  my  father's  service  in  the  Senate.  His  last  speech  was 
made  February  28, 1849,  three  days  before  the  adjournment 
of  Congress.  The  question  before  the  Senate,  presented  in 
a  variety  of  forms,  was  the  institution  of  governments  for  the 
Territories  recently  acquired  from  Mexico,  a  question  embar- 
rassed throughout  by  the  determination  of  the  Senators  from 
the  slave  States  to  extend  slavery  to  those  Territories,  and  by 
a  majority  of  tlie  Senators  from  the  free  States  to  guard,  by 
an  express  prohibition,  against  what  they  deemed  a  moral  and 
political  evil,  and  the  national  dishonor  of  restoring  it  where 
it  had  been  formally  abolished. 

General  Dix's  argument  was  against  the  proposed  admis- 
sion of  California  and  New  Mexico  into  the  Union  as  a  State, 
and  against  the  conferring  of  extraordinary  powers  upon  the 
President  to  govern  them  as  a  Territory.  He  regarded  them 
as  wholly  unfit  in  their  actual  condition  to  be  taken  into  the 
Union  with  the  rights  and  powers  of  States ;  he  also  consid- 
ered the  proposition  to  arm  the  President  with  despotic  pow- 
ers as  utterly  indefensible :  his  wish  was  that  Territorial  gov- 


1845-1853. J      A  DISBELIEF  IN  POSSIBLE  DISUNION.  251 

ernments  should  be  organized  for  California  and  Kew  Mexi- 
co, and  that  the  act  establishing  such  governments  should 
contain  a  prohibition  of  slavery.  The  speech  gives  a  brief 
and  interesting  summary  of  the  history  of  slavery  in  the 
American  Colonies  and  the  United  States,  from  the  year 
1620  down  to  1808,  when  the  slave-trade  was  abolished  by 
Congress.  The  views  of  General  Dix  upon  the  subject  are 
presented  with  a  force  and  clearness  which  ought  to  have  ren- 
dered it  impossible  to  mistake  his  position.  By  way  of  an  ap- 
propriate conclusion  to  this  review  of  his  services  in  the  Sen- 
ate, I  give,  in  full,  the  peroration  of  this  his  last  address  to 
that  distinguished  body.  Having  completed  his  argument, 
he  brought  his  remarks  to  an  end  in  these  words : 

"  Mr.  President,  two  years  ago,  when  I  first  addressed  the 
Senate  upon  this  subject,  under  the  instructions  of  the  State 
of  N'ew  York,  I  said  that  by  no  instrumentality  of  hers  should 
slavery  be  carried  into  any  portion  of  this  continent  which  is 
free.  I  repeat  the  declaration  now :  by  no  act,  by  no  acqui- 
escence of  hers,  shall  slavery  be  carried  where  it  does  not 
exist.  I  said,  at  the  same  time,  that  in  whatever  manner  the 
question  should  be  settled,  if  it  should  be  decided  against 
her  views  of  justice  and  right,  her  devotion  to  the  Union  and 
to  her  sister  States  should  remain  unshaken  and  unimpaired. 
Speaking  in  her  name,  and  for  the  last  time  within  these  w^alls, 
I  repeat  this  declaration  also.  She  does  not  believe  in  the 
possibility  of  disunion.  I  am  thankful  that  her  faith  is  also 
mine.  My  confidence  is  founded  upon  the  disinterestedness 
of  the  great  body  of  the  people  w^ho  derive  their  subsistence 
from  the  soil,  and  whose  attachment  is  strong  in  proportion 
to  their  close  communion  with  it.  They  have  incorporated 
with  it  the  labor  of  their  own  hands.  It  has  given  them  back 
wealth  and  health  and  strength — health  to  enjoy  and  strength 
to  defend  w^hat  they  possess.  In  seasons  of  tranquillity  and 
peace  they  are  unseen— too  often,  perhaps,  forgotten ;  but  it 
is  in  their  silent  and  sober  toil  that  the  public  prosperity  is 


252  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

wrought  out.  It  is  only  in  the  hour  of  peril  that  they  come 
forth  from  a  thousand  hills  and  valleys  and  plains  to  sustain 
with  strong  arms  the  country  they  have  made  prosperous.  In 
them  the  Union  will  find  its  surest  protectors.  They  are 
too  virtuous  and  too  independent  to  be  corrupted.  They  are 
spread  over  too  broad  a  surface  for  the  work  of  seduction.  It 
is  in  towns  and  public  assemblies,  where  men  are  concentrated, 
that  the  tempter  can  with  more  assurance  sit  down,  as  of  old, 
in  the  guise  of  friendship  and  whisper  into  the  unsuspecting 
or  the  willing  ear  the  lesson  of  disobedience  and  treachery. 
From  this  danger  the  great  body  of  the  people  are  secure. 
And  let  us  be  assured  that  they  will  never  permit  the  banner 
which  floats  over  them  at  home,  and  carries  their  name  to 
every  sea,  to  be  torn  down  either  by  internal  dissension  or  ex- 
ternal violence.  Such  is  my  firm,  my  unalterable  conviction. 
But,  if  I  am  mistaken  in  all  this — if  the  spangled  field  it  bears 
aloft  is  destined  to  be  broken  up — then  my  prayer  will  be, 
that  the  star  which  represents  ^New  York  in  the  constellation 
of  States  may  stand  fixed  until  every  other  shall  have  fallen." 

On  the  breaking  up  of  his  home  in  Washington,  General 
Dix  had  to  consider,  first  of  all,  the  question  of  a  future  resi- 
dence. His  preference  was  for  Long  Island ;  but  that  region 
of  delicious  climate  and  fine  shooting  was  too  far  away.  The 
J^orth  Eiver  was  considered  hot  and,  perhaps,  unhealthy.  He 
disliked  cities  in  general,  and  the  city  of  New  York  in  partic- 
ular, and  wished,  above  all,  a  country  home.  After  much  de- 
liberation he  fixed  on  Westchester  County,  and,  desiring  to 
be  near  the  salt-water,  rented  a  house  not  far  from  the  village 
of  Port  Chester.  Thither  he  took  us  early  in  the  summer 
of  1849.  Mr.  Morgan's  health  was  greatly  impaired  ;  he  was 
not  able  to  make  the  usual  journey  to  his  much-loved  place 
in  Madison  County,  and  it  was  decided  that  he  should  pass 
the  summer  with  his  son-in-law  and  daughter.  The  General 
writes  thus  to  an  old  friend  : 

"  Since  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I  have  been  incessant- 


1845-1853.]  THE  HABVEST  OF  DEATH.  253 

Ij  engaged  in  the  most  annoying  and  unsatisfactoiy  of  all 
occupations,  packing  up  books  and  furniture  in  Washington, 
unpacking  them  here,  and  putting  a  house  in  order,  rather  for 
the  purpose  of  an  encampment  than  a  permanent  residence ; 
for,  not  being  able  to  find  a  place  I  like  well  enough  to  buy,  I 
have  only  hired,  and  therefore  feel  that  my  connection  with 
the  ancient  Sawpit  (the  modern  Port  Chester)  may  at  any 
time  be  dissolved.  But  I  am  looking  out  for  a  place  in  this 
neighborhood  which  I  can  fancy  well  enough  for  a  future 
residence,  though  I  have  still  a  hankering  after  Long  Island." 

In  fact,  that  summer  sojourn  at  Port  Chester  led  ultimately 
to  the  purchase  of  an  island  in  the  Sound,  near  the  village  of 
Rye,  on  which  my  father  built  a  house,  intending  to  make  it 
his  permanent  residence.  The  island  was  bought  in  1850 ; 
the  house  was  finished  and  occupied  in  the  spring  of  1852 ; 
but  owing  to  a  series  of  painful  circumstances  it  never  be- 
came our  home. 

The  summer  of  1849  was  noted  for  the  ravages  of  the 
cholera ;  my  uncle,  Lieutenant-colonel  Dix,  died  of  that  horri- 
ble disease  early  in  the  year.  Great  alarm  was  felt  through 
the  country.  We  were  all  put  on  a  strict  regimen  of  roast 
beef  and  rice,  and  lived  in  constant  dread  lest  it  should 
spread  from  the  city  where  it  was  raging  to  the  country. 
My  brother  Baldwin,  next  in  age  to  me,  was  to  have  gradu- 
ated from  Columbia  College  in  June ;  but  the  Commencement 
was  postponed  till  the  month  of  October,  in  consequence  of 
the  epidemic. 

But  though  we  escaped  the  dreaded  malady,  yet  the  shadow 
of  death  fell  on  our  house.  Ere  the  summer  was  over  Mr. 
Morgan  was  taken  from  us.  He  died  in  the  hired  house  at 
Port  Chester,  July  29,  1849.  Ilis  decease  made  a  change  in 
General  Dix's  plans,  who  reluctantly  became  a  resident  of  t\\Q 
city  of  ^N'ew  York.  The  summers,  however,  he  still  passed  on 
the  shores  of  Long  Island  Sound — that  of  the  year  1850  at  a 
house  near  Pye,  close  to  the  water -side;  that  of  1851  at  a 
house  still  nearer  the  village,  which  overlooked  a  pretty  mill- 


254  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

pond  and  a  picturesque  mill,  and  commanded  a  view  of  Man- 
uring Island,  a  liglit-house  farther  off,  and  the  shores  of  Long 
Island  nine  miles  distant  across  that  expanse  of  water  which 
rolls  stately  between  the  bold  coasts  and  out  toward  the  open 
sea.  It  was  Manursing  Island  which  my  father  bought,  and 
there  he  built  his  house.  One  of  his  chief  amusements  was 
that  of  planning  houses :  he  w^ould  have  made  an  enthusiastic 
architect,  had  that  been  his  profession.  I  remember  three  at 
least  that  he  built :  one  at  Albany,  one  on  Manursing  Island, 
and,  finally,  one  at  Seafield.  All  these  he  designed  with  the 
greatest  care,  drawing  the  plans,  making  the  specifications, 
and  superintending  the  construction. 

In  this  design  of  making  a  country  home  on  Manursing 
Island  he  was  ardently  seconded  by  my  brother  Baldwin. 
Dear,  noble  youth !  cut  off  untimely  at  the  entrance  on 
manhood !  Amid  what  tears  did  he  go  away  to  his  long 
home !  What  hopes  were  buried  with  him  in  the  narrow 
vault  in  Trinity  Church -yard!  After  nearly  thirty  years 
my  hand  trembles  as  I  write  ;  my  eyes  are  dim  looking 
back.  He  was  a  high-spirited,  generous  fellow ;  pure,  true, 
honorable;  beloved  by  his  companions.  He  graduated  the 
year  that  his  father  left  the  Senate.  He  studied  law,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1851.  He  was  fond  of  country 
life,  a  fine  shot,  a  good  boatman.  My  father  had  a  little  sail- 
boat, a  schooner,  the  White  Eagle.  He  took  us  out  in  it, 
managing  it  himself,  with  our  help,  and  teaching  us  how  to 
sail  it.  AVe  passed  half  our  time  on  the  water,  and  many  a 
night  did  we  spend,  becalmed  under  the  lee  of  the  land  at 
Cold  Spring  Harbor  or  Oyster  Bay,  when  the  stiff  breeze  had 
died  away  from  us  and  we  could  not  get  back.  We  always 
went  on  our  expeditions  provided  for  that  emergency.  My 
brother  delighted  in  the  water,  and  was  never  happier  than 
when  the  White  Eagle  spread  her  wings  to  the  currents  of 
air  that  rushed  deliciously  up  or  down  the  Sound. 

And  thus  we  lived  our  life :  in  town  durincr  the  winter,  at 
Eye  all  summer ;  and  we  saw  the  house  rising  on  the  island, 


1845-1853.]      "A   CHAPTER  IN  PRIVATE  HISTORY:'  255 

and  all  had  some  suggestion  to  make  to  the  dear  chief-archi- 
tect, who  duly  considered  all  reasonable  wishes,  and  among 
them  this — that  a  little  chapel,  or  oratory,  should  be  attached 
to  the  house,  forming  a  kind  of  wing  to  the  east.  To  com- 
plete the  arrangements  for  occupation  of  the  island,  it  was 
necessary  to  have  a  bridge  built  connecting  it  with  the  main- 
land, and  desiral)le  that  the  proprietor  of  the  island  should 
also  be  the  owner  of  a  mass  of  rock  and  earth  covered  with 
fine  trees,  and  known  as  "  the  Hammocks,"  which  projected 
from  the  coast -line,  and  must  be  traversed  before  reaching 
the  bridge.  To  get  possession  of  the  Hammocks  w^as  impos- 
sible without  propitiating  their  owner,  an  ancient  inhabitant 
residing  at  Eye  ISTeck,  and  rejoicing  in  the  appellation  of 
Billa  Theall ;  for  the  bridge  an  act  of  the  Legislature  was  re- 
quired. An  expedition  was  undertaken  by  the  General  to  ac- 
complish both  those  objects.  He  w^rote  an  account  of  it  for 
the  entertainment  of  our  domestic  circle,  addressing  it  to  my 
youngest  sister,  then  a  little  bit  of  a  girl  and  the  baby  of 
the  family. 


"A  CHAPTER  IN  MR.  DICKENS'S  PRIVATE  HISTORY:  DEDI- 
CATED TO  HIS  DAUGHTER  KITTY. 

"  I.  Mr.  Diclcens  sets  out  on  a  Visit  to  the  Seat  of 
Government. 

"  On  Tuesday  morning  Mr.  Dickens,  in  company  with  his 

friend  Captain  B ,  after  a  hearty  breakfast  of  buckwheat 

cakes  and  sausages,  got  on  board  the  railroad  cars,  and  in  fifty- 
five  minutes  they  were  landed  at  the  village  of  Eye.  Leaving 
the  train,  they  proceeded  to  the  house  of  Billa  Theall.  Tommy 
was,  luckily,  down  on  Eye  IS^'eck  foddering  cattle ;  and  the  old 
gentleman,  as  he  had  promised,  signed  the  paper  and  took  the 
money.  When  the  gold  was  all  counted  out  and  piled  up  on 
the  table  Mr.  Dickens  asked  the  old  gentleman  if  it  didn't  look 
pretty,  to  which  he  answered  that  it  did — '  very  pretty ;'  and 
his  eyes  glistened  as  he  said  it.     Mr.  Dickens  and  his  friend 


256  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

then  went  on  to  St.  John's  ;*  and  having  an  hour  of  leisure, 
Mr.  Dickens  took  the  Captain's  gunning  punt,  with  black 
John  to  row,  and  started  for  the  Hammocks.  Just  as  they 
were  pushing  off,  Billy  Dixon,  the  water-spaniel,  made  a  leap 
for  the  boat,  but  falling  short,  he  went  over  head  and  ears  into 
the  water.  Mr.  Dickens,  pitying  his  condition,  took  him  in 
and  set  him  on  the  bow,  and  they  proceeded  thus : 

"After  a  pleasant  row  around  the  Hammocks,  which  looked, 
like  Billa  Theall's  gold,  with  which  they  were  purchased, '  very 
pretty,'  Mr.  Dickens  returned  to  St.  John's,  dined  on  boiled 
pork  and  salt  beef,  went  to  Port  Chester,  got  into  the  cars, 
and  rode  to  Bridgeport,  where  he  arrived  at  seven  o'clock. 

"  II.  How  Mr.  Dickens  jpassed  himself  off  among  the 
Yankee  Girls  for  a  Bachelor. 

"  After  taking  a  cup  of  tea  at  Bridgeport,  Mr.  Dickens  sat 
down  in  the  bar-room — the  only  sitting-room  in  the  hotel — 
and,  having  nothing  to  do,  grew  melancholy.  He  looked  at 
all  the  pictures  in  the  room — a  very  bad  view  of  the  Leaning 
Tower  of  Pisa,  a  sailor  loading  a  cannon,  and  a  pack  of  hounds 
catching  a  fox ;  and  having  finished,  he  was  thinking  of  going 
to  bed  in  despair,  when  a  man  came  in  and  said  there  was  a 
fair  in  the  Methodist  Church.  Mr.  Dickens  was  inspired  with 
new  life ;  he  put  on  his  overcoat,  walked  into  the  street, 
and,  meeting  a  little  negro  girl,  he  gave  her  a  sixpence  to 
show  him  the  way  to  the  Methodist  Clmrcli.  It  was  full  of 
tables  covered  with  beautiful  things,  which  young  ladies  were 
selling  to  visitors.  Mr.  Dickens,  after  walking  two  or  three 
times  around  the  church,  went  up  to  a  table,  and,  addressing 
himself  to  one  of  the  young  ladies  who  were  attending  it, 
he  said,  '  Miss,  have  you  any  bachelor's  needle-cases  V  The 
young  lady  replied,  'I  don't  know  what  they  are.'  Mr. 
Dickens  said,  '  Any  needle-case  will  do  which  is  suited  to  a 

*  He  was  the  owner  of  the  house  which  we  occupied  while  the  island 
home  was  in  preparation. 


1845-1853.]     ME.  DICKENS  AND  TEE  YANKEE  GIRLS.  257 

gentleman  that  lias  to  do  liis  own  sewing.'  Tlie  yonng  lady 
then  handed  him  two — one  in  the  shape  of  a  diamond,  and 
the  other  in  the  shaj)e  of  a  heart.  Mr.  Dickens  immediately 
seized  upon  the  heart  and  said,  '  Ah !  this  is  exactly  suited 
to  my  case.'  *I  am  very  sorry,'  said  the  young  lady,  'but 
that  one  is  sold;  won't  you  take  the  other,  sir?  it  is  equally 
good.'  Whereupon  Mr.  Dickens  rejoined,  '  It  may  be  equally 
good,  miss,  but  'tis  not  half  so  expressive.  Still,  if  I  can't 
have  your  heart,  I'll  console  myself  with  your  diamond.' 
Thereupon  all  the  Yankee  girls  exchanged  glances  and 
laughed,  and  Mr.  Dickens  retired  to  the  hotel  with  a  burden 
off  his  spirits  and  fifty  cents  out  of  pocket. 

"  III.  How  Mr.  Dickens  takes  to  Early  Blsing. 
"  The  next  morning,  before  it  was  quite  light,  Mr.  Dickens 
was  awoke  by  the  ringing  of  a  bell  at  his  door,  and  the  next 
minute  the  waiter  came  in  and  asked  for  his  boots.  '  What 
bell  is  that  V  said  Mr.  Dickens.  '  The  breakfast-bell,'  said  the 
waiter.  '  How  long  to  breakfast  V  said  Mr.  Dickens.  '  Fif- 
teen minutes,'  said  the  waiter.  '  Good  gracious !'  said  Mr. 
Dickens;  Svhat  o'clock  is  it?'  'Half -past  six,'  said  the 
waiter.  'Have  you  no  late  breakfast?'  said  Mr.  Dickens. 
'  No,  «^>,'  said  the  waiter.  '  And  shall  I  lose  my  breakfast  if 
I  don't  get  up  ?'  said  Mr.  Dickens.  '  I'm  afraid  you  will,'  said 
the  waiter.  'Well,  then,'  said  Mr.  Dickens,  'I'm  afraid  I 
shall  have  to  get  up.'  Accordingly  Mr.  Dickens  resolved  to 
go  down  to  breakfast  and  '  turn  over  a  new  leaf.'  The  sun 
rose  about  the  time  Mr.  Dickens  took  his  breakfast,  and  he 
remarked  to  a  gentleman  at  table  what  a  blessed  thing  it  was 
to  get  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  that  he  could  never  won- 
der sufficiently  how  some  people  would  lie  in  bed. 

"  lY.  How  Mr.  Dickens  Ban  off  the  Track. 
"  After  breakfast  Mr.  Dickens  took  the  cars  for  Albany, 
and  when  he  had  gone  about  twenty  miles  found  the  coun- 
try covered  with  snow.     The  day  was  cold,  but  the  weather 
I.— 17 


258  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

was  very  fine,  and  the  jonmej  was  very  pleasant.  The  train 
had  reached  Schodack — about  eight  miles  from  Albany — and 
it  was  a  quarter  before  ^yq,  and  he  was  congratulating  him- 
self that  he  would  be  there  in  fifteen  minutes,  as  it  was  all  the 
way  down-hill,  when  suddenly  the  bell  rang,  the  steam-whistle 
screeched;  he  felt  the  engine  making  a  great  effort  to  hold 
back,  and  in  an  instant  the  train  stopped  so  suddenly  that  he 
was  almost  thrown  off  his  seat'.  Mr.  Dickens  ran  to  the  door, 
and  the  following  spectacle  presented  itself :  The  engine  was 
half-buried  in  a  sand-bank,  and  the  tender  and  baggage-car 
were  entirely  off  the  track.  Fortunately,  the  Boston  train 
came  on  in  an  hour,  and  after  a  delay  of  four  hours  Mr. 
Dickens  arrived  safely  in  Albany  at  nine  o'clock. 

"  The  next  day  Mr.  Dickens  went  to  the  Assembly  Cham- 
ber, and  was  hardly  seated  when  the  clerk  began  to  read  '  An 
act  to  authorize  John  A.  Dix  to  build  a  bridge,'  whereupon 
he  cut,  and  walked  over  to  the  Senate  Chamber.  He  after- 
ward understood  the  bill  passed  by  ninety-five  votes  to  one, 
and  the  man  who  was  in  the  negative  voted  by  mistake; 
whereupon  Mr.  Dickens  went  to  see  the  Governor  and  Mrs. 
Fish,  and  Mrs.  Fonday  and  many  other  friends,  and  retired  to 
his  room  in  the  evening  to  give  an  account  of  himself  to  his 
dear  little  Kitty;  and  he  begs  she  will  kiss  grandma  and 
mother  and  all  her  brothers  and  sisters  for  him,  and  let  them 
know  how  he  is  getting  on. 

"  Thursday  evening,  January  31, 1850. 
"Mr.  Dickens   intends   to   write   to   Kitty's   mother   to- 


So  the  years  passed  by,  and  the  house  was  finished,  and 
it  was  all  that  each  would  have  had  it,  and  the  summer  of 
the  year  1852  should  have  seen  us  there,  happy  and  content. 
But  ere  the  summer  days  arrived  the  joy  and  light  were  fled. 
We  were  all  in  mourning,  for  the  heaviest  blow  yet  dealt 
upon  our  house  had  fallen  with  fatal  effect.  My  dear  brother, 
just  admitted  to  the  Bar,  industrious  and  ambitious  to  learn, 


1845-1853.]       FOND  HOPES  FOREVER  SHATTERED.  259 

made  it  a  part  of  liis  duty  to  watcli  important  cases  in  tlieir 
progress,  and  frequently  spent  many  hours  of  the  day  in  the 
unwholesome  atmosphere  of  court -rooms.  It  was  also  his 
habit  to  sit  up  late  into  the  night  in  his  study  reading  hard, 
and  more  than  once  forgetting  that  his  fire  had  gone  out. 
Early  in  January,  1852,  he  was  taken  ill.  We  thought  the  at- 
tack of  little  importance ;  but  he  said  to  me  one  day,  "  I  shall 
never  get  up  again."  The  prophecy  was  fulfilled :  in  three 
weeks  he  was  dead,  of  typhoid  fever ;  and  on  the  Feast  of  the 
Purification,  February  2,  we  followed  his  body,  like  persons 
stunned,  to  its  long  home  in  the  family  vault  in  Trinity 
Church-yard. 

jSTo  one  but  themselves  can  ever  know  what  that  loss  was  to 
his  father  and  mother.  The  scars  of  such  wounds  are  there 
for  life :  each  anniversary  renews  the  pain. 

In  due  time  they  went  to  Manursing  Island.  It  was  the 
first  summer  there.  A  cloud  seemed  to  rest  on  the  place ;  it 
never  lifted ;  it  grew  deeper.  My  eldest  sister  was  taken  very 
ill ;  my  grandmother,  Mrs.  Morgan,  already  three  years  a  wid- 
ow, was  also  a  great  sufferer  that  summer ;  her  mind  appeared 
to  be  weakened,  and  her  constitution  was  evidently  giving 
way.  No  pleasant  memories  are  in  that  retrospect — so  much 
had  been  anticipated,  so  little  was  found  to  enjoy !  We  felt, 
one  and  all,  that  the  place  could  never  be  the  home  for  which 
we  longed.  And,  strangely  enough,  other  circumstances  were 
at  work  to  break  up  our  plans  and  give  the  family  history 
another  and  a  complete  change. 

During  the  administration  of  General  Taylor  and  of  Mr. 
Fillmore — w^ho,  upon  the  lamented  death  of  the  President, 
July  9, 1850,  took  his  place — General  Dix  took  great  interest 
in  movements  in  which,  however,  he  was  debarred  from  bear- 
ing an  official  part.  Convinced  that  a  great  blunder  had  been 
committed  in  breaking  up  the  Democratic  organization,  it  was 
his  earnest  wish  that  the  party  should,  if  possible,  be  thor- 
oughly united  once  more.  This  is  the  subject  of  the  corre- 
spondence of  those  years :  the  importance  of  reunion,  the  diffi- 


260  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

culty  of  mediating  between  tlie  "  Hunkers,"  as  they  continued 
to  be  called,  who  had  supported  Mr.  Cass,  and  the  "  Barnburn- 
ers," who  had  seceded  under  the  standard  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren. 
He  had  no  active  part  in  the  government,  though  constantly 
consulted  by  men  in  official  position ;  his  advice  was  asked  on 
great  public  questions ;  he  appeared  at  meetings  and  addressed 
them;  at  one  held  at  Herkimer,  July  13,  1850,  he  was  the 
principal  speaker.  His  attitude  toward  the  propagandists  of 
slavery  remained  the  same;  their  dislike  of  him  increased. 
Fear  lest  he  should  again  be  called  to  public  life,  jealousy  of 
him  as  still  a  dangerous  rival  in  the  political  field,  appear  to 
have  influenced  the  leaders  of  that  portion  of  the  Democracy 
who  desired  to  conciliate  the  South,  and  depended  on  South- 
ern influence  for  their  own  advancement.  Regardless  of  these 
unfriendly  and  ungenerous  sentiments,  he  kept  on  his  way, 
laboring  for  the  restoration  of  unity,  convinced  of  the  ultimate 
triumph  of  free  principles,  desirous  that  the  Democratic  party 
should  have  the  honor  and  prestige  of  the  final  victory ;  while 
the  men  who  desired  to  control  the  party,  unable  or  unwilling 
to  forget  the  events  of  1848,  and  convinced  that  Democratic 
success  could  only  be  secured  by  the  help  of  the  slave-holding 
interest,  were  resolved  that,  by  any  and  all  means.  General 
Dix  must  be  kept  from  ever  coming  back  into  public  life. 

The  defeat  of  the  Democratic  party  in  1848  was  the  result 
of  tlie  Free-soil  schism  :  to  restore  it  to  its  old  supremacy,  and 
secure  a  triumph  in  1852,  was  the  problem  presented  to  the 
leading  men  of  its  several  sections.  To  reunite  the  party 
was  the  condition  necessary  to  success ;  but  that  was  no  easy 
thing.  Taking  the  whole  country  through,  men  were  dis- 
tributed somewhat  as  follows : 

1st.  The  South  so  far  substantially  united  as  to  be  unwilling 
to  support  any  one  not  favorably  known  to  it ;  yet  even  there 
divisions  were  apparent,  for  the  movement  toward  secession 
had  already  begun,  and  on  that  question  men  were  divided 
as  States-rights  Democrats  and  Union-Democrats. 

2d.  The  Whig  party  at  the  ]^orth,  representing  all  elements 


1845-1853.]      THE  INSIDIOUS  SECESSION  CONSPIBACT.  261 

hostile  to  Southern  aims  and  policy,  and  destined  to  develop 
into  the  Eepiiblican  party. 

3d.  The  I^orthern  Democrats,  including  the  Free-soil  sec- 
tion, who  had  revolted  in  1848,  and  the  Hunker  section,  who 
had  acted  with  the  pro-slavery  Democrats  of  the  South  in 
the  same  year. 

4th.  The  "  Liberty  party,"  the  Conscience-Whigs,  and  the 
advanced  Abolitionists. 

The  Whig  victory  in  1848  was  a  victory  over  a  combina- 
tion of  the  united  South  and  a  portion  of  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  IN'orth.  To  defeat  the  Whigs  in  1852  the  Demo- 
crats must  be  one  again.  The  Free-soilers,  therefore,  held  the 
balance  of  power,  and  it  depended  on  them  whether  the  next 
President  should  be  a  Democrat  or  a  Whig. 

Two  classes  of  men  were  hostile  to  reunion  with  the  Free- 
soilers:  the  extreme  Southern  Democrats,  and  those  at  the 
North  who  relied  for  success  on  a  close  alliance  with  them. 
The  Southern  leaders  of  the  radical  type  detested  all  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  Free-soil  movement,  reproached  them 
for  the  past,  and  mistrusted  them  as  to  the  future.  Moreover, 
the  programme  of  forcible  secession  had  been  by  that  time 
arranged,  and  plotters  of  that  conspiracy  knew  that  the  old 
Free-soil  Democrats,  whatever  concessions  they  might  make 
on  other  points,  would  be  sure  to  resist  them  in  that  nefarious 
design.  On  these  and  other  accounts  the  embryo  Secession- 
ists desired  no  reconciliation  with  their  Free -soil  brethren. 
A  similar  unwillingness  to  forget  the  past  and  come  together 
was  exhibited  by  the  Hunker  Democrats,  but  on  different 
grounds.  They  wished  no  rivals,  expecting,  with  the  help 
of  the  South,  to  recover  and  retain  the  supremacy  in  their 
own  part  of  the  country.  The  Free-soil  Democrats  would, 
no  doubt,  have  been  kept  out  in  the  cold  had  it  been  deemed 
safe  to  throw  them  off.  But  this  course  was  abandoned  in 
dread  of  another  defeat.  Meanwhile  the  old  leaders  of  the 
Free -soil  movement  engaged  in  strenuous  efforts  to  bring 
about  a  thorough  and  cordial  reunion.     Accused  of  selfish 


262  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

motives  in  this  particular,  they  earnestly  repelled  the  charge. 
As  to  General  Dix,  the  very  active  part  which  he  took  in 
those  efforts  was  due,  as  I  think,  to  several  causes,  each  cred- 
itable to  his  patriotism  and  good-sense.  Ilis  disapproval  of 
the  fusion  of  1848  had  been  justified  by  results.  A  life-long 
opponent  of  abolitionism,  he  had  maintained  uniformly  and 
consistently  that  slavery  ought  not  to  be  interfered  with 
where  it  existed;  he  could  not,  therefore,  act  either  with 
I^orthern  Abolitionists  or  with  the  members  of  any  party 
which  made  interference  with  slavery  an  article  of  its  plat- 
form. A  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  and  a  believer  in  the 
Democratic  creed,  he  was  convinced  that  the  principles  of  the 
party  were  sound,  and  that  it  was  to  the  interest  of  the  nation 
that  they  should  be  the  rule  of  public  and  political  action. 
The  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  he  regarded  as  set- 
tled, on  terms  which  he  thought  sound  and  just.  But  beyond 
and  above  all  these  reasons  there  was  another  on  which  I 
must  henceforth  lay  stress  in  connection  with  his  history  up 
to  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Although  he  detested  slavery, 
he  hated  one  thing  worse,  disunion.  That,  and  not  slavery, 
was  rapidly  becoming  the  leading  issue ;  and  to  prevent  that 
he  saw  that  the  principles  of  the  Jacksonian  Democracy  must 
be  revived  and  asserted.  It  mattered  very  little  what  might 
be  done  or  said  about  slavery  in  comparison  with  a  deeper 
and  graver  question  now  taking  the  precedence  of  all  others, 
whether  the  Union  of  the  States  could  be  preserved;  and  he 
thought  that  the  ascendency  of  the  Democratic  party  was 
essential  to  that  end.  He  therefore  threw  himself  with  ear- 
nestness into  the  political  contest.  There  was  no  longer  any 
reason  why  he  should  not  cordially  and  heartily  act  with  his 
party.  It  was,  as  I  believe,  with  a  clear  conscience,  and  in  a 
broad  and  statesman-like  spirit,  that  he  addressed  himself  to 
the  work  which  appeared  to  him  most  important.  Without 
the  aid  of  ]N^ew  York  it  would  be  impossible  to  elect  a  Demo- 
cratic President  in  1852.  The  State  of  ]N'ew  York  could  not 
be  carried  unless  the  two  sections  of  the  Democracy  in  that 


1845-1853.]       UNDERTAKING  A  DIFFICULT  WORK.  263 

State  could  be  reconciled.  To  use  the  words  of  the  Hon. 
Preston  King,  in  a  letter  to  General  Dix,  January  1, 1851,  the 
effort  now  was,  "to  consolidate  all  the  sides  of  the  real  De- 
mocracy in  a  homogeneous  party,  friendly  to  freedom,  in 
New  York,"  believing  as  they  did  that  "no  other  kind  of 
party  could  live." 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  men  had  undertaken  a  very 
difficult  work.  Prejudices  were  to  be  met,  opposition  was  to 
be  overcome,  both  ]S"orth  and  South.  The  question,  of  course, 
was  already  complicated  by  personal  considerations.  The 
South  were  divided  on  the  subject  of  the  most  available  can- 
didate. Mr.  Cass,  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  Mr.  Dickinson,  of  the 
Senate,  had  been  mentioned ;  Colonel  Benton,  General  Hous- 
ton, and  Mr.  Woodbury.  Of  these  men,  it  was  certain  that 
Mr.  Dickinson  could  not  carry  New  York ;  that  Colonel  Ben- 
ton could  not  carry  the  Southern  vote ;  that  the  nomination 
of  General  Houston  w^as  impossible :  still,  each  of  these  men 
was  pressed  by  his  friends.  The  impression  among  many 
Southern  Democrats  was  that  New  York  was  hopeless  under 
any  circumstances,  and  that  the  best  policy  was  to  put  the 
Free-soilers  of  that  State  under  the  ban,  and  try  to  carry  the 
election  without  their  help.  Even  among  Southern  men 
favorable  to  freedom  there  was  great  doubt  as  to  the  course 
to  be  pursued.  One  of  them — a  politician  of  great  influence 
and  sagacity — wrote  as  follows  to  General  Dix  from  his  house 
near  Washington,  March  21, 1851,  presenting  a  dilemma,  and 
uncertain  which  horn  to  choose : 

"  In  a  letter  in  reply  to I  gave  my  views  at  large  as 

to  the  course  our  Free-soil  Democrats  should  take  in  the 
present  state  of  politics.  I  will  try  to  find  the  copy,  and 
send  it  to  you ;  I  cannot  now  lay  my  hands  on  it.  The  con- 
clusion I  come  to  is  this :  that  we  must  either  run  a  Kadical 
Free-soil  Democrat  and  nail  his  flag  to  our  mast,  and  sink  or 
swim  with  it  through  our  sea  of  troubles,  or  take  some  man 
who  can  break  up  the  Hunker  coalition,  and  who,  if  elected, 
must  take  our  complexion  from  stress  of  circumstances.     My 


264  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

plan  was  for  the  boldest  course :  to  take  Benton,  and  brave 
and  beard  all  Hunkerdom,  I^ortli  and  South.  Benton  re- 
fusing, I  was  for  taking  the  same  course,  with  you,  or  John 
Yan  Buren,  or  Preston  King  for  our  leader.  Benton's  pol- 
icy is  opposed  to  what  he  calls  killing  off  our  good  men 
by  running  them  at  an  unpopular  moment,  when,  Free- 
soilers  having  carried  their  point  in  the  Territories,  the  dis- 
affection in  the  South  would  enable  the  IS'orthern  Hunkers 
to  break  them  down  by  the  cry  of  danger  to  the  Union.  I 
shall  go  with  our  Free-soil  branch  of  the  party,  if  they  deter- 
mine to  stake  upon  the  force  of  their  principles.  If  this  be 
considered  a  forlorn-hope  under  present  circumstances,  then 
I  think  Benton's  plan  of  running  Woodbury  our  best 
chance." 

About  this  time  a  prominent  Free-soil  politician  visited 
"Washington  on  a  tour  of  inspection.  His  report,  in  a  letter 
to  General  Dix,  of  what  he  saw  there  throws  light  upon  the 
history  of  that  period. 

He  took  letters  of  introduction  from  General  Dix  to  Col- 
onel Benton  and  others,  by  whom  he  was  very  kindly  re- 
ceived. He  learned  from  an  unquestionable  source  that  the 
two  Yan  Burens  were  for  Woodbury,  and  that  it  was  probable 
that  Colonel  Benton  was  with  them.  The  South  were  divided 
between  Messrs.  Cass,  Buchanan,  and  Dickinson :  the  desire 
was  to  nominate  the  man  who  would  suit  the  South  and  stand 
the  best  chance  of  carrying  ]S"ew  York,  although  little  hope 
of  this  last  was  expressed.  The  feeling  of  the  "full-blood 
Southern  men"  was  intensely  strong  against  the  Yan  Burens ; 
"  they  were  unwilling  to  make  peace  with  them  on  any  terms ; 
they  hated  them  with  a  vindictive  hatred."  To  persons  hold- 
ing that  attitude  it  was  represented,  cautiously  and  confiden- 
tially, that  the  great  central  body  of  the  Free-soilers  would,  if 
allowed  to,  act  with  the  party  without  any  personal  stipula- 
tions ;  that  the  next  Presidency  depended  on  the  Free-soilers 
of  l^ew  York  ;  that  "  the  policy  of  reasonable  men  was  not  to 
goad  the  moderate  and  truly  democratic  Free-soilers  of  JS'ew 


1845-1853.]     AIDING  THE  BEUNION  OF  TEE  PARTY.  265 

York  to  madness."  This  seemed  to  be  an  entirely  new  view 
of  the  case,  and  not  at  all  understood  at  Washington.  It 
produced  a  strong  impression,  though  at  first  treated  with 
ridicule. 

Colonel  Benton  had  abandoned  all  idea  of  the  nomination, 
and  had  no  desire  for  it  whatever.  He  was  evidently  for 
Woodbury,  and  desirous  of  the  reunion.  As  for  General 
Houston,  his  confidence  in  himself  was  absolute :  he  told  the 
writer  that  he  was  sure  of  every  Southern  State,  both  in  the 
caucus  and  in  the  election,  and  he  counted  on  the  l^orth  with 
almost  equal  certainty.  This  created  great  merriment  among 
wiser  men.  It  was  thought  by  some  of  the  leading  Demo- 
cratic Senators  that  Mr.  Cass  expected  a  renomination,  but 
was  not  over-anxious  for  it  unless  reasonably  sure  of  suc- 
cess ;  while  Mr.  Buchanan's  supporters  were  moving  heaven 
and  earth  in  his  behalf. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  argument  that  the  body  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Free-soilers  of  the  ]^orth  were  still  Democrats,  and, 
unless  goaded  to  desperation  and  driven  off,  would  steadily 
and  faithfully  adhere  to  the  old  party ;  that  without  the  vote 
of  the  State  of  ^N'ew  York  the  Democratic  candidate  could 
not  be  elected ;  and  that  IS'ew  York  could  be  carried  by  giv- 
ing it  a  liberal  candidate — this  argument  appears  to  have 
made  the  desired  impression,  and  to  have  aided  in  securing 
the  reunion  of  the  party.  Substantially  it  was  a  victory 
for  patriotic  and  conservative  men;  and,  had  the  compro- 
mise been  honorably  carried  out,  the  country  might  have  been 
in  a  better  condition  when  the  heaviest  strain  came,  some 
years  later. 

In  reply  to  an  invitation  from  the  Tammany  Society  to  at- 
tend the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  our  National  In- 
dependence, General  Dix  thus  referred  to  the  movement  in 
progress : 

"Port  Chester,  July  1, 1&51. 
"  Gentlemen, — I  have  received  your  favor,  inviting  me  to  attend  the 
celebration  of  the  approaching  anniversary  of  our  National  Independence 


266  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

by  the  Society  of  Tammany,  and  I  regret  that  an  engagement  on  that 
day  will  prevent  me  from  accepting  it. 

"  The  honored  name  your  Society  bears,  the  prominent  part  it  has 
taken  in  the  great  public  questions  involved  in  the  political  contests  of 
the  country,  the  open  disregard  in  which  the  obligations  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  and  the  Constitution  of  this  State  are  held  by  portions  of 
our  fellow-citizens,  combine  to  give  universal  interest  to  the  occasion ; 
and  I  am  sorry  that  I  am  unable  to  testify  by  my  presence  my  strong 
aj^preciation  of  its  importance. 

"I  feel  with  you  that  only  a  thorough  and  cordial  reunion  of  the 
Democratic  party  here  and  elsewhere  can  eradicate  political  heresies, 
and  put  the  ship  of  state  again  (to  use  the  language  of  Jefferson)  '  on 
the  Republican  tack.'  With  the  assurance  that  in  this  great  work,  in- 
volving, as  I  sincerely  believe,  the  permanent  welfare  of  the  country,  I 
shall  in  every  possible  mode  most  cheerfully  and  earnestly  co-operate, 
"  I  am,  Gentlemen,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"  Messrs.  Elijah  F.  Purdt,      ^ 
Wm.  I.  Brown, 

Tnos,  DuNLAP,  \  Committee  of  Arrangements." 

Henry  Storms, 

RiCHD.  B.  CONOLLT,  J 

The  death  of  Judge  Woodbury,  which  occurred  on  the  7th 
of  September,  1851,  made  it  necessary  for  his  friends  to  unite 
upon  some  other  person.  The  man  selected  as  most  accept- 
able to  them  was  General  William  O.  Butler  of  Kentucky ; 
his  military  record  was  good,  his  personal  character  without 
a  blemish.  He  had  already  run  with  General  Cass  as  candi- 
date for  the  Yice  -  Presidency,  and  shared  his  disastrous  de- 
feat, in  the  campaign  of  1848.  Governor  Marcy  was  strongly 
urged  in  many  quarters,  and  it  was  thought  that  the  State  of 
!N^ew  York  might  be  carried  by  him ;  but  many  were  of  the 
opinion  that  his  friends  never  considered  it  probable  that  he 
would  be  nominated,  and  that  they  kept  his  name  prominently 
before  the  public  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  cabinet  ap- 
pointment for  him  under  the  next  administration,  and  thus 
securing  the  influence  of  that  section  of  the  ISTew  York  De- 
mocracy to  which  he  belonged.     Since  this  was  precisely  the 


1845-1853.]      F.  P.  BLAIR'S  LETTER   TO  GENERAL  DIX.  267 

result  that  followed,  it  is  fair  to  infer  of  the  shrewd  poli- 
ticians of  the  day  that  they  had  made  their  plans  with  that 
design. 

The  Democratic  l^ational  Convention  was  held  at  Balti- 
more, on  the  1st  of  June,  1852.  General  Dix,  though  not  a 
delegate,  was  invited  and  urged  to  go  to  Baltimore,  and  aid  by 
his  presence  and  influence  in  harmonizing  views  and  securing 
a  favorable  action.     He  answered,  declining  to  appear  there : 

"  Your  favor  of  yesterday  urging  me  to  go  to  Baltimore, 
and  expressing  the  opinion  that  my  presence  there  might  have 
much  effect  in  harmonizing  the  party,  is  received.  I  should 
be  most  happy  to  contribute  in  any  w^ay  to  so  desirable  a 
result,  but  I  have  always  had  an  insuperable  repugnance  to 
attending  conventions  of  which  I  am  not  a  member.  Besides, 
I  am  confident  that  the  delegates  must  be  too  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  importance  of  the  coming  contest  to  allow 
differences  of  opinion  with  regard  to  individuals  to  prevent 
the  reunion  of  the  Democratic  party.  Though  unwilling  to 
interfere  personally  with  the  action  of  the  Convention,  I  shall 
acquiesce  cheerfully  in  its  decisions,  and  give  to  its  nomi- 
nees a  cordial  support.  The  importance  of  the  election  en- 
joins this  duty  on  us  all,  and  I  shall  not  be  backward  in  per- 
forming it." 

I  find  a  very  entertaining  letter  from  Mr.  Francis  P.  Blair 
to  General  Dix,  written  about  a  week  previous  to  the  meeting 
at  Baltimore.  It  presents  a  graphic,  if  not  an  attractive,  view 
of  the  position  of  affairs : 

"  Silver  Spring,  May  24, 1853. 
*'  My  dear  General, — I  have  had  but  little  communication  with  the 
city  for  a  month  past,  and  have  taken  so  little  interest  in  the  movements 
there  that  I  could  not  write  you  a  word,  even  of  conjecture,  that  would 
deserve  your  attention.  In  two  or  three  flying  visits  recently  I  have 
found  tlie  purlieus  of  the  Capitol  all  in  a  buzz  with  delegates  and  their 
various  managers  seeking  to  hive  them.  There  certainly  never  was  such 
a  scene  out  of  a  bazaar,  which  it  strongly  resembles  in  many  aspects. 
Nobody  seems  to  think  that  anybody  has  a  certain,  or  even  a  probable, 
force  made  up  to  give  him  a  nomination.    All  is  contingent,  and  I  sup- 


268  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

pose  there  never  was  as  much  jockeying  on  a  race-course  where  there 
were  a  dozen  entries — all  the  old  nags  to  start,  never  having  won  a  race, 
and  all  the  young  ones  watched,  and  having  neither  blood  nor  appearance 
to  recommend  them.  It  is  a  clear  case  for  black-leg  management  to 
come  in  for  the  stakes ;  and  as  this  is  generally  felt,  I  have  no  doubt 
the  black  art  will  be  busily  plied.  The  jobbers  stationed  at  Washington 
have  all  opened  their  houses ;  wine  and  wassail  is  the  order  of  the  day 

with  tliem,  and  I  am  told  that  these  appliances  are  doing  wonders  for . 

The  young  and  thirsty  and  greedy  are  becoming  enthusiastic  in  his 
cause.  , ,  and seem  to  be  the  only  ones  to  whom  the  hon- 
est men  turn  with  any  hope  of  getting  deliverance  from  the  plunderers, 
and  their  chance  depends  altogether  upon  the  possibility  that  the  rogues 
may  fall  out.  There  may  be  enough  of  the  patriotic  class,  if  they  should 
act  understandingly,  to  prevent  the  Eottens  from  combining  on  any  one 
of  them;  but  I  am  afraid  the  instincts  of  the  latter  will  induce  them,  like 
wolves,  to  hunt  together,  and  run  down  the  game  by  chasing  first  with  one 
pack  and  then  with  another,  until  they  have  the  carcass  among  them  to 
rend  and  growl  over.  If  I  were  to  hazard  a  conjecture  as  to  the  most 
probable  person  to  keep  at  bay  and  drive  off  the  prowlers,  I  should  name 
Houston ;  he  has  had  good-luck  always  on  his  side,  and  he  has  kept  such 
good  guard  in  all  his  movements  as  not  to  provoke  nor  expose  himself 
to  the  attacks  of  his  opponents.  If  there  should  be  an  exasperating 
struggle  at  Baltimore  between  the  Cass,  Douglas,  and  Buchanan  clans, 
there  is  great  likelihood  that  the  General  of  San  Jacinto  may  gain 
another  victory." 

The  history  of  the  proceedings  at  Baltimore  is  well-known. 
First  came  a  terrific  slaughter  of  the  old  veterans,  in  which 
James  Buchanan,  Lewis  Cass,  and  William  L.  Marcy,  together 
with  General  Butler  and  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto,  fell  pros- 
trate, while  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  other  younger  aspirants 
shared  their  fate.  Then,  after  some  thirty -five  balldtings, 
came  a  nomination,  by  the  delegation  from  Yirginia,  which 
took  the  body  by  surprise — that  of  Franklin  Pierce  of  ]^ew 
Hampshire.  The  conflict  became  terrific,  until,  when  the 
ballots  had  run  up  to  within  one  of  fifty,  the  Virginia  nomi- 
nee was  announced  as  the  choice  of  the  Convention.  General 
Pierce  was  a  l^orthern  man,  but  with  strong  Southern  sym- 
pathies. To  the  South  he  was  entirely  acceptable.  The  De- 
mocracy of  both  sections  combined  to  support  him ;  and  it 


1845-1853.]     FRANKLIN  PIERCE'S  LACK  OF  FIRMNESS.         269 

was,  no  doubt,  believed  that  he  would  pursue  a  just  and  im- 
partial course  toward  the  entire  party.  To  any  farther  agita- 
tion of  the  slavery  question  he  was  earnestly  opposed,  while 
strongly  desirous  of  forgetting  that  a  division  among  his 
own  friends  on  that  question  had  taken  place.  He  lacked, 
however,  among  other  things,  the  firmness  to  pursue  an  inde- 
pendent course,  and  was  unable  to  resist  influences  soon  to 
be  brought  to  bear  on  him  by  those  who  were  determined  to 
complete  the  ostracism  of  the  Free-soil  Democrats. 

True  to  his  promise.  General  Dix  supported  the  Baltimore 
nominations,  and  exerted  himself  to  secure  the  election  of 
the  candidate  of  the  reunited  Democratic  party.  He  was 
immediately  called  upon  for  active  service  during  the  ap- 
proaching canvass,  and  threw  himself  with  his  accustomed 
ardor  and  energy  into  the  work.  Invitations  to  address 
public  meetings  poured  in :  one  of  the  first  was  from 
the  Democracy  of  Berks  County,  Pennsylvania,  who  pro- 
posed to  hold  a  meeting  on  the  Fourth  of  July.  The  com- 
mittee say : 

"  You,  with  other  distinguished  Democratic  citizens,  have 
been  selected  for  invitation  to  unite  with  us  in  commemorat- 
ing the  approaching  Sabbath-day  of  our  Independence  and  lib- 
erty. We  but  express  the  sincere  sentiments  of  our  minds 
when  we  say  that  your  presence  with  us  on  that  interesting 
occasion  would  afford  us  the  highest  gratification.  The  im- 
portant service  which  you  rendered  to  the  Democracy  of  the 
country,  as  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  under  the 
Polk  administration,  and  the  firm  position  which  you  have 
taken  in  favor  of  Pierce  and  King,  our  nominees  for  the 
offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
induce  us  to  hope  much  from  you  in  the  great  canvass  which 
is  upon  us.  Hence  we  most  cordially  invite  you  to  honor  us 
with  your  presence  and  to  address  us  on  that  day." 

Some  idea  of  the  amount  of  work  done  during  that  summer 
and  autumn  by  General  Dix  may  be  formed  from  his  memo- 
randum of  appointments  to  speak.     It  is  as  follows : 


270  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX, 

Tammany  Hall :  Ratification Speech  published. 

T  1  9r  }  15O5OOO  copies  published 

^^  '     ^  {      by  National  Committee. 

White  Plains,  N.  Y Aug.  7. 

Hillsborough,  K  H "  19.     Speech  published. 

Trenton,  N.J Sept.  15. 

Augusta,Me "  22. 

Washington  Valley Oct.  5. 

Kingston ^"  11. 

Utica "  13. 

Onondaga  Hollow "  14. 

SenecaFalls "  15. 

Rome "  16. 

Pulaski "  18. 

Fulton "  19. 

Oswego "  20. 

Manlius "  21. 

Ogdensburgh "  23. 

Watertown "  25. 

Brookfield "  26. 

Sangerfield "  29. 

The  autumn  elections  brought  victory  to  the  Democrats. 
The  rout  of  the  Whigs  under  their  gallant  and  distinguished 
leader,  Major-general  Winfield  Scott,  was  complete:  four 
States  only  were  carried  by  his  friends.  It  was  one  of  those 
sweeping  triumphs  which  result  from  the  perfect  union  of  a 
party,  and  place  the  successful  candidates  under  a  moral  obli- 
gation of  the  strongest  kind  to  all  who  have  aided  in  making 
the  victory  complete. 

Franklin  Pierce,  the  fourteenth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  a  native  of  the  State  of  Is'ew  Hampshire ;  he  came 
of  one  of  its  most  respected  families ;  an  ancestor  fought  in  the 
"War  of  the  Revolution ;  the  descendants  were  Democrats  of 
the  Jackson  school.  A  lawyer  by  profession,  he  had  repre- 
sented his  native  town  in  the  Legislature  and  his  State  in  the 
Senate ;  he  had  also  seen  service  in  the  army  under  General 
Scott  during  the  operations  against  the  city  of  Mexico.  In 
view  of  the  hereditary  and  traditional  sympathies  between 


1845-1853.]     GENERAL  DIK  FOB  SECRETARY  OF  STATE.      271 

the  President-elect  and  General  Dix,  their  personal  relations, 
and  the  eminent  services  rendered  by  the  latter  in  promoting 
the  election  of  the  former,  it  was  not  surprising  that  General 
Dix  should  have  received  a  message  from  General  Pierce, 
soon  after  the  announcement  of  the  result  of  the  election, 
requesting  him  to  come  to  him  at  once.  Nor  was  it  strange 
that,  at  the  interview  which  took  place  at  General  Pierce's 
residence  at  Concord,  General  Dix  should  have  been  inform- 
ed that  he  had  been  selected  as  Secretary  of  State  under  the 
new  administration.  This  communication  was  made  by  the 
President-elect  in  a  very  cordial  manner,  and  with  the  farther 
statement  that,  of  all  men  in  the  country,  there  was  none 
whom  he  more  earnestly  desired  to  have  connected  with  his 
administration.  These  expressions  were  received  by  Gen- 
eral Dix  with  assurances  of  his  wish  to  aid  the  President  in 
every  way  in  his  power;  and  they  parted  with  an  under- 
standing which  could  not  have  been  more  clear. 

As  soon  as  this  became  known,  however,  an  intrigue  com- 
menced, with  a  view  to  compel  the  President  to  abandon  his 
design.  The  opposition  came,  first,  from  the  extreme  South- 
ern politicians,  and,  secondly,  from  the  Hunker  section  of  the 
J^orthern  Democracy.  In  assaults  of  this  character  men  are 
seldom  scrupulous  as  to  the  weapons  to  be  employed.  The 
President  was  told  that  the  proposed  appointment  would  be 
a  fatal,  and  probably  an  irretrievable,  mistake ;  that  the  ad- 
ministration must  be  thoroughly  loyal  to  Southern  interests ; 
that  on  every  point  in  which  those  interests  had  been  or 
might  be  involved  the  Cabinet  must  be  a  unit ;  that  the  sup- 
port of  Southern  Senators  and  Congressmen  could  not  be  ex- 
pected if  a  prominent  Free-soiler  were  at  the  President's  right 
hand.  One  can  easily  imagine  what  kind  of  argument  and 
influence  would  be  employed  under  those  circumstances,  and 
with  what  vigor  the  screws  would  be  applied  to  the  individ- 
ual thus  placed  upon  the  rack  by  way  of  inducement  to 
change  his  mind  and  break  a  promise. 

General  Pierce  had  not  the  force  of  character  to  enable 


272  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

liim  to  resist  this  pressure.  A  second  interview  took  place, 
at  which  he  began,  with  embarrassment,  by  intimating  that  it 
was  possible  that  his  action  had  been  precipitate.  General 
Dix,  who  was  aware  of  the  intrigue,  and  regarded  it  as  likely 
to  prove  successful,  hastened  to  the  relief  of  the  President, 
assuring  him  that  he  anticipated  what  he  was  about  to  say, 
and  that  he  released  him  at  once  from  any  sense  of  obligation 
founded  on  what  had  previoiisly  occurred.  The  President 
could  not  withhold  his  thanks  for  the  manner  in  which  his 
intended  apologies  had  been  arrested,  and  the  painful  inter- 
view terminated. 

For  this  first  breach  of  faith  it  is  thought  that  his  old  op- 
ponents among  the  Democracy  of  IS'ew  York  were  mainly 
responsible.  I  have  already  observed  that  their  persistency 
in  supporting  Mr.  Marcy  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
was  not  the  result  of  an  expectation  that  he  could  be  nom- 
inated, but  rather  of  a  hope  to  secure  the  chief  place  for  him 
in  the  Cabinet.  When  the  interview  at  Concord  took  place 
Mr.  Marcy  was  absent  on  a  visit  to  Florida  for  the  benefit  of 
the  health  of  a  member  of  his  family.  The  intrigue  against 
General  Dix  began  soon  after  his  return  to  the  I^orth ;  and 
when  the  Cabinet  was  announced  his  name  was  sent  to  the 
Senate  as  the  President's  nominee  for  Secretary  of  State. 
These  coincidences  are,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  impressive. 

Great  indignation  was  felt  at  this  breach  of  faith  by  the 
friends  of  General  Dix;  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
President  himself  was  conscious  of  a  certain  degree  of  shame 
at  the  way  in  which  he  had  treated  his  old  friend.  But  per- 
sonal considerations  were  not  the  only  ones  involved ;  a  large 
section  of  the  Democratic  party  was  thus  aggrieved,  and,  as 
it  were,  officially  informed  that  it  was  to  consider  itself  as 
proscribed  by  the  new  administration.  It  was,  then,  with  a 
double  motive  that  a  movement  was  immediately  begun,  hav- 
ing for  its  object  to  atone  to  General  Dix  for  the  indignity 
offered  to  him,  and  to  secure  for  his  friends  a  recognition  at 
"Washington.     But,  as  soon   as  he  heard  of  this  design,  he 


1845-1853.]    MALIGNANT  POLITICAL  INTRIGUE  RESUMED.   273 

wrote  an  earnest  protest  against  it  so  far  as  lie  himself  was 
involved : 

•'  New  York,  March  9, 1S53. 

"My  dear  Sir, — I  have  just  returned  from  Philadelphia,  and  found 
your  favor  of  the  5th  inst. 

"  You  say  you  intend  to  present  my  name  to  the  President  for  a  for- 
eign mission.  I  beg  you  not  to  do  so.  After  all  that  has  occurred,  such 
an  appointment,  if  made  at  all,  should  be  voluntarily  tendered.  I  would 
not,  under  any  other  circumstances,  even  take  an  acceptance  under  con- 
sideration.   Excuse  my  haste,  and  believe  me,  sincerely  yours, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Hon.  Preston  King." 

The  invitation  came,  however,  freely  tendered,  and  again 
by  the  President :  he  was  offered  the  mission  to  France. 
Satisfied  that  the  circumstances  absolved  him  from  any  re- 
sponsibility save  that  of  mere  acceptance  or  refusal ;  knowing 
that  he  had  not  sought  it,  nor  taken  any  steps,  directly  or 
indirectly,  to  obtain  it ;  and  yet  not  without  much  hesitation 
and  careful  consideration,  he  finally  concluded  to  accede  to 
the  President's  desire,  and  informed  him  that  he  was  willing 
to  go  abroad. 

The  time  fixed  was  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year.  The 
President  happened  to  be,  for  the  moment,  in  embarrassment 
about  the  Treasury  in  the  city  of  !N"ew  York ;  it  was  without 
a  head,  and  he  could  not  immediately  nominate.  He  there- 
fore requested  General  Dix,  as  a  matter  of  personal  favor  to 
himself,  to  hold  the  office  for  a  few  weeks,  until  the  date  of 
his  sailing  for  France.  This  proposition  was  most  distasteful 
in  every  way ;  still,  always  unselfish  and  ready  to  sacrifice  his 
convenience  to  oblige  others,  he  agreed  to  render  the  Presi- 
dent the  temporary  service  thus  demanded  of  him,  and  en- 
tered on  his  duties  at  the  Treasury.  Meanwhile  passage  was 
taken  for  Havre,  preparations  for  a  four  years'  residence 
abroad  were  made,  and  every  arrangement  was  completed 
which  an  anticipated  absence  from  home  renders  necessary. 

But  political  intrigue  was  instantly  resumed,  and  again 
with  complete  success.  I  shall  not  pursue  the  details  of  this 
I.-18 


274:  •    MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

miserable  business.  The  opposition  now  came,  or  appears 
to  have  come,  mainly  from  certain  Southern  politicians.* 
Among  them  a  Senator  from  Mississippi  was  particularly  ac- 
tive. Charges  which  they  must  have  known  to  be  false  were 
made  by  prominent  individuals — such,  for  example,  as  this : 
that  General  Dix  was  an  abolitionist,  and  that  the  adminis- 
tration would  be  untrue  to  the  South  by  allowing  a  man 
of  that  fanatical  and  extreme  party  to  represent  it  abroad. 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  untrue.  AYhatever  the  mer- 
its of  the  abolitionists  and  their  claims  on  the  respect  and 
admiration  of  posterity,  one  thing  was  perfectly  clear  and 
well  known  to  every  statesman,  North  and  South — that  Gen- 
eral Dix  was  not  of  that  school,  but  had  invariably,  from  the 
beginning  of  his  political  career,  opposed  their  designs.  His 
vote  had  been  given  in  the  Senate  for  the  admission  of  Texas 
to  the  Union ;  he  had  endorsed  the  union  of  the  Democratic 
party  on  the  basis  of  the  Compromise  measures  introduced 
by  Mr.  Clay;  he  was  in  favor  of  the  surrender  of  fugitive 
slaves  ;t  he  had  given  his  cordial  support  to  the  administra- 
tion. There  was  no  ground  for  the  charge  that  he  was  an 
abolitionist ;  as  little  for  suspicion  of  his  sincerity  in  adher- 
ing to  the  Baltimore  platform  and  desiring  the  removal  of 
the  question  of  slavery  from  the  national  politics.  When, 
therefore,  I  find  prominent  Southern  politicians  denouncing 


*  See  Appendix,  No.  lY. 

t  "  The  Northern  States  have  been  repeatedly  charged  in  this  debate, 
and  on  many  previous  occasions,  with  aggression  and  violations  of  the 
Constitutional  compact  in  their  action  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  With 
regard  to  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves — the  case  most  frequently 
cited— it  is  possible  that  tliere  may  have  been  some  action,  or  inaction, 
in  particular  States,  not  in  strict  accordance  with  the  good  faith  they 
ought  to  observe  in  this  respect.  I  know  not  how  it  is ;  but  we  know 
there  is  an  effective  power  to  legislate  on  this  subject  in  Congress,  and 
I  am  sure  there  will  be  no  want  of  co-operation  on  our  part  in  carrying 
out  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution  by  providing  all  reasonable 
means  for  executing  them." — XT.  8.  Senate  Debates^  July  2C,  IS-IS. 


1845-1853.]         SECESSION  ALREADY  MEDITATED,  275 

him  as  tliey  did,  my  conclusion  is  that  they  must  have  had 
another  and  a  deeper  design.  Their  real  objection  was  not  on 
the  score  of  abolitionism.  They  knew  as  well  as  he  did  that 
it  could  not  be  sustained.  The  fact  was  this,  that  Secession 
was  already  in  their  thoughts ;  that  steps  had  even  then  been 
taken  toward  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  that  they  feared 
the  influence  of  one  who  might  be  counted  on  as  their  enemy 
if  it  came  to  the  question  of  asserting  the  right  of  individual 
States  to  withdraw,  forcibly  if  necessary,  and  set  up  a  sepa- 
rate government  under  a  separate  flag. 

The  vile  charges  of  "mercenary  motives"  and  "personal 
debasement"  which,  in  addition  to  that  of  abolitionism,  were 
freely  made  against  General  Dix,  drew  forth  an  able  and  con- 
vincing defence  from  his  friends,  both  l^orth  and  South ;  but 
though  these  insinuations  were  repelled,  the  influence  exerted 
to  prevent  the  President  from  nominating  him  to  the  French 
mission  was  too  strong  to  be  resisted.  In  fact,  the  place  was 
wanted  for  an  eminent  gentleman  from  the  State  of  Virginia. 

About  the  1st  of  June  rumors  were  current  in  'New  York 
that  a  very  strong  opposition  was  made  to  the  appointment  of 
General  Dix  as  Minister  to  France.  By  the  middle  of  the 
month  these  had  assumed  so  definite  a  shape  that  he  was  con- 
strained to  believe  them  to  be  well-founded.  He  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Hon.  R.  McClelland  on  the  subject,  in  which 
he  says : 

"Let  me  say,  first,  that  I  have  not  sought  the  appointment  in  question, 
and  that  its  chief  value  in  my  estimation  would  be  the  evidence  it  would 
furnish  of  the  President's  confidence. 

"My  object  in  writing  to  you  is  to  ascertain,  if  I  can,M'hat  the  opposi- 
tion amounts  to.  I  do  not  desire  any  information  which  you  cannot 
with  the  strictest  propriety  give.  If  I  know  its  source  and  its  extent,  I 
can  judge  better  what  is  its  motive,  and  whether  it  is  due  to  myself  to 
attempt  to  correct  misrepresentation,  or  whether  my  self-respect  demands 
that  I  should  let  it  have  its  course. 

"  The  President  is  fully  acquainted  with  my  position,  and  can  refute 
any  misstatement  which  comes  to  his  ears. 

"  I  supposed  the  question  of  free-soilism  was  settled  on  my  nomination 


276  MEMOIRS  OF  J0H2{  ADAMS  DIX. 

to  the  office  I  now  hold ;  and  it  was  only  the  consideration  that  I  had 
been  made  instrumental  to  the  good  of  the  Democratic  party  which  rec- 
onciled me  to  a  place  utterly  repugnant  to  my  wishes  and  tastes,  and 
exceedingly  prejudicial  to  my  private  interests.  If  this  question  is  to  be 
re-opened  I  shall  regard  myself  as  having  suffered  in  vain.  I  have  the 
materials  of  self-vindication  in  my  own  hands,  but  I  will  not  use  them 
to  procure  an  appointment  I  do  not  ask.  In  defence  of  the  appointment, 
if  made,  I  can  do  so  without  any  sacrifice  of  my  self-respect. 

"  Cordially,  your  friend,  John  A.  Dix." 

The  spring  and  summer  passed  away,  and  it  became  quite 
certain  that  the  nomination  to  the  French  mission  would  not 
be  made.  The  General  was  prepared  for  this  fresh  affront, 
but  his  sense  of  duty  triumphed  over  that  of  a  keenly-felt 
personal  indignity,  and  he  strove  to  screen  the  administration 
from  the  criticism  which  it  merited.  The  following  letter 
was  addressed  to  one  of  those  personal  friends,  himself  an 
officer  in  the  United  States  Naval  Service,  whose  indignation, 
if  not  restrained,  might  have  carried  him  beyond  bounds : 

"  Private. 

♦'New  York,  August  29, 1853. 

"  My  dear , — The  President  will  violate  his  pledge  to  me  and 

give  the  mission  to  France  to  some  one  else.  Mr.  Flagg  and  I  have 
considered  this  settled  since  the  middle  of  June  (before  I  had  been  in 
this  office  a  month) — not  that  the  President  so  intended  at  that  time, 
but  we  knew  he  was  giving  ear  to  counsels  which  would  be  too  power- 
ful for  his  firmness  of  purpose.  A  politician  is  like  a  woman :  he  must 
resist  the  first  accents  of  seduction,  or  he  is  lost. 

"I  write  you  this  in  advance  of  the  public  annunciation  of  the  result, 
in  order  that  you  may  prepare  yourself,  by  suitable  discipline  of  feeling, 
to  take  it  calmly.  Whatever  others  may  do,  I  must  entreat  you  to  keep 
quiet,  as  I  intend  to  do  myself.  It  is  too  grave  a  matter  to  be  met  with 
any  exhibition  of  ill-temper. 

"  I  consider  the  honor  of  the  administration  at  stake ;  for  the  Presi- 
dent told  me  that  every  member  of  his  Cabinet  was  in  favor  of  my  ap- 
pointment. We  must  remember  that  he  is  the  head  of  the  Democratic 
party  and  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  country,  and  that  the  imblic  repu- 
tation will  be  impaired  by  the  act  of  bad  faith  he  is  about  to  commit. 
Should  we  not,  then,  as  good  citizens,  rather  cover  it  up,  if  we  can,  than 


1845-1853.]         A   CALM,  DISINTEliESTED  LETTER.  '2>Ti 

expose  it  and  furnisli  a  subject  of  public  scandal  to  our  enemies  ?  This 
is  my  wish;  and  no  one  has  so  large  a  personal  interest  in  the  question 
as  myself.  The  mission,  as  you  know,  is  of  no  consequence  to  me ;  and 
if  the  President  had  written  to  me  frankly,  as  he  was  bound  on  every 
principle  to  do,  saying  that  he  considered  it  important  to  his  adminis- 
tration or  to  himself  to  make  some  other  disposition  of  the  appointment, 
I  should  have  told  him  at  once  to  do  with  it  as  he  pleased.  But,  instead 
of  communicating  with  me  directly,  he  has,  since  the  last  of  June,  been 
conversing  with  a  number  of  persons  who  have  come  to  me,  by  his  de- 
sire, to  rej^eat  what  he  said  to  them — that  I  had  better  decline  the  ap- 
pointment— that  my  views  on  the  slavery  question  were  not  sufficiently 
understood — that  I  might  not  be  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  etc.  Besides 
the  awkwardness  of  declining  an  appointment  before  it  is  formally  ten- 
dered, I  never  could  consent  to  withdraw  on  the  grounds  above  assigned. 
It  would  be  a  confession  of  their  validity,  which  I  do  not  admit. 

"  In  respect  to  the  office  I  hold  I  have  no  concern.  I  have  requested 
the  President  to  release  me  from  it.  If  he  does  not,  I  shall  send  him  a 
formal  resignation  of  a  place  which  I  accepted  most  unwillingly  on  a 
condition — a  condition  he  does  not  intend  to  fulfil.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances I  have  no  fears  that  I  shall  not  be  allowed  to  retire  at  an 
early  day. 

"I  write  in  great  haste,  and  have  no  time  to  copy.  My  sole  object  is 
to  entreat  you,  as  my  friend,  to  be  silent  when  you  see  the  appointment 
to  France  announced.  Yours  ever, 

"  John  A.  Dix." 

Later  in  the  summer  (August  20,  1853)  General  Dix  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  President,  requesting  an  interview 
"  on  matters  of  interest  to  him."  The  invitation  was  politely 
declined,  with  a  counter-request  to  be  immediately  relieved  of 
his  duties  as  Assistant  Treasurer.  His  course  in  declining  to 
see  the  President  received  the  cordial  approval  of  his  friends. 

The  end  of  this  wretched  business,  discreditable  to  the  ad- 
ministration and  to  those  who  succeeded  in  thus  leading  the 
President  to  a  second  breach  of  his  promise,  came  in  due  time. 
The  name  of  the  Hon.  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  was  sent 
to  the  Senate ;  he  was  immediately  confirmed  as  Minister  to 
the  French  Court ;  and  Cerberus,  propitiated  with  this  addi- 
tional soj),  was  for  the  moment  satisfied. 

Upon  the  whole  I  think  it  a  matter  of  congratulation  that 


278  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

the  well-meant  efforts  of  President  Pierce  to  strengthen  his 
administration  by  connecting  General  Dix  with  it  did  not 
succeed.  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  the  President : 
subsequent  acts  attested  it.  But  he  could  not  do  what  he 
wished,  and  was  forced  to  submit  to  circumstances.  What 
might  have  been  the  result  if  my  father — with  his  devotion 
to  the  Union,  and  his  vigorous  way  of  dealing  with  some 
questions — had  been  in  the  Cabinet,  is  matter  for  conjecture. 
The  policy  pursued  through  those  four  years  deepened  the 
trouble  and  darkened  the  prospect  in  front.  That  unfortu- 
nate administration  helped  by  almost  every  measure  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  the  Civil  War;  it  heightened  the  fever 
already  burning  in  the  political  system.  Those  were  forma- 
tive years,  during  which  disaster  was  pressing  forward  a  jpas 
de  charge.  Looking  back  to  them,  and  seeing  how  the  tide 
then  ran,  and  how  fast  the  ship  of  state  was  driving,  I  do 
not  regret  that  my  father  was  in  retirement.  When  at 
length  he  reappeared  on  the  stage  of  events  it  was  easier  to 
see  the  way,  to  know  what  ought  to  be  said,  and  to  do  what 
must  be  done. 


VII. 

NEW  YORK. -EUROPE. 

-A-.D.    18S3-1860. 


"Voyage  to  Havre.— Steamship  HiiTuboldt. —Death,  of  Mrs.  Morgan  on  the 
Voyage. — Wreck  of  the  Humboldt. — "  Missouri  Compromise." — Bagui 
di  Lucca. — December  8, 1854 :  in  Rome. — Journal  of  Travel  from  Rome 
to  Marseilles.— Return  Home.— St.  Augustine,  Fla.— Fort  of  St.  Mark. 
—Cornwall.  — N.  P.  Willis:  "Idlewild."— President  of  the  Chicago 
and  Rock  Island  Railroad.  —  Project  of  Railroad  to  the  Pacific. — 
Vestryman  of  Trinity  Church. — Attack  on  the  Church  in  the  Legis- 
lature.— Defeat  of  the  Assailants. — Letter  from  Bishop  Potter, — Polit- 
ical Affairs  of  the  Period:  the  Riots  of  1857. — Stephen  H.Branch. — 
The  Canvass  of  1856  for  the  Presidency. — The  Election  of  James  Bu- 
chanan.—  Letters  to  him  from  General  Dix  on  his  Policy  and  the 
Prospects  of  his  Administration. 


1853-1860.]     DEATH  OF  MES.  MORGAN  ERE  LANDING.  281 


VII. 

The  arrangements  for  a  removal  to  Europe  and  a  residence 
abroad,  which  had  been  made  when  the  President  offered  the 
mission  of  France  to  General  Dix,  were  carried  into  effect 
notwithstanding  the  unexpected  action  of  the  administration. 
On  the  22d  of  October,  1853,  a  part  of  the  family  sailed  for 
Havre  in  the  steamship  Humboldt^  whose  commander.  Cap- 
tain Lines,  is  still  remembered  as  a  popular  officer  and  a  thor- 
ough seaman.  General  Dix,  having  business  which  detained 
him  in  New  York,  deferred  his  departure  till  the  following 
year.  One  of  the  party  on  the  Ilmnholdt  was  Mrs.  Morgan. 
She  had  been  very  ill  at  Manursing  Island  during  the  sum^ 
mer;  it  was  hoped  that  the  sea -voyage  would  restore  her 
health,  and  this  appeared  to  be  the  result,  for  no  one  on  the 
ship  seemed  brighter  or  happier  than  she.  On  the  5th  of 
November  she  remained  in  the  cabin  till  an  unusually  late 
hour  of  the  evening,  playing  her  favorite  game  of  whist,  and 
afterward  joining  in  the  general  conversation  with  more  than 
her  usual  vivacity.  That  night  she  was  found  unconscious  in 
her  state-room,  and  at  two  o'clock  a.m.  of  the  7th,  as  the  ship 
was  entering  the  Eoads  of  Havre,  her  soul  departed. 

The  body,  having  been  embalmed,  was  placed  in  a  metallic 
coffin,  and  sent  home  by  the  same  vessel.  Ill-fated  ship !  On 
the  return  voyage  she  went  ashore  near  Halifax.  The  wreck 
did  not  break  up  at  once ;  there  was  time  to  secure  what  could 
be  saved.  On  the  9th  my  father  was  notified  by  a  telegram 
from  the  scene  of  the  disaster  that  the  coffin  had  been  recov- 
ered. It  was  brought  to  New  York  by  the  steamer  Marion, 
and  received  by  us  on  the  22d  of  December.     The  following 


J282  MEMOIliS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

day  (Friday),  at  10  a.m.,  the  body,  after  its  dread  passage  from 
coast  to  coast,  and  its  temporary  loss  in  the  sea,  was  at  length 
laid  reverently  in  the  family  vault  in  Trinity  Church-yard. 
Few  persons  were  present  besides  the  General  and  myself. 
The  weather  was  inexpressibly  dreary — gloomy,  and  dark, 
with  a  heavy  wind  from  the  raw  north-east,  and  a  dull,  steady 
rain.  Others,  alas !  had  reason  to  remember  that  day.  The 
wind  shifted  in  the  afternoon  and  came  out  from  the  north- 
west, blowing  with  fury,  as  a  gale  from  that  quarter  always 
does  when  it  begins.  At  sunset  a  long  line  of  clear  sky  ap- 
peared under  the  rapidly  lifting  curtains  of  the  previous  storm. 
It  betokened  trouble  on  the  deep.  Among  the  ill-fated  vessels 
out  that  awful  night  was  the  steamship  San  Francisco.  She 
sailed  from  ITew  York,  December  21,  for  San  Francisco,  via 
the  Straits  of  Magellan,  having  on  board  the  Third  Eegiment 
U.  S.  Artillery,  Colonel  Gates  commanding ;  Major  Merchant, 
Lieutenant-colonel  "Washington,  and  other  officers,  with  their 
wives  and  children.  She  was  struck  by  the  storm  off  the 
J^orth  Carolina  coast,  and  foundered  a  day  or  two  after- 
ward. Earely  has  a  disaster  of  that  kind  produced  a  more 
painful  sensation;  the  city  was  filled  with  consternation  at 
the  accounts  of  the  horrible  scenes  attending  the  destruction 
of  so  many  brave  men  and  helpless  women  and  children,  and 
for  years  that  awful  night  was  remembered  with  a  shudder. 

The  winter  of  1853-54  was  spent  by  my  father  in  ^New 
York.  I  was  in  Philadelphia  at  tliat  time,  connected  with  St. 
Mark's  Church,  as  one  of  the  assistant  ministers,  under  the 
Eev.  Joseph  P.  B.  Wilmer,  D.D.,  afterward  Bishop  of  Louis- 
iana. My  father  came  occasionally  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 
was  welcomed  by  old  friends.  Among  these  was  Mrs.  Eliza- 
beth Biddle,  at  whose  house  he  sometimes  stayed:  a  very 
charming  and  accomplished  woman,  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Jo- 
seph Ilopkinson,  and  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  signers  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Always  busy,  and  devoted  to  his  home  circle,  the  General 
spent  some  time  that  winter  in  preparing  a  series  of  papers 


1853-1860.]     A  RUDE  SHOCK  TO  PEACE  AND  SECURITY.       283 

on  tlie  history  of  Eome,  its  soldiers  and  statesmen,  its  poets 
and  philosophers ;  each  of  these  papers  when  finished  was 
sent  to  the  family,  for  their  entertainment  and  instruction, 
during  their  residence  in  the  Eternal  City.  He  would  have 
them  to  be  students  together  with  him,  and,  though  absent, 
he  thus  pleasantly  allied  himself  with  their  pursuits,  and  kept 
in  constant  communion  with  them. 

Meanwhile  trouble  thickened  about  the  path  of  the  admin- 
istration. Within  ten  months  after  the  inauguration  of  Presi- 
dent Pierce  a  rude  shock  was  given  to  the  hopes  of  peace  and 
security  founded  on  his  election.  The  act  of  1820,  known  as 
the  "Missouri  ComjpromiseP  was  always  regarded  by  ]S"orth- 
em  statesmen  as  a  kind  of  palladium  of  national  quiet,  and  as 
settling  the  slavery  question  fairly  and  equitably  by  admitting 
Missouri  as  a  slave-holding  State,  but  forever  excluding  sla- 
very north  of  36°  30'.  In  the  month  of  January,  1854,  Mr. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  brought  a  bill  into  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  repealing  the  latter  branch  of  that  compro- 
mise in  the  case  of  the  States  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  to  be 
formed  out  of  territory  part  of  which  lay  north  of  the  line. 
The  bill  provided,  indeed,  that  it  should  be  left  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  region  to  determine  the  question  of  slavery  or 
freedom  for  themselves,  but  it  removed  the  prohibition  of 
thirty-four  years'  standing.  This  bill,  opposed  by  Thomas  H. 
Benton  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and  by  Messrs. 
Chase,  Sumner,  Seward,  and  Houston  in  the  Senate,  passed 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  however,  the  majority  in  the  Senate 
being  37  over  14,  and  the  vote  in  the  House  being  very  close, 
113  to  100.  A  great  sensation  was  produced  by  these  pro- 
ceedings. Mr.  Francis  P.  Blair  wrote  to  General  Dix  on  the 
subject  as  follows : 

"  From  my  present  impressions  of  things  I  infer  that  we ' 
are  to  have  a  renewed  contest  for  the  ascendency  of  slavery 
over  freedom,  which  will  shake  the  pillars  of  the  Confederacy. 
The  South  finds  it  so  easy  to  purchase  support  in  the  I^orth 
by  pandering  to  the  ambition  of  leaders  in  the  J^orth,  who 


284  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

manage  tlie  people  through  the  corrupt  convention  system, 
that  she  will  set  up  for  dominion  over  the  ^N'orth,  as  England 
now  does  in  Ireland,  by  buying  up  leaders.  I  hope  there 
will  be  honest  patriots  enough  found  to  resist  it,  and  that  the 
present  aggression  will  be  rebuked.  I  am  willing  to  devote 
the  balance  of  my  life  to  this  object.  I  would  not  hesitate 
to  put  myself  on  the  tread-mill  of  a  press  and  declare  war 
against  all  the  conspirators,  higli  and  low,  if  I  could  hope  it 
would  avail  anything." 

The  views  of  General  Dix  on  the  Nebraska  bill  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  letter : 

♦'  New  York,  February  25, 1854. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — Your  letter  came  to  me  at  Philadelphia  a  few  days 
ago. 

"I  consider  the  movement  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Cora- 
promise  an  act  of  equally  bad  policy  and  bad  faith.  We  were  told  that 
the  Compromise  of  1850  was  "  a  finality  "—that  there  was  to  be  no  more 
slavery  legislation  —  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  disposed  of  the 
Louisiana  Territory— that  the  Compromise  of  1850  disposed  of  the  ter- 
ritory acquired  from  Mexico— and  that  there  was  nothing  left  to  quarrel 
about.  We  assented  to  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  with  this  dis- 
tinct understanding.  The  country  assented  to  them  for  the  sake  of  re- 
pose from  the  slavery  agitation.  The  Nebraska  bill  violates  this  under- 
standing and  disturbs  this  repose.  The  Compromise  of  1850  would  never 
have  received  the  assent  of  Congress  or  the  people,  if  they  had  been  told 
that  it  was  to  annul  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  re-open  the  slavery 
question. 

"The  Nebraska  bill  allows  the  people  of  that  Territory  to  have  slaves 
if  they  will.  This  is  not  the  end.  Some  of  the  Southern  men  already 
contend  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  have  no  right  to  exclude  slaves 
from  it — that  slave-holders  have  a  right  to  take  their  slaves  into  any  Ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  and  hold  them  there,  whether  the  people  of 
the  Territory  wish  it  or  not.  This  will  be  the  next  movement,  and  I  fear 
there  are  Northern  politicians  who,  for  the  sake  of  office,  will  yield  the 
point. 

"  I  am  in  favor  of  adhering  to  all  the  compromises  honestly  and  faith- 
fully— to  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  respect  to  the  laws  over  a  Territory, 
and  to  the  Compromise  of  1850  in  respect  to  the  territory  acquired  from 
Mexico — I  stand  by  them  all,  for  the  sake  of  honor,  truth,  and  domestic 
peace.    There  is  no  safety  in  any  other  course — none  for  us  and  none  for 


1853-1860.]       A  DISTINCT  EXPRESSION  OF  VIEWS.  285 

the  South— for  if  one  compromise  is  good  for  nothing,  the  others  are 
worthless,  as  time  will  inevitably  show. 

^  "  I  am  mortified  and  grieved  at  this  state  of  things.  It  is  bad  in  prin- 
ciple, worse  in  policy,  and  good  in  nothing. 

"  You  ask  me  what  General  Pierce's  opinion  is.  I  do  not  know.  Some 
say  he  is  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise— others  as  confident- 
ly that  he  is  against  it.  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  difier  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet  on  any  question,  for  I  look  to  them  with  confidence 
for  sound  financial  measures,  and  these  are  always  of  vital  importance  to 
good  government.  But  I  regard  this  question  as  one  of  high  obligation 
and  good  faith,  and  I  am  against  the  Nebraska  bill,  whoever  may  be  for 
it.  In  the  mere  practical  concerns  of  government  it  is  sometimes  a  duty 
to  yield  to  the  opinions  of  those  with  whom  we  act,  but  never  in  mat- 
ters involving  essential  principles..  I  write  in  great  haste,  and  not  for 
publication.     I  need  not  add,  I  am  always  your  friend, 

"Hon.  Jas.  C.Curtis."  '"JohnA.Dix. 

Writing  to  Colonel  Benton,  April  15,  1854,  lie  expresses 
the  doubt  lie  felt  as  to  the  best  way  of  dealing  with  this  new 
difficulty,  and  gives  very  distinctly  his  views  as  to  the  blunder 
committed  in  the  Free-soil  movement  of  1848 : 

"Mr.  Van  Buren  has  written  and  spoken  freely  against  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  proposed  by  the  ]N"e- 
braska  bill ;  and  he  made  a  movement  in  favor  of  a  meeting 
of  the  leading  Democrats  in  the  city  of  ISTew  York  to  express 
their  views  on  the  subject.    But  it  was  found  that  they  would 
consist  mainly  of  the  old  Free-soil  leaders,  and  it  was  thought 
by  most  of  us  that  such  a  meeting  would  do  more  harm  than 
good.     The  unfortunate  union  with  the  Whigs  at  Buffalo  in 
1848  has  disqualified  us  for  any  useful  service  as  leaders  in 
any  great  party  movement,  partaking  in  any  degree  of  a  sec- 
tional character.     I  say  us,  although  you  are  well  aware  that 
I  disapproved  of  that  union,  and  did  all  I  could  to  prevent  it. 
I  mention  this  fact  in  confirmation  of  the  opinion  I  have  ex- 
pressed that  Mr.  y.  B.  has  been  from  the  beginning  opposed 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.     He  has  spoken 
and  written  against  it,  and  was  desirous  of  taking  part  in  a 
public  demonstration  against  it." 


286  MEMOIBS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

The  following  spring  I  resigned  my  position  at  St.  Mark's 
Church,  Philadelphia,  and  went  abroad,  to  join  the  rest  of 
our  family  in  Italy.  1  took  passage  on  the  steamship  Arctic, 
Captain  Luce,  another  of  the  ill-fated  Collins  line,  and  des- 
tined to  a  more  terrible  destruction  than  the  Humboldt,  her 
sister  ship.  It  was  my  intention  to  have  returned  to  the 
United  States  in  the  autumn,  in  the  same  vessel,  but  a  change 
of  plans  saved  me  from  being  involved  in  the  horrible  calam- 
ity so  well  remembered,  and,  perhaps,  from  perishing  with 
the  rest.  Late  in  the  month  of  May  I  met  my  people  at 
Leghorn ;  we  went  thence  to  the  Bagni  di  Lucca,  where  we 
passed  the  summer.  The  region  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
that  can  be  imagined ;  the  hills  are  high,  and  covered  with  a 
magnificent  foliage  of  chestnuts,  oaks,  and  other  forest  trees. 
The  Serchio  winds  its  way  among  them,  a  mere  rivulet  in  the 
dry  season,  but  in  the  spring  and  winter  a  deep,  strong  flood. 
There  were  three  hotels  at  the  Bagni,  two  on  this  side  of  the 
river,  and  the  third  just  opposite — the  "Europe,"  at  which 
we  stayed,  the  "Cardinali,"  and  the  "E'icolai."  The  pro- 
prietor of  these  three  houses  was  an  ex-oflicer  of  ]S"apoleon's 
army ;  he  conducted  his  little  realm  with  a  military  precision 
which  was  not  only  admirable  but  somewhat  amusing.  Five 
minutes  before  the  dinner-hour  mine  host  appeared  at  the 
front-door  of  the  "  Europe,"  his  hand  on  a  bell-rope,  and  his 
eye  on  the  front-doors  of  the  other  two  hotels ;  four  minutes 
before  the  dinner-hour  a  sub-lieutenant  (as  it  were)  appeared 
in  the  door  of  the  "  Cardinali,"  and  a  similar  officer  at  that  of 
the  "Nicolai,"  each  with  his  hand  on  a  bell-rope,  and  each 
fixing  his  eyes  on  the  chief.  Precisely  at  the  first  stroke  of 
four  the  three  bell-ropes  were  jerked,  and  a  tremendous  clat- 
ter awoke  the  echoes  up  and  down.  Everything  else  was 
managed  in  the  same  formal  and  exact  w^ay,  the  bustling 
Frenchman  all  the  while  beaming  with  good-humor,  swelling 
with  importance,  and  directing  operations  as  if  a  division  of 
the  grande  ariiiee  were  under  his  command. 

The  Baths  of  Lucca  were,  and  I  believe  are  still,  a  favorite 


1853-1860.]     A   GROUP  OF  DIVERSIFIED  PERSONAGES.         287 

place  of  summer  resort.  Among  our  friends  were  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Thomas  Crawford,  wlio,  with  their  children,  occupied  an 
apartment  not  far  from  our  hotel.  A  most  original  character 
was  also  there,  a  Mrs.  Stisted,  the  wife  of  General  Stisted,  an 
old  Peninsular  officer ;  she  had  written  a  book  or  two,  occa- 
sionally gave  an  entertainment,  and  conducted  herself  in  an 
eccentric  manner.  The  contrast  in  size  between  herself  and 
her  husband  was  striking ;  she  took  a  certain  pleasure  in  ob- 
serving his  extremely  emaciated  appearance,  remarking  on 
one  occasion  that  he  looked  like  "  the  shadow  of  a  fishing- 
pole."  Mrs.  Stisted  was  an  object  of  continual  interest, 
whether  she  appeared  in  her  landau,  driving  up  and  down 
the  smooth  roads,  or  taking  a  constitutional  with  attending 
lackeys,  or  devoutly  engaged  in  the  service  at  the  English 
church.  That  edifice,  fearfully  plain,  and  as  unlike  a  house 
of  God  as  it  could  be  made,  was  served  by  a  chaplain  of  Irish 
blood  and  extreme  evangelical  views.  Although  I  was  there 
three  months,  and  never  missed  a  service  at  the  chapel,  he  did 
not  honor  me  with  the  slightest  fraternal  recognition,  having 
observed,  doubtless,  that  my  clerical  coat  was  of  that  peculiar 
cut  which  the  English  of  the  period  used  to  designate  as  the 
"M.  B.,"  or  ''Mark  of  the  Beast."  Times  have  changed  for 
the  better  since  that  day,  and  I  question  whether  the  clergy 
of  our  Church,  be  their  schools  what  they  may,  could  now  be 
guilty  of  such  incivility  to  each  other. 

We  left  the  Bagni  on  the  first  day  of  September,  at  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  at  half-past  one  that  afternoon 
found  ourselves  in  Florence,  at  a  hotel  in  the  Piazza  Santa 
Trinita.  On  the  30th  the  General  arrived,  and  a  joyful  re- 
union of  the  family  occurred.  We  were  happy  in  being  all 
together  once  more  and  again,  after  the  lapse  of  ten  years,  in 
the  city  of  Era  Angelico  and  Giotto,  and  near  the  Ufiizi,  the 
Pitti,  the  blooming  Cascine,  and  the  heights  of  San  Miniato 
and  Fiesole.  The  autumn  passed  rapidly  away,  and  the  time 
drew  near  for  a  return  to  Kome  for  the  winter. 

On  the  8th  of  December  of  that  year  the  new  dogma  of 


288  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  VIX. 

the  Immaculate  Conception  of  tlie  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  was 
to  be  officially  proclaimed,  and  thenceforth,  under  the  dire 
penalties  of  excommunication,  to  be  bound  on  the  consciences 
of  Eoman  Catholics  as  an  article  of  the  Christian  faith.  Re- 
port of  the  ceremonies  with  which  this  announcement  was  to 
be  celebrated  going  forth  on  qyqyj  wind  attracted  multitudes 
to  Eome.  Desirous  of  being  present  and  witnessing  the  ex- 
traordinary scenes,  I  set  out,  ki  advance  of  the  family,  on  the 
27th  of  November,  and  travelled  by  malle-;poste  to  Rome, 
passing  through  Siena  and  Radicofani,  and  arriving  at  the 
Porta  del  Popolo  at  half-past  3  a.m.  of  the  29th.  I  was  ill 
when  I  left  Florence,  and  worse  when  I  finished  the  journey ; 
and  after  a  day  or  two  of  fighting  against  the  inevitable 
foimd  myself  in  bed,  in  my  room  in  the  Hotel  Spillman,  in 
the  Yia  della  Croce,  burning  up  with  typhoid  fever.  Word 
was  sent  to  Florence  by  the  physician  who  had  been  called 
to  me,  and  in  a  few  days  the  family  arrived.  I  was  in  bed 
forty  days  and  nights,  and  did  not  leave  my  room  till  March 
of  the  following  year.  The  8th  of  December  came ;  1  had  a 
confused  sense  of  the  ringing  of  bells  and  the  roar  of  cannon ; 
but  it  was  like  a  dream  of  one  knows  not  what.  One  day  I 
asked  my  father — looking  at  his  calm,  quiet  face,  with  the 
earnest  expression  in  it  which  had  then  become  habitual — 
how  near  we  were  to  Christmas ;  and  he  told  me  that  it  was 
long  past,  and  that  we  were  near  the  middle  of  the  first 
month  of  the  new  year. 

I  cannot  think  of  those  terrible  weeks  without  profound 
emotion.  Under  God  I  owed  my  life  to  my  fathers  untiring 
watchfulness  and  tenderness.  For  twenty-five  nights  in  suc- 
cession he  never  left  me,  and  never  slept.  By  day  he  slept  a 
while  and  took  a  brisk  walk  outside  the  city  walls,  but  all  night 
long,  night  after  night,  he  kept  his  vigil  by  my  side.  Some- 
thing was  to  be  done  every  half-hour,  and  he  would  trust  no 
one  in  that  critical  time  of  the  twenty-four  hours,  wherein,  if 
the  attendant  be  careless  or  forgetful,  a  man's  soul  may  pass 
away. 


1853-1860.]         SAVED  BY  PATERNAL  DEVOTION.  289 

What  went  on  that  winter  I  know  only  from  report  of 
others ;  it  was  a  blank  in  my  life.  From  that  peculiar  type 
of  the  disease  one  recovers,  if  at  all,  a  mere  wreck  in  body  and 
mind.  I  could  not  remember  anything  that  had  occurred; 
memory  and  the  power  of  thought  seemed  to  be  lost  for  the 
time ;  slowly  they  came  back,  and  the  past  rose  up  again  dis- 
tinct and  clear. 

The  French  were  then  in  occupation  of  Eome.  Detach- 
ments marched  out  of  the  city  every  morning  for  drill  be- 
yond the  walls ;  the  crash  of  the  drum  corps  was  heard  al- 
ways about  a  certain  hour,  or  the  loud,  clear  ringing  of  the 
bugles  blowing  at  the  head  of  the  column.  The  men  had 
the  bright,  easy,  nonchalant  air  of  their  nation,  and  passed 
jauntily  up  and  down  the  Corso,  as  if  they  had  not  a  care  or 
serious  thought.  Sometimes  things  would  happen  to  stir  the 
dull  surface  of  commonplace  life.  Under  the  mild  sway  of 
the  Papacy  capital  punishment  was  never  inflicted ;  but  dur- 
ing the  French  occupation  the  rule  was  changed,  and  execu- 
tions were  done  under  military  direction.  One  morning  two 
criminals  were  put  to  death.  Several  days  in  advance  pla- 
cards on  the  walls  of  houses  and  at  the  corners  of  the  streets 
announced  the  impending  tragedy,  and  requested  prayers  for 
the  souls  of  the  doomed  men.  The  General  had  never  seen 
the  guillotine  in  operation.  He  went  in  the  gray  dawn  and 
obtained  a  place  close  by  the  machine  of  death.  After  wit- 
nessing the  proceedings  he  came  home  and  ate  his  breakfast 
as  usual.  He  was,  apparently,  a  man  without  nerves,  and  al- 
ways as  calm  as  a  morning  in  summer,  whatever  the  affair  in 
hand  might  be. 

It  was  far  on  in  April  before  I  was  able  to  travel:  by 
that  time,  however,  we  had  another  invalid  in  the  party.  The 
impression  made  on  my  mother  by  my  illness,  and  by  the 
dread  of  its  fatal  termination,  was  so  great  that,  on  my  recov- 
ery, she  broke  utterly  down.  Our  anxieties  were  now  for 
her;  she  had  not  been  in  so  critical  a  state  since  the  yeai 
1842,  when  they  went  to  Madeira  to  save  her  life.  It  was 
I.— 19 


290  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

under  these  depressing  circumstances  that  the  General  took 
his  departure  from  Kome,  on  the  8th  day  of  May ;  but  the 
journey  then  undertaken  proved  a  delightful  one,  and  facili- 
tated the  recovery  of  the  invalids.  It  abounded  in  entertain- 
ing incidents ;  and  a  journal,  freely  illustrated  with  caricature 
sketches,  was  kept  by  one  of  the  party.  A  few  extracts,  with 
fac-similes  of  some  of  the  grotesque  drawings,  may  amuse  the 
reader.     The  setting  out  is  thus  described : 

"  On  Monday,  the  Yth  of  May,  1855,  the  Family  Dix  were 
all  awake  and  flying  around  at  an  unusually  early  hour.  The 
morning  was  cloudy,  and  rain  had  already  fallen,  so  that  their 
spirits  were  somewhat  dull ;  but  the  General  consoled  them 
by  an  Irish  proverb  to  this  effect,  that  '  if  it  rains  before  seven 
in  the  morning,  the  divil  a  bit  will  it  rain  that  day.'  Break- 
fast having  been  despatched,  the  important  information  came 
that  our  vetturino,  Marcelin  Eavel,  was  at  the  door,  and  the 
process  of  packing  the  trunks  was  commenced. 

"  Some  time  before  we  started  we  saw  from  the  window  two 
large  carriages,  heavily  laden,  driving  up  the  Corso.  Their 
occupants  were  an  English  family  of  the  name  of  ^Dod- 
worth,'  consisting  of  thirteen  persons.  As  they  saw  our  car- 
riage still  standing  at  the  door  we  observed  grins  of  satisfac- 
tion lighting  up  their  countenances,  as  it  is  reckoned  desira- 
ble to  get  off  first  and  keep  ahead.  We  felt  rather  down  in 
the  mouth  at  this,  but  subsequent  events  restored  our  spirits 
completely. 

"As  we  arrived  at  the  Piazza  del  Popolo  we  saw  another 
vettura  coming  up  behind  us,  a  discovery  which  afforded  us 
no  small  satisfaction,  as  we  found  ourselves  not  the  last. 
Passing  through  the  old  gate,  we  left  Kome  with  varied  feel- 
ings of  pleasure  and  regret. 

"Nothing  of  much  importance  occurred,  except  that  it 
rained,  in  spite  of  the  Irish  proverb,  and  pretty  fast,  too. 
The  great  discovery  of  the  morning  was  that  of  three  '  uglies,' 
which  L had  caused  to  be  prepared  some  three  weeks  be- 


1853-18G0.]  "DODWOETH'S  BAND:'  291 

fore,  and  which  were  now  for  the  first  time  displayed,  much 

to  M 's  discomfiture,  who  had,  for  the  rest  of  the  journey, 

those  dreadful  objects  constantly  before  him. 

"  At  one  o'clock  we  arrived  at  Sette  Yene,  the  first  stop- 
ping-place, where  we  ordered  a  '  fork-breakfast.'  At  this  sta- 
tion we  overhauled  the  Dodworths,  or  '  Dod worth's  Band,'  as 
they  were  familiarly  termed ;  and  presently  after  our  arrival 

came  up  the  other  carriage  before  referred  to.     C went 

down  and  scraped  acquaintance  with  the  people.  He  found 
that  it  was  the  family  of  a  gentleman  from  Bengal  going  on 
to  Florence. 

"  Breakfast  being  finished,  we  started  again  about  three 
o'clock.  In  about  two  hours  and  a  half  we  found  ourselves 
at  Civita  Castellana,  an  uninteresting  place.  Fortunately,  we 
arrived  at  the  hotel  on  the  very  heels  of  the  Dodworths,  and 
found  the  innkeeper  puzzled  to  death  to  know  what  to  do 
with  them ;  wlien,  seeing  our  comparatively  small  party,  it 
probably  occurred  to  him  to  solve  in  some  degree  the  compli- 
cated problem  by  instantly  showing  us  to  an  apartment ;  in 
which,  for  about  half  an  hour  after  we  had  been  comfortably 
ensconced,  we  could  see  various  members  of  the  unhappy 
Dodworth  family  walking  distractedly  up  and  down,  and 
could  hear  the  still  perplexed  landlord  ejaculating,  '  Sono 
dieci  padroni !'  " 

The  next  day  they  resolved  on  an  early  start. 

"  Breakfasting  at  half-past  six,  we  were  oif  by  seven.  What 
of  that  ?  Dodworth's  Band  and  the  Bengal  tiger  had  started 
by  five  or  thereabouts ! 

"  The  rain  had  ceased ;  the  day  was  very  w^arm,  with  a 
bright  and  unmitigated  sun.  We  passed  through  some  lovely 
scenery,  and  for  at  least  an  hour  after  our  departure  were  near 
that  most  beautiful  of  mountains  immortalized  by  Horace  in 
his  ode : 

'  Vidcs  nt  alta  stet  nivc  candiclum 
Soracte  ?' 

"  M made  several  sketches  of  it  as  we  passed  rapidly 


292 


MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 


along.  TVe  also  descended  into  an  exquisite  valley  at  a  place 
where  a  tremendous  battle  was  fought  between  8000  Frencli- 
men  under  Macdonald  and  40,000  Neapolitans ;  but,  while  all 
were  gazing  at  the  majestic  ruins  of  the  Castle  of  Borghetto, 
the  discovery  was  made  that  one  of  the  party  was  calmly  oc- 
cupied in  perusing  a  little  story  called  '  Daisy  Bums.'  So 
great  was  the  general  indignation  that  she  put  down  her 
book,  and  for  a  time  looked  at  the  view,  like  everybody  else." 
That  day  they  passed  through  Terni,  and  struck  a  region  of 
enormous  beds. 

"  At  Terni  was  the  most  tremendous  bed  that  ever  we  saw : 
there  was  room  in  it  for  at  least  five  persons.     The  beds  all 

along  this  road  were  very  pecul- 
iar ;  they  grew  higher  and  high- 
er, till,  at  the  last  two  stations, 
we  had  to  climb  into  them  on 
chairs." 

On  the  third  day  they  crossed 
the  great  mountain  of  La  Som- 
ma,  up  which  the  horses  were 
helped  by  yokes  of  oxen.  Ar- 
riving at  Spoleto,  "the  first 
thing  we  saw  as  we  drove  up 
to  the  inn  was  several  heads  of 
the  Dod worths  thrust  from  the  windows  above,  and  serenely 
contemplating  us.  They  and  the  Bengalese  had  already  ar- 
rived, of  course." 

Foligno  was  the  resting-place  that  night. 
"  The  inn,  like  all  along  the  route,  was  wanting  in  the  com- 
fort of  carpets.  This  defect  we  attempted  to  supply  by  put- 
ting our  shawls  on  the  bare  brick  floors,  and  then  sitting 
round  in  a  ring,  with  our  feet  on  them — a  particularly  droll 
sight." 

The  fourth  day  brought  them  to  Perugia,  where  "  the  party 
sallied  forth  in  search  of  the  works  of  Pietro  Perugino,  hav- 
ing previously  ascertained  from  '  Murray '  that  the  principal 


1853-1860.]     7^Y  SEARCH  OF  PERUGINO'S  FRESCOES. 


293 


ones  were  in  the  Exchange  and  one  or  two  other  specified 
places.  And  now  occurred  accidents  worthy  to  be  recorded, 
not  upon  parchment,  but  upon  brass.  The  General  assured  us 
that  he  knew  perfectly  well  the  position  of  the  Sola  del  Cam- 
Uo,  and  was  so  confident  about  it  that  we  followed  him  with 
no  hesitation.  He  led  us  to  a  building  venerable  enough  to 
be  any  sala  in  the  world,  and  asked  the  sentry  who  stood  at 
the  door  where  Perugino's  frescoes  were  to  be  found.  The 
man  appearing  to  be  hopelessly  in  the  dark  on  this  point,  we 
entered  the  gloomy  building,  and  were  assailed  by  a  small  and 
ragged  boy,  who  answered  our  incoherent  inquiries  by  equally 


GUIDED   BY   THE    GENERAL,  WE   GO   IN   SEARCH   OP   PERUGINO'S   FRESCOES,  AND   BRING 
UP   AT   THE   CITY  PRISON. 

incoherent  answers.  Tims  we  went  on,  up  one  pair  of  stairs, 
and  down  a  long  passage,  in  which  were  nothing  but  small 
doors,  and  then  up  another  and  another  flight,  and  down  di- 
vers passages,  expecting  every  moment  to  arrive  at  the  door 
of  the  majestic  Hall  of  Exchange ;  when  at  last  we  brought 


294  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

up,  boy  and  all,  at  the  end  of  a  dark  corridor.  There  was  an 
iron  grating,  and  outside  stood  an  ill-favored  man,  regarding 
us  with  amazement,  in  which  we  found  ourselves  sharers  wdth 
himself.  At  last  the  silence  was  broken  by  his  question, 
'  Cosa  vogliono  V     Yogliono  vedere  i  prigionieri  V 

"  The  truth  was,  that  the  General  had  ingeniously  guided  us 
to  the  door  of  the  Criminal  Prison,  and  the  frescoes  of  Peru- 
gino  danced  as  ignes  fatui  before  our  confused  minds.  How 
cheap  we  felt,  how  astounded  the  spectators  were,  how  the 
sentry  and  the  laundress  of  the  prison  grinned,  and  how 
M blew  up  the  ragged  boy  as  we  slowly  retired  in  con- 
fusion, may  be  left  to  the  imagination." 

On  leaving  Perugia  they  at  last  got  to  the  front  of  the 
procession. 

"We  had  experienced  much  annoyance  thus  far.  The 
Bengal  man  generally  started  an  hour  before  us,  but,  as  we 
had  better  horses,  we  invariably  overtook  him.  It  is  a  point 
of  honor  with  the  vetturini  not  to  pass  each  other  on  the 
road ;  so  we  were  obliged  to  tug  on  behind,  and  got  in  much 
later  than  we  should  otherwise  have  done.  On  this  occasion, 
however,  by  a  skilful  manoeuvre  we  got  the  start,  and  were 
thenceforth  ahead  of  the  whole  field,  the  Dodworths  having 
been  left  hull -down,  for  we  never  heard  of  them  or  saw 
them  again  on  the  journey." 

The  next  night  was  spent  on  the  shores  of  the  beautiful 
and  historic  Lake  Thrasymene,  and  thence,  passing  through 
Arezzo  and  Monte  Yarchi,  they  arrived  in  Florence  on  the 
12th  of  May.  So  delighted  were  they  with  their  driver,  their 
equipage,  and  the  pleasant  manner  of  the  journey,  that  they 
resolved  to  continue  it  to  ]^ice,  by  way  of  Genoa,  over  the 
Cornice  Road,  undoubtedly  the  most  beautiful  drive  in  the 
world.  These  things  are  now  utterly  lost  to  the  general 
traveller,  w^ho  is  whirled  by  rail  through  a  region  of  which 
it  is  impossible  for  him,  in  that  breathless,  reckless  hurry, 
to  form  a  just  appreciation.  Far  happier  were  we  in  those 
days,  ere  the  lovely  coast  had  been  profaned  by  such  im- 


1853-1860.]         THE  PARTY  TAKEN  BY  SURPEISE. 


295 


VIEW   IN   PISA. 


provements,  and  when  the  choice  was  between  the  leisurely 
progress  by  land  and  a  passage  by  steamer. 

The  drive  from  Florence  to  Nice  began  on  the  ITth  of 
May.  The  first  day's  journey  brought  them  to  Pisa.  The 
artist  of  the  expedition  has  given 
a  sketch  of  "  one  of  the  antiquities 
of  the  place." 

At  Pietra  Santa  they  crossed 
the  frontier  of  Parma,  and  passed 
in  view  of  the  marble  moun- 
tains of  Carrara,  and  so  went  into 
Sardinia.  Beyond  Sarzana  they 
achieved  the  high  adventure  of 
the  river  Magra,  of  which  a  par- 
ticular account  is  given,  with  an 
illustration : 

"  It    is    a    broad    and    rapid 
stream,  without  a  bridge,  and  too  deep  to  ford.     Arrived  at 
the  bank,  the  carriage  was  backed  down  to  the  water's  edge. 

All  got  out  of  it  except  mother  and  L ;  the  horses  were 

taken  off,  and  then  eight  stout  men,  with  pantaloons  rolled 
up  as  high  as  they  could  be  rolled,  laid  hold  of  the  wheels, 
and,  plunging  into  the  water,  dragged  the  carriage  out  to  a 
large,  flat  scow-boat,  into  which  they  rolled  it.  As  we  stood 
contemplating  these  things  from  the  shore,  and  uncertain 
what  was  coming  next,  other  men,  with  a  similar  arrange- 
ment of  legs,  rushed  up,  and,  seizing  us,  carried  us  off  in 
their  arms  or  on  their  backs,  and  bore  us  in  safety  to  the 
boat.  It  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  feelings  of 
the  party  thus  taken  by  surprise,  but  all  resigned  themselves 
with  fortitude  to  the  trying  circumstances.  The  horses  fol- 
lowed, Kavel  riding  one  and  C another ;  and  so  we  all 

got  safely  aboard.  The  boat  was  then  poled  across  to  tlie 
opposite  bank,  where  we  were  landed  in  the  same  extraordi- 
nary manner.  This  thing  is  sometimes  no  joke  ;  in  stormy 
weather  it  is  dangerous  to  cross,  and  in  the  spring-time  the 


296  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

river  is  sometimes  impassable  when  swollen  by  tbe  melting 
of  the  snow  on  the  mountains.  Two  days  before  we  were 
there  no  one  could  cross." 

Sunday,  May  20,  was  quietly  spent  at  Spezzia,  then  the 
naval  station  of  the  American  Mediterranean  squadron. 
After  that  they  passed  through  Borghetto  and  Sestri  di  Le- 
vante,  crossing  spurs  of  the  Apennines,  and  enjoying  mag- 
nificent views  of  the  blue  Meciiterranean.     On  ascending  the 


^^^x: 


CROSSING  THE   MAGRA. 


long  hills  all  who  could  walk  did  so,  not  merely  to  relieve  the 
horses,  but  also  from  preference.  The  only  drawback  was 
the  importunity  of  beggars.  The  General  had  an  ingenious 
method  of  relieving  himself  from  these  tormentors.  My 
mother's  sobriquet  was  "the  Principessa,"  a  title  first  be- 
stowed on  her  by  the  Eoman  beggars,  who,  seeing  her  walk- 
ing about  in  a  velvet  cloak  trimmed  with  fur,  and  a  fur  muff, 
tippet,  and  armlets,  took  her  for  a  Russian  princess,  and  in- 
voked her  aid  under  that  impression.  On  the  way  up  the 
long  hills  the  General,  finding  himself  surrounded  by  beggars 
and  unable  to  enjoy  the  view,  addressed  them  in  a  depreca- 
tory air:  "I,"  said  he,  "am  only  a  poor  jDilgrim,  and  have 
nothing  for  you ;  but  there  comes  a  carriage  up  the  hill  con- 
taining a  princi^essa,  who  is  very  charitable ;  go  to  her." 
The  effect  was  magical :  the  pilgrim  was  instantly  deserted, 
and  the  whole  herd  scampered  off  to  meet  the  approaching 
carriage. 

From  Sestri  to  Kice  the  journey  was  on  the  celebrated 
Cornice  Road. 

"  It  is  a  lovely  drive.  You  go  winding  in  and  out  of  the 
bays  and  passing  through  the  most  enchanting  scenery  as  one 


1853-1860.]  "NO  NAME  AND  NO  FLACK"  297 

promontory  after  another  is  doubled,  and  bay  after  bay  re- 
cedes, bidding  you  pass  along  and  quite  around  its  wliole 
extent.  The  waves  roll  in  almost  under  the  carriage  win- 
dows, and  the  views  up  and  down  the  coast  extend  for  many 
miles  each  way.  In  point  of  mechanical  execution  the  road 
is  simply  magnificent.  Some  of  the  stiffest  headlands  are 
traversed  by  tunnels,  and  the  pathway  rests  on  solid  walls,  to 
save  it  from  destruction  by  landslips  on  the  one  side  or  sea- 
ward storms  on  the  other." 

In  a  large  family  there  is  always  plenty  of  delightful  chaff. 
The  General  afforded  opportunities  for  this  by  his  character- 
istic habit  of  speaking  most  energetically  and  decidedly  on 
nearly  every  subject.  One  day,  as  we  were  about  to  start,  a 
loud  exclamation  was  heard  from  him :  "  I^ow,  there  is  a 
thing  which  I  dislike  more  than  anything  in  this  world !"  A 
sudden  rush  of  the  entire  family  was  made,  each  anxious  for 
information  as  to  this  antipathy,  when  we  perceived  the 
General  regarding,  with  severe 
aspect,  a  trunk  which  had  hang- 
ing out  at  the  side  one  of  the 
linen  straps  which  are  used  to 
hold  the  top  steady  when  open. 
All  took  warning  for  the  fut- 
ure. The  trunk  was  opened,  the  strap  slipped  in,  and  the 
excitement  subsided. 

Passing  along,  "  we  came  to  a  village  which  struck  Mrs.  Dix 
as  so  verj  beautiful  in  its  position  and  its  general  aspect  that 
she  was  anxious  to  know  its  name.  The  General  informed 
her,  to  her  surprise,  that  it  had  no  name  and  was  no  place. 
How  he  found  this  out  we  presumed  not  to  inquire ;  but, 
notwithstanding  its  insignificance,  it  was  thought  right  to 
mention  it  in  the  journal,  and  to  observe  that  ^  no  place '  has 
a  picturesque  church  and  graceful  cottages ;  that  no  place  is 
traversed  by  a  mountain  stream  spanned  by  a  graceful  bridge ; 
that  no  place  pleased  us  very  much ;  and,  finally,  that  no  place 
delighted  us  more  than  any  place  we  saw  that  day." 


298  MEMOIES  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

On  the  26tli  of  May,  after  leaving  Genoa,  tliey  passed 
through  a  memorable  little  town,  of  which  an  unpleasant  ac- 
count is  given : 

"  Cogoleto  claims  the  honor  of  having  given  birth  to  Co- 
lumbus. If  that  distinguished  man  had  as  poor  fare  and  as 
many  b-d-b-gs  as  we  were  afflicted  with  in  this  place,  it  is 
easy  to  see  why  he  became  discontented  and  went  away  to 
try  and  find  a  new  world." 

Arriving  at  I^ice  on  the  29th,  they  remained  there  a  week, 
and  then  pursued  the  journey  to  Marseilles,  always  with  their 
devoted  Eavel.  The  region  is  historically  interesting,  and 
full  of  memories  of  the  Emperor  [N'apoleon  I. :  at  Cannes  and 
Frejus  these  abound.  The  country  about  Cannes  is  lovely ; 
Provence  is  a  garden,  and  that  is  one  of  its  most  delicious 
portions.  The  journey  from  Kice  to  Marseilles  occupied 
three  days ;  and  so  delighted  were  the  party  with  their  jour- 
ney that  it  is  placed  on  record  as  the  unanimous  feeling  that 
if  there  had  been  any  means  of  going  home  to  ximerica  by 
land  they  would  undoubtedly  have  kept  Eavel,  and  made  a 
contract  with  him  to  drive  them  thither. 

Such  an  arrangement,  however,  being  impossible,  resort  was 
had  to  the  means  of  transportation  commonly  in  use ;  and  on 
the  4th  day  of  July  the  General,  wdtli  nearly  all  the  family, 
sailed  from  Havre  in  the  steamship  Arago,  Captain  Lines,  for 
home.  I  followed  them  ten  days  later,  having  spent  a  fort- 
night in  England. 

The  winter  of  1855-56  was  passed  in  Florida.  The  Gen- 
eral, who  disliked  cold  weather,  found  himself  thoroughly 
comfortable  and  happy,  in  a  delicious  summer  climate,  and 
with  plenty  of  alligators  at  hand  whereon  to  try  his  skill  as  a 
rifleman.  Many  were  the  remarkable  exploits  performed  by 
him  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  John's  in  his  pursuit  of  those 
repulsive  reptiles.  The  monotony  of  life  at  Dr.  Benedict's 
"  Sanitarium "  was  relieved  by  a  visit  to  St.  Augustine,  then, 
as  now,  one  of  the  most  interesting  relics  of  antiquity  in  the 
United  States.     Its  old  gate- way  and  picturesque  plaza,  wdth 


1853-1860.]    LETTER  TO  SENATORS  YULEE  AND  MALLOBY.    299 

tlie  Koman  Catholic  cliurcli  on  the  one  side  and  the  Episco- 
pal church  just  opposite ;  the  sea-wall,  affording  a  delightful 
walk  in  the  cool  of  the  day ;  the  palm-trees  and  tiled  roofs ; 
the  veiled  Minorcan  women — all  these  gave  an  air  of  strange- 
ness to  the  place.  But  the  object  of  chief  interest  was  the 
fort  of  St.  Mark,  built  in  the  days  of  the  Spanish  domination, 
and  at  such  a  cost  to  the  home  government  that  it  is  related 
how,  on  one  occasion,  the  King,  on  a  fresh  requisition  for 
funds,  ascended  the  roof  of  his  palace  in  despair,  and,  gazing 
wistfully  westward,  exclaimed  that  he  thought  by  this  time 
he  ought  to  see  the  walls  rising  out  of  the  ocean.  The  inter- 
est awakened  by  the  sight  of  this  relic  of  other  days  may  be 
inferred  from  a  letter  to  the  Senators  from  Florida  a  jpro^os 
of  its  importance  and  value : 

"  New  York,  May  10, 1856. 
^''Messrs.  Yulee  and  Mallory^  IT.  S.  Senators  from  Florida: 

"  Gentlemen, — Although  I  have  just  returned  from  Florida,  where  I 
have  passed  the  greater  part  of  the  last  winter  with  my  family,  I  feel 
some  delicacy,  not  being  a  Floridian,  in  writing  to  you  on  a  matter 
chiefly  of  a  local  nature.  But,  as  the  whole  country  has  an  interest  in 
it,  I  shall  make  no  apology  for  presenting  it  to  you. 

"  I  allude  to  the  condition  of  the  old  Spanish  fortress  at  St.  Augustine, 
w^hich  I  consider  disreputable  to  us  as  a  nation.  There  are  numerous 
reasons  wliy  it  should  be  repaired  and  preserved.  Let  me  state  a  few 
of  the  principal  ones : 

"  1.  It  is  necessary  for  the  defence  of  St.  Augustine,  which  I  regard  as 
a  most  important  position.  Suppose  us  engaged  in  a  war  with  Great 
Britain.  From  the  vicinity  of  St.  Augustine  to  the  St.  John's  Kiver, 
Savannah,  and  Charleston,  it  would. afford  great  facilities  for  depreda- 
tion on  our  coast  and  on  commerce.  Although  the  bar  at  the  mouth 
of  the  harbor  is  in  its  present  state  an  obstruction,  it  might  by  a  very 
little  dredging  be  made  a  convenient  and  safe  resort  for  vessels  of  light 
draught;  and  its  vicinity  to  the  Bahama  Islands  would  enable  the 
enemy  with  ease  to  supply  and  defend  it.  I  know  no  point  south  of 
Charleston  which  could  be  converted  to  so  great  annoyance  to  the 
whole  Southern  Atlantic  coast.  But  I  need  not  enlarge  on  a  subject 
which  you  understand  so  much  better  than  myself. 

"  3.  The  fort,  as  a  specimen  of  military  art,  deserves  to  be  preserved, 
and  put  in  a  state  of  perfect  repair.     I  have  seen  few  works  in  any 


300  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

country  better  calculated  to  illustrate  on  a  small  scale  the  theory  of 
scientific  fortification.  It  is  rapidly  falling  into  decay,  and  a  few  years 
more  of  neglect  will  complete  its  destruction.  The  wall  over  the  case- 
mates is  worn  away,  and  some  of  them  leak  badly,  though  others  are 
yet  perfect,  and  are  used  for  storing  ammunition.  A  very  little  expense 
would  arrest  this  process  of  dilapidation.  The  casemates  secured  from 
moisture  would  be  perfectly  dry,  and  suited  for  quarters  for  a  garrison 
in  case  of  war.  The  stone  of  which  the  fort  is  constructed  seems  to  be 
admirably  adapted  to  the  purpose.'  It  yields  to  cannon-balls  without 
breaking  into  fragments,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  indentations  made  by 
the  batteries  of  General  Oglethorpe. 

"  3.  As  an  antiquity  of  extraordinary  merit  and  interest  it  should  be 
repaired  and  preserved.  I  would  not  incur  the  expense  for  this  reason 
alone ;  but  when  considerations  of  utility  are  so  strongly  in  favor  of  it, 
this  argument  may  be  urged  to  strengthen  the  case.  It  is  one  of  the 
few  memorials  which  the  discoverers  of  America  have  left  on  the  north- 
ern part  of  this  continent,  and  it  would  be  discreditable  in  the  highest 
degree  to  us  to  allow  it  to  perish. 

"  In  a  word,  as  a  work  of  military  science  and  art,  as  an  indispensable 
protection  to  St.  Augustine,  and  as  a  memento  of  those  who  preceded  us 
on  this  portion  of  the  American  continent,  and  to  whose  enterprise  we 
owe  our  homes  and  all  the  prosperity  and  greatness  which  after-ages 
have  in  reserve  for  us,  let  us  preserve  this  ancient  fortress  and  restore  it 
to  its  pristine  condition.  The  expense  will  not  be  great — not  half  so 
much  as  would  be  necessary  to  construct  a  work  of  one  tithe  of  its  effi- 
ciency; and  when  Congress  (I  intend  no  disrespect)  is  scattering  the 
public  treasure  with  so  lavish  a  hand,  is  there  not  every  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  a  joint  efibrt  on  your  part  may  secure  an  object  which  is  essen- 
tial to  the  protection  of  the  Atlantic  coast  south  of  Charleston,  and  in 
which  I  feel  that  the  good  name  of  the  country  is  concerned  ? 

"As  to  the  barracks  at  the  other  end  of  the  town,  the  sooner  the  gov- 
ernment can  get  rid  of  them  the  better,  especially  if  they  can  be  applied 
to  any  useful  purpose.  They  are  in  the  wrong  place,  are  rapidly  decay- 
ing, and  would  not,  I  think,  by  supplying  any  future  military  want, 
indemnify  us  for  the  expense  of  keeping  them  up. 

"  You  will  excuse  me  for  bringing  this  subject  before  you.  Though  a 
New  Yorker,  I  may  say  (taking  a  slight  liberty  with  the  poet), '  Nihil 
(Americani).' 

"  I  am.  Gentlemen,  very  truly  yours,  John  A.  Dix." 

A  part  of  tlie  following  year  was  spent  at  Cornwall-on-tlie- 
Iludson,  a  delightful  summer  resort,  and  even  more  attractive 


1853-1860.]     LETTERS  FROM  THE  POET  N.  P.  WILLIS.  301 

in  the  autumn.  The  scenery  is  perfect ;  the  air  pure ;  the 
prospect  diversified.  There  the  Highlands  open  toward  the 
south,  and  the  broad  waters  of  JS'ewburgh  Bay  give  the  idea 
of  an  inland  lake  bordered  by  stately  hills.  IText  to  the 
house  at  which  we  lodged  was  "  Idlewild,"  the  residence  of 
J^athaniel  P.  Willis.  His  health  was  at  that  time  seriously 
impaired,  but  his  manners  and  conversation  were  as  charming 
as  ever.  My  mother  and  he  felt  a  strong  interest  in  each 
other,  as  she  was  still  very  delicate,  and  not  yet  entirely  re- 
covered from  the  severe  illness  contracted  in  Eome.  Many 
pleasant  notes  came  to  her  from  the  mansion  on  the  other 
side  of  the  glen,  where  the  trees  made  a  perpetual  twilight 
above  the  noisy  little  stream  that  flowed  below  to  join  the 
waters  of  the  river.     Of  these  I  transcribe  one  or  two : 

"  Idlewild. 
"  Dear  Mrs.  Dix, — The  elements  have  relented  toward  you  this  morn- 
ing, and  the  south-west  wind  is  good  for  our  mutual  consumptions  and 
sorrows.  It  will  be  soft  and  sunny  over  the  hills  this  afternoon,  and  I 
will  re-claim  your  tender  compliance  of  yesterday  and  call  for  yourself 
and  daughter  at  3  p.m.  Please  bring  all  your  griefs  and  shawls  to  the 
wagon  with  you,  for  I  long  for  sympathy,  and  wish  it  to  be  warm. 

"  Do  not  trouble  yourself  to  answer  this,  unless  you  are  too  ill  to  go. 
"  Yours  very  sincerely,  N.  P.  Willis." 

"Sunday  morning. 

"  Dear  Mrs.  Dix, — You  have  too  much  of  the  conception  of  genius 
yourself  not  to  be  interested  in  seeing  the  author's  child  before  birth, 
and  so  (by  way  of  announcing  my  return,  alive  and  well)  I  enclose  you 
a  proof-sheet  of  my  leading  article  for  next  week.  It  is  to  give  me  an 
excuse,  also,  for  announcing  to  you  that  I  propose  to  cross  Idlewild  cat- 
aract at  11  A.M.,  and  report  to  you  my  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  myste- 
rious Hon.  Mrs.  Whyte.     Please  have  your  astonishment  ready. 

"  It  seems  striving  to  clear  off,  and  will  achieve  it  by  noon,  I  think. 
Meantime,  dear  Mrs.  Dix,  I  remain, 

"  Yours  most  truly,  N.  P.  Willis." 

♦'Idlewild,  Thursday  morning. 
"  My  dear  Mrs.  Dix,— I  have  a  brother  named  after  you  (Mr.  Rich- 
ard Willis),  and  it  is  Dick's  intention  to  be  here  to  dinner  to-day.    He 


302  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

is,  like  his  namesake,  worth  knowing  as  a  variety  of  the  human  type, 
and  a  gem  of  his  kind  ;  and  we  have  all  agreed,  therefore,  that  you  and 
he  must  not  die  in  ignorance  of  each  other.  To  prevent  this  catas- 
trophe I  shall  be  at  your  door  with  my  wagon  at  half-past  one,  this  day, 
and  I  trust  you  will  let  no  obstacle  prevent  my  taking  charge  of  you  for 
the  remainder  of  the  daylight.  I  will  restore  you  safely  at  your  own 
hour  of  the  evening  with  the  family  wagon.  We  shall  have  some  good 
music  after  dinner.     Believe  me,  yours  most  truly, 

"  N.  P.  Willis." 

During  those  years  in  wliich  he  was  excluded  from  public 
life  my  father  gave  much  time  and  thought  to  matters  con- 
nected with  the  development  of  the  country.  He  was  ac- 
tively employed  as  one  of  the  pioneers  in  the  gigantic  en- 
terprise of  uniting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  by  one 
continuous  line  of  railway.  On  withdrawing  from  politics  he 
accepted  an  invitation  to  become  President  of  the  Chicago 
and  Hock  Island  Pailroad,  a  post  which  brought  much  hard 
work,  with  small  pecuniary  return.  It  gave  him,  however, 
what  he  most  desired,  constant  occupation,  and  filled  his 
active  mind  with  large  and  important  subjects.  His  jour- 
neys to  and  from  the  West  for  several  years  were  frequent ; 
and  as  the  work  under  his  immediate  observation  grew  so  did 
his  enthusiasm  increase,  until  he  saw,  by  faith,  the  "  Union 
Pacific  Railroad"  already  an  accomplished  fact.  His  speech 
at  Davenport,  Iowa,  in  the  month  of  June,  1854,  in  response 
to  that  of  the  Mayor  of  that  place,  contains  his  views  of  the 
grandeur  of  the  work  in  which  he  was  engaged.  An  excur- 
sion was  made  in  which  some  twelve  hundred  citizens  of  the 
East — capitalists,  merchants,  statesmen,  geographers,  and  sci- 
entific men — took  part.  On  returning  from  St.  Anthony's 
Falls  to  Davenport  they  were  received  with  appropriate  dem- 
onstrations.    The  Mayor,  in  addressing  them,  said : 

"  Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — We  invite  you  to  an  entertain- 
ment on  this  side  the  great  water.  It  is  not  of  bread,  though 
we  could  feed  a  multitude,  and  we  touch  not  the  wine.  You 
see  yonder  archway  invading  the  bold  shore  of  old  Missis- 


1853-1860.]     THE  MAYOR  OF  DAVENPORTS  ADDRESS.  303 

sippi,  fit  momiment  to  the  genius  Eedfield.  That  is  the  road 
to  California  and  the  Indies. 

"We  have  harnessed  np  a  horse  which,  like  the  fabled 
steeds  of  Diomedes,  vomiteth  fire  from  his  nostrils,  and, 
without  grants  of  land  or  other  aid  than  your  own,  we  intend 
to  land  the  first  train  on  the  Pacific.  We  are  on  a  great  line. 
It  is  not  a  line  dividing  states  and  empires ;  it  is  not  Mason 
and  Dixon's  line,  but  it  is  Dix's  line  to  the  great  West. 

"  Our  train  is  now  ready  to  start  through  the  Iowa  prai- 
ries. We  have  a  Dix  for  a  conductor,  a  Flagg  for  a  finan- 
cier, Famam  for  an  engineer,  and  Sheffield  for  a  fireman, 
and  we  have  all  the  men  who  have  been  engaged  on  this 
road  from  Chicago  to  aid  us  in  the  enterprise.  We  wish 
you  to  join  us,  and  with  such  a  noble  company  we  shall  be 
at  the  metropolis  of  tliis  State  in  December  next,  and  we 
invite  you  to  celebrate  another  such  a  scene  as  tliis  in  two 
years  on  the  Missouri. 

"  Embark  in  this  train,  and  before  our  rivals  are  done  talk- 
ing of  their  projects  we  shall  have  the  railroad  to  California's 
golden  sands  half  finished,  and  invite  them  to  celebrate  the 
completion  of  another  link  in  this  great  chain  on  the  summit 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains." 

In  reply  General  Dix  made  a  speech,  from  which  I  take 
this  extract.  It  shows  the  cherished  purpose  of  ]N"ew  York 
and  the  East : 

"  We  have,  as  yet,  gentlemen,  only  reached  the  Mississippi. 
But  the  tide  of  population  has  fiowed  far  beyond  it.  Iowa, 
the  great  State  of  which  we  have  merely  touched  the  bound- 
ary, one  of  the  youngest  of  the  American  sisters,  is  still  west 
of  us.  With  I  know  not  how  many  hundred  thousand  inhab- 
itants—  you,  fellow -citizens  of  Iowa,  cannot  tell  yourselves 
from  week  to  week  how  many  people  you  have,  so  rapidly  is 
immigration  adding  to  your  numbers  — with  fifty  thousand 
square  miles,  and  the  richest  fifty  in  a  body  in  the  whole 
Union — if  the  reports  of  the  government  surveyors  are  to  be 


304  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

trusted  —  no  estimate  can  be  formed  of  the  rapidity  of  lier 
growth  or  the  standard  of  wealth  and  strength  she  is  destined 
to  attain.  We  have  come  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  to  the 
Mississippi  River  by  an  uninterrupted  line  of  railroads.  If 
we  had  come  seven  months  later  we  could  have  gone  on  to 
Iowa  City,  nearly  sixty  miles  farther  west,  by  an  extension 
of  the  same  iron  track  which  has  brought  us  here. 

"It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  to  you,  fellow-citizens  of 
Iowa,  that  a  railroad  is  now  in  progress  of  construction  from 
Davenport,  on  the  Mississippi,  w^here  we  now  stand,  to  Coun- 
cil Bluffs,  on  the  Missouri,  by  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri  Rail- 
road Company,  for  the  work  is  going  on  under  your  own  eyes. 
The  two  rivers  are  three  hundred  miles  apart.  The  grading 
on  the  first  sixty  miles  will  be  finished  in  September,  and  the 
rails,  which  are  now  arriving  in  ^ew  York,  will  be  laid  before 
the  1st  of  January  next.  One  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
more  are  ready  to  be  put  under  contract.  This  road  must 
and  will  be  promptly  completed.  It  is  the  great  highway  to 
Nebraska,  and  its  speedy  completion  is  vitally  connected  with 
the  future  prosperity  of  that  Territory. 

"  Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  we  are  to  stop  at  the  Mis- 
souri River.  The  character  of  the  country  still  invites  us  on- 
ward, and  we  shall  go  on.  Our  surveyors  and  engineers  have 
been  beyond  Council  Bluffs  into  J^ebraska,  as  far  as  the  Platte 
or  Nebraska  River;  others  have  been  several  hundred  miles 
farther  west,  and  they  report  that  it  has  the  same  fertility  of 
soil  which  enriches  Iowa  so  greatly.  Gentlemen,  we  may  as 
well  come  to  the  point  at  once  —  we  are  on  the  way  to  the 
Pacific;  and  we  intend  to  go  there.  It  wdll  require  years 
of  perseverance,  but  the  w^ork  wdll  be  accomplished  in  good 
time.  I  may  reasonably  expect,  with  the  ordinary  chances 
of  life,  to  live  to  see  it.  So  long  as  the  same  rich  soil  is 
spread  out  before  us,  we  may  continue  on  the  line  we  are 
now  working. 

"The  country,  as  it  is  settled  and  its  productive  powers 
are  developed,  will  furnish  the  means  of  sustaining  the  work. 


1853-1860.]     EXTRACT  FROM  GENERAL  DIX'S  SPEECH.        305 

Tlie  State  of  Iowa  now  provides  all  the  money  to  grade  the 
road  through  her  territory  by  subscriptions  within  herself. 
She  has  not  received  a  single  dollar  from  subscribers  on  the 
seaboard.  She  only  asks  of  the  Atlantic  States — where  her 
improvements  will  virtually  terminate — to  furnish  rails  and 
the  running  apparatus  to  put  the  road  in  operation.  The 
gentlemen  who  have  constructed  the  Chicago  and  Rock  Isl- 
and Railroad  are  engaged  in  the  construction  of  this,  and 
it  is  their  opinion  that  the  one  will  be  as  productive  as  the 
other. 

"I  have  said,  gentlemen,  that  we  are  on  the  way  to  the 
Pacific,  and  that  we  may  continue  on  the  line  we  are  now 
working  so  long  as  we  have  the  same  rich  country  to  traverse 
— a  country  which  will  continue  to  draw  men  and  means  from 
the  East,  and  especially  from  New  England,  '  the  E'orthern 
hive '  of  this  continent,  sending  out  her  legions,  not  for  plun- 
der or  conquest,  but  to  extend  the  arts  of  civilization,  to  carry 
the  hardy  virtues  of  the  Pilgrims,  perpetuated  in  their  de- 
scendants, into  the  pathless  wilderness,  and  make  it  what  the 
country  before  our  eyes  has  been  made  in  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury of  time.  "Where  this  great  highway  to  the  Pacific  is  to 
cross  the  Rocky  Mountains  we  need  not  care  to  know.  The 
question  is  not  an  urgent  one  now.  Whether  we  are  to  bear 
north,  following  the  course  of  the  Platte,  or  incline  south, 
may  be  settled  hereafter ;  and  it  must  be  settled,  not  by  cur- 
sory exploration,  but  by  the  most  careful  and  minute  exami- 
nations under  the  directions  of  experienced  engineers.  One 
thing  is  certainly  desirable — that  the  States  from  the  Lakes 
to  the  southern  boundary  of  Missouri  should  have  a  common 
exodus  from  the  American  wilderness,  which  spreads  itself 
out  from  the  eastern  face  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

''  The  railway  comj)anies  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Mis- 
sissippi have  a  common  interest,  and  they  should  have  a  com- 
mon aim.  Let  them  go  westward  in  the  respective  districts 
which  they  are  traversing,  and  when  they  reach  the  wilder- 
ness beyond  the  Mississippi  and  the  Missouri  they  may,  by 
L— 20 


306  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

their  combined  influence  and  means,  open  a  common  avenue 
to  the  Pacific,  or  more  than  one,  if  their  western  termini  must 
be  fixed  at  different  points.  A  large  view  of  this  subject 
should  extinguish  all  jealousy,  which  is  always  bred  in  nar- 
rowness of  feeling,  and  is  almost  always  blind  to  the  very 
interest  it  seeks  to  promote." 

The  work  on  the  Chicago  and  Kock  Island  Railroad  was 
pushed  with  the  rapidity  and  energy  which  characterize 
American  enterprises.  It  was  commenced  April  10,  1852, 
and  opened  to  Joliet,  40  miles,  October  18  in  the  same  year; 
to  Morris,  61  miles,  January  6,  1853 ;  to  Ottowa,  83  miles, 
February  14 ;  to  La  Salle,  98  miles,  March  10 ;  to  Peru,  99 
miles,  March  21 ;  to  Tiskilwa,  122  miles,  September  12 ;  to 
Sheffield,  136  miles,  October  12 ;  to  Geneseo,  158  miles,  De- 
cember 19.  This  was  the  first  continuous  line  of  railroad  to 
reach  the  Mississippi  River  from  Lake  Michigan.  The  west- 
ern extension  of  the  road  was  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri 
Railroad ;  and  the  bridge  connecting  the  two  sections  of  the 
road  was  a  good  specimen  of  engineering  skill.  It  is  an 
interesting  fact  in  his  life  that  General  Dix  should  have 
been  connected  with  these  great  works,  and  with  the  grander 
project  for  which  they  prepared  the  way.  As  was  observed 
in  a  letter  to  him  from  Davenport,  June  20,  1854,  by  one 
engaged  in  the  same  enterprise : 

"  Your  earnest  and  devoted  labors  are  worth  to  the  com- 
pany a  very  large  amount ;  and  not  only  so,  but  they  place 
your  name  high  on  the  pinnacle  of  fame  in  a  different  line 
entirely  from  any  one  in  which  you  have  thus  far  won  a 
great  reputation." 

Referring  to  the  work  then  in  progress,  General  Dix  wrote 
to  Mr.  Dean,  member  of  Congress,  as  follows : 

"New  York,  March  21, 1854. 
"My  dear  Sir, — If  you  have  constitutional  scruples  in  respect  to 
grants  of  lands  to  States  for  roads  within  their  own  limits,  it  will  not  be 
worth  your  while  to  take  the  trouble  to  read  this  letter;  but  if  you  re- 


1853-1860.]     GENERAL  DIX'S  LETTER  TO  MR.  DEAN.  307 

gard  the  question  as  one  of  practical  propriety,  I  should  be  glad  to  have 
you  inquire  into  the  merits  of  the  Iowa  land  bill,  which,  I  understand, 
will  be  shortly  reported  by  the  proper  committee  in  your  House.  The 
bill  has  passed  the  Senate  in  strict  conformity  to  the  memorial  of  the 
Legislature  of  that  State  to  Congress.  It  is  a  clean  bill.  It  will  not  be 
pressed  on  your  House  or  its  members  by  any  unworthy  appliances,  but 
will  be  left  to  stand  on  its  own  merits. 

"  You  are,  perhaps,  aware  that  a  railroad  was  opened  last  month  from 
Chicago  to  Rock  Island,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  and  that  it  has  been 
constructed  in  an  almost  incredibly  short  period  by  private  capital  and 
enterprise.  Our  friend  Mr.  Flagg  is  treasurer.  It  has  cost  between  four 
and  five  millions  of  dollars.  It  has  been  opened  by  sections,  and  has 
actually  yielded,  on  the  finished  portions,  in  ten  months,  over  $600,000 
in  tolls.  The  receipts  the  next  year  will  not  fall  sliort  of  a  million. 
This  unprecedented  success  points  it  out  with  certainty  as  the  great 
route  to  the  Mississippi  from  our  own  State.  A  railroad  has  been  com- 
menced in  continuation  of  this  from  the  Mississippi,  at  Rock  Island,  to 
the  Missouri,  near  Council  Blufl's.  It  is  in  rapid  progress,  and  we  hope 
to  open  a  section  by  the  1st  of  June.  With  the  aid  of  the  land  bill  it 
can  be  opened  to  Iowa  City  by  the  1st  of  January  next,  and  to  the  Mis- 
souri by  the  1st  of  January,  1856.  Over  twenty  years  ago  Redfield,who 
has  distinguished  himself  so  much  by  his  scientific  writings,  particularly  in 
respect  to  the  laws  of  storms,  pointed  out  this  route  for  the  great  railway 
to  the  Pacific.  It  is  now  the  principal  channel  of  emigration  to  districts 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  I  think  is  rapidly  confirming  Redfield's  sug- 
gestion. It  is  the  line  of  enterprise  and  physical  power.  I  have  been 
associated,  as  President  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri  Railroad  Com- 
pany, since  its  organization  ten  months  ago,  with  the  Iowa  gentlemen 
engaged  in  it.  They  are  prosecuting  it  with  discretion  and  vigor,  and 
with  clean  hands.  Thus  far  the  enterprise  has  been  carried  on  by  Iowa 
capital  and  credit,  and  we  are  preparing  to  procure  the  iron  by  means 
obtained  here. 

*'  I  believe  the  Iowa  land  bill  to  have  as  strong  claims  on  New  York 
as  it  would  have  if  the  lands  it  appropriates  w^ere  to  be  granted  to  her. 
I  believe  the  appropriation  of  the  lands  to  the  contemplated  improve- 
ments in  Iowa  will  be  more  beneficial  to  us  than  any  application  of  the 
proceeds  possibly  could  be  within  our  own  limits.  They  will  penetrate 
the  heart  of  the  richest  region  in  the  Union  in  proportion  to  its  magni- 
tude, and  pour  its  products  into  the  lap  of  New  York.  My  object  in 
writing  to  you  is  to  ask  your  attention  to  the  subject — that  is,  if  you 
have  no  conscientious  scruples  as  to  such  grants — and,  if  you  desire  any 
farther  information,  the  Honorable  John  P.  Cook,  a  member  of  your 


308  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

House,  can  tell  you  all  about  it.  If  you  think  favorably  of  it,  I  should 
be  happy  to  have  you  show  this  letter  to  our  friends,  Messrs.  Bishop 
Perkins,  Hughes,  Westbrook,  Fenton,  and  any  other  of  our  State  dele- 
gation, if  you  think  proper.    I  am,  dear  Sir,  sincerely  yours, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Hon.  G.  Dean,  M.  C." 

The  following  letters  bear  pn  the  same  subject : 

"  Magnolia,  Florida,  March  14, 185G. 

"  My  dear  Sir, — I  perceive  by  the  newspapers  that  Mr.  Brown  of  tlie 
Senate,  on  the  6th  instant,  reported  a  bill  for  the  construction  of  a  rail- 
road and  telegraph  line  from  the  Mississippi  River  south  of  latitude  37° 
to  the  Pacific  at  San  Francisco.  This  project  cuts  off  St.  Louis  and 
isolates  the  State  of  Iowa,  so  far  as  a  central  road  to  the  Pacific  is  con- 
cerned. The  phrase  '  south  of  latitude  37°  '  is  very  vague ;  but  I  take  it 
for  granted  it  is  intended  to  endorse  the  recommendation  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  to  adopt  the  route  near  the  thirty-second  parallel. 

It  strikes  me  that  such  a  bill  would  be  very  unjust  to  those  who  have 
invested  so  largely  in  carrying  railroads  beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  who 
have  completed  nearly  one-half  of  the  entire  line  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific ;  and  if  this  bill  is  to  pass,  it  certainly  ought  to  make  a  simi- 
lar provision  for  the  route  through  Iowa,  otherwise  a  severe  check  may 
be  given  to  the  progress  and  the  ultimate  prosperity  of  jouv  truly  noble 
young  State.  Under  a  general  view  of  the  subject  it  is  of  little  conse- 
quence through  what  part  of  Iowa  the  great  road  to  the  Pacific  should 
pass.  But  the  bridge  at  Davenport  and  the  completion  of  the  line  to 
Iowa  City  seem  to  indicate  this  as  the  proper  one.  I  have  always  thought 
that  the  line  from  Dubuque  west  should  meet  us  at  the  Missouri,  and  that 
we  must  go  together  through  the  Platte  Valley  to  the  South  Pass.  I  am 
told  fifty  miles  of  road  are  already  in  operation  on  the  Sacramento,  and 
that  the  California  improvements  point  to  Utah,  the  South  Pass,  and  the 
Platte  Valley. 

"I  send  you  a  speecli  which  I  made  at  the  Iowa  City  celebration, 
and  which  has  been  printed  in  pamphlet  form  since  I  left.  I  consid- 
ered what  I  said  as  intended  only  for  the  persons  present,  and  those 
who  were  interested  in  the  particular  line,  of  which  we  had  just  fin- 
ished the  first  section.  Had  I  foreseen  that  so  much  prominence 
would  have  been  given  to  it,  I  should  have  gone  more  in  detail  into 
the  subject. 

"I  really  hope  this  matter  will  take  a  right  direction,  and  if  the  line 
of  33°  must  be  taken,  that  the  friends  of  the  route  through  Iowa,  Illinois, 


1853-1860.]     ATLANTIC  AND  PACIFIC  EAILEOAD  LINE.         309 

Indiana,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York  will  insist  on  a  grant  of  160,000,000 

acres  of  land  for  that  route. 

"  I  write  you  in  haste,  and  am,  dear  General,  sincerely  yours, 

"  John  A.  Dix. 
"Hon.  Mr.  Jones,  U.  S.  Senate." 

"  Magnolia,  Florida,  March  21, 1856. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  perceive  by  the  newspapers  that  Mr.  Brown  introduced 
into  the  Senate,  on  the  6th  instant,  a  bill  making  provision  for  a  railroad 
and  magnetic  telegraph,  south  of  latitute  37°,  from  the  Mississippi  Eiver 
to  the  Pacific  at  San  Francisco.  I  consider  this  movement  as  an  adop- 
tion of  the  line  of  32°  through  the  Colorado  desert.  Such  a  road  for  all 
the  purposes  of  transportation  and  travel  will  be  nearly  useless  to  the 
North-western  States ;  and  to  the  line  of  Chicago  and  the  great  Lakes 
its  influence  must  be  positively  detrimental.  The  great  route  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  is  marked  out  by  natural  features  too 
strong  to  be  mistaken.  It  is  from  New  York  by  the  Hudson  River, 
the  remarkable  level  from  Albany  to  Bufiklo,  and  the  Great  Lakes,  to 
Chicago,  Rock  Island,  Council  Bluffs,  the  Platte  Valley,  the  South  Pass, 
Utah,  and  the  Sacramento.  I  have  no  objection  that  the  Southern 
States  should  have  40,000,000  acres  of  land  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  their  road,  and  any  allowance  for  carrying  the  mail  that  may 
be  thought  reasonable.  But  every  consideration  of  fairness  demands 
that  the  same  provision  should  be  made  at  the  same  time  (I  mean  in  the 
same  bill)  for  the  other  route.  The  road  through  Iowa  and  Nebraska 
will  pay  as  fast  as  it  can  be  constructed ;  and  the  local  business  will  sus- 
tain it  to  the  end  of  time.  The  North-west,  the  North-east,  and  the 
Middle  States  are  all  interested  in  it.  I  believe  it  is  in  your  power  to 
put  this  matter  right.  I  write  to  you  promptly  to  invite  your  early  at- 
tention to  the  subject;  and  you  will  excuse  me  suggesting  that  not  only 
great  public  considerations,  but  others  personal  to  yourself,  render  it  of 
the  highest  importance  that  this  measure  should  be  carried  by  your 
efficient  aid. 

"  I  made  a  speech  at  Iowa  City  early  in  January,  in  which  I  took  a 
general  view  of  this  question.  General  Jones  of  Iowa  has  a  copy.  It 
was  a  dinner  speech ;  and  as  there  were  many  others  to  speak,  my  re- 
marks were  necessarily  brief.  I  am  at  present  President  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  Missouri  Railroad  Company,  as  you  will  perceive.  I  have  no 
selfish  interest  in  this  matter,  my  only  motive  is  to  see  a  great  public 
enterprise  succeed ;  and  I  stand  ready  to  relinquish  my  position  at  any 
moment,  if  by  doing  so  I  can  farther  the  object  in  view. 

"  I  am  passing  the  winter  here  on  account  o-f  my  wife's  delicate  health, 
and  shall  be  in  New  York  about  the  middle  of  April." 


310  MEMOIRS  OF  JORN  ADAMS  JDIX. 

The  year  1857  was  one  of  varied  interest  in  the  present  his- 
tory. I  shall  first  mention  the  attack  on  Trinity  Church  dur- 
ing the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  the  beginning  of  that  year, 
in  connection  with  a  statement  of  the  service  rendered  to  the 
Corporation  by  my  father  at  that  time.  But  here  it  may  be 
proper  to  state  the  leading  facts  in  his  history  as  a  member 
of  the  Episcopal  Church.  ^Porn  of  a  Puritan  stock,  and 
brought  up  under  Congregational  influences,  he  has  given 
us  in  his  autobiography  the  story  of  his  early  sentiments  on 
the  subject  of  religion.  The  questions  of  man's  relation  to 
Almighty  God,  and  the  duties  consequent  upon  it,  were  ever 
regarded  by  my  father  as  of  the  utmost  importance.  That 
this  was  his  habit  of  mind  is  evident  from  the  fact  that,  at 
an  age  when  the  thoughts  are  little  inclined  to  turn  serious- 
ly to  the  subject  of  religion,  he  asked  to  be  baptized  into  the 
Church.  He  was  about  twenty  years  of  age,  and  stationed  at 
Fort  Constitution,  Portsmouth,  ]^.  H.,  when  he  received  the 
first  of  those  great  sacraments  ordained  by  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  for  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  men.  The  record  is 
in  the  register  of  baptisms  in  St.  John's  Church,  Portsmouth, 
of  which  the  Eev.  Charles  Burroughs  was  Rector : 

"  John  Adams  Dix,  an  adult,  aged  20.  Samuel  Larkin,  Esq.,  Timothy 
Upham,  Esq.,  and  Mr.  Samuel  E.  Watson  were  his  chosen  witnesses." 

The  date  was  July  19, 1818. 

From  that  day  my  father  remained  a  staunch  and  exem- 
plary member  of  the  Church  to  whose  fold  he  was  then  ad- 
mitted. He  was  prominent  in  the  congregation  of  St.  Pe- 
ter's, Albany,  as  I  have  already  related.  He  received  his 
first  communion  in  the  English  Chapel,  outside  the  Porta 
del  Popolo,  at  Rome,  during  our  residence  in  that  city  in 
the  winter  of  1813-44,  and  he  was  always  a  regular  and 
frequent  partaker  of  that  holy  sacrament  to  the  very  end 
of  his  life  on  earth. 

On  the  12th  of  ^N'ovember,  1849,  General  Dix  was  elect- 
ed a  member  of  the  Yestry  of  the  parish  of  Trinity  Church, 


1853-1860.]     GENERAL  DIX  ELECTED  A  VESTRY  MEMBER.    311 

in  the  city  of  New  York,  succeeding  his  father-in-law,  Mr. 
Morgan,  who  had  been  a  member  of  that  body  for  many 
years.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  he  was  neither  idle 
nor  inactive  in  that  position;  his  energetic  character  and 
practical  sagacity  found  there  a  new  field  of  exercise,  and  he 
became,  in  course  of  time,  one  of  the  most  influential  mem- 
bers of  the  Corporation.  His  attention  was  early  directed  to 
the  financial  condition  of  the  parish.  For  a  long  series  of 
years  the  policy  had  been  one  of  profuse,  not  to  say  prodigal, 
liberality ;  large  sums  of  money  were  given  away  to  parishes, 
colleges,  and  societies  all  over  the  State  of  New  York,  and  en- 
dowments of  land  were  granted  to  such  an  extent  as  seriously 
to  diminish  the  estate  and  revenues  of  the  church.  If  that 
policy  had  been  pursued,  not  enough  of  the  estate  would  have 
been  left  to  carry  on  the  work  of  the  parish  in  this  city.  Per- 
ceiving a  danger  to  which  his  fellow-trustees  seemed  blind. 
General  Dix  resolved  to  endeavor  to  secure  a  change  of  policy, 
and  thus  save  the  Corporation  from  deeper  embarrassment. 
He  has  often  told  me  the  story :  how  he  introduced  certain 
resolutions,  tending  to  stop  the  profuse  donations  to  other 
bodies,  and  to  restrict  gifts  to  a  comparatively  narrow  com- 
pass ;  how  he  had  difficulty  in  finding  one  of  the  vestry  to' 
second  his  proposed  measures ;  how  he  urged  the  new  policy 
of  retrenchment  and  economy  year  after  year,  slowly  making 
converts ;  until,  after  the  lapse  of  several  years,  he  had  the 
pleasure  of  finding  a  majority  on  his  side.  His  view  was 
this :  that  the  proper  field  for  the  use  of  the  wealth  of  Trin- 
ity Church  is  the  city  of  New  York,  and  especially  those  dis- 
tricts which  other  churches  have  abandoned ;  that  ours  should 
be,  first  of  all,  a  missionary  work  among  the  poor  and  needy 
in  the  forsaken  regions  of  the  metropolis ;  and  that  no  dona- 
tions, subsidies,  or  aid  of  any  kind  should  be  made  outside 
the  parish  limits,  until  every  need  within  those  limits  had 
been  supplied.  The  results  of  that  policy  are  seen  in  the 
vast  work,  spiritual,  educational,  and  eleemosynary,  now  car- 
ried on  in  this  city  under  the  auspices  of  the  Corporation  of 


312  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHX  ADAMS  DIX. 

Trinity — a  work  for  which  the  efforts  and  perseverance  of 
General  Dix  did  much  to  prepare  the  way. 

Devoted  as  he  was  to  the  Church,  and  deeply  interested 
in  the  success  of  these  designs  for  the  glory  of  Almighty 
God  and  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  men,  it  may  be  imag- 
ined with  what  feelings  he  regarded  the  assault  on  our  par- 
ish in  the  year  1857.  For  nearly  two  hundred  years  Trini- 
ty Church  has  been  an  object  of  attack;  nor  is  this  to  be 
wondered  at,  considering  the  jealousy  of  wealth,  and  the  more 
aggravated  jealousy  of  ecclesiastical  corporations.  Moreover, 
in  the  case  of  this  estate,  as  in  that  of  many  others,  persons 
have  set  up  claims  to  the  property,  and  designing  men  have 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  credulous,  and  perhaps,  at  length, 
themselves,  that  the  Corporation  is  irreligiously  excluding 
them  from  the  possession  of  their  own.  But  the  attack  now 
referred  to  was  much  more  serious  than  any  previously  made, 
either  by  lewd  fellows  of  the  baser  sort,  who  lust  after  gain 
and  seek  to  lay  hands  on  the  wealth  consecrated  to  God's 
service,  or  by  the  crazy  dreamers  who  march  under  the  ban- 
ner of  old  Anneke  Jans.  It  was  commenced  and  kept  up 
by  some  of  the  best  people  in  the  city,  by  venerable  clergy- 
men, and  laymen  conspicuous  for  every  Christian  virtue. 
Induced  by  I  know  not  precisely  what  desires,  these  per- 
sons framed  the  theory  that  every  member  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  resident  in  the  city  of  New  York  was  ipso 
facto  a  corporator  of  Trinity  Church,  and  had  a  right  to  vote 
at  the  annual  election  for  church-wardens  and  vestrymen,  and 
thus  to  control  her  concerns.  According  to  this  notion  the 
Rector  of  the  Parish  of  Trinity  Church  should  be  regarded 
as  the  Rector  of  the  entire  Protestant  Episcopal  population  of 
the  city ;  and  they  must  be  regarded  as  members  of  his  parish, 
with  a  right  in  its  government ;  and  the  Easter  elections  must 
be  decided  by  a  levy  en  masse ^  at  the  head  of  Broadway  and 
Wall  Street,  of  the  members  of  all  the  parishes,  which,  in  fact, 
seem  to  have  been  considered  as  mere  parts  of  one  stupendous 
whole.     Accordingly  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Legisla- 


1853-1860. J     A  PRODIGIOUS  ATTEMPT  AT  SPOLIATION.         313 

ture,  the  effect  of  which  would  have  been  to  overthrow  the 
existing  system,  to  give  the  property  into  the  hands  of  per- 
sons not  connected  with  our  parish,  and  to  secure — what  many 
conscientiously  regarded  as  desirable — the  complete  undoing, 
overthrow,  and  destruction  of  the  oldest  corporation  in  this 
city,  and  the  division  of  its  lands  and  property  among  a 
crowd  of  hungry  organizations,  some  of  which  had  sprung 
from  its  own  bowels,  and  many  of  which  were  the  recipients 
of  its  steady  and  free  benefactions."^ 

It  seems  a  marvellous  thing  that  such  men  as  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Muhlenberg  of  the  clergy,  and  Mr.  Eobert  B.  Minturn  of 
the  laity,  could  have  been  carried  away  by  these  notions  and 
become  the  advocates  of  the  scheme  of  spoliation.  I  shall  not 
trace  the  history  of  the  attack,  as  it  went  from  stage  to  stage 
in  the  Legislature,  nor  relate  the  particulars  of  its  final  defeat; 
it  suffices  to  add  that  the  Corporation  found  one  of  its  ablest 
champions  in  General  Dix.  Called  to  appear  before  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  Senate,  but  supposing  at  the  time  that  it  would 
be  impossible  for  him  to  do  so,  he  prepared  a  communication 
to  be  submitted  to  them.  This  communication  was  sent  to 
Albany  by  one  of  his  associates  in  the  Yestry;  but  the  ses- 
sions of  the  Committee  continuing  longer  than  was  expected, 

*  This  bill,  which  was  presented  in  the  Senate,  March  35, 1857,  and 
which,  as  its  distinguished  mover  then  stated,  emanated  from  a  rector 
of  one  of  the  largest  parishes  in  the  city  of  New  York,  numbering  up- 
ward of  six  hundred  communicants,  provided  means  whereby  all  the 
inhabitants  of  this  city,  to  whatever  parish  belonging,  should  vote,  by 
representatives,  five  from  each  parish,  at  the  annual  election  for  church- 
wardens and  vestrymen  of  Trinity  Church.  It  farther  provided  for  the 
management  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the  Corporation,  by  instructing  the 
Vestry  of  Trinity  how  they  must,  for  the  future,  apply  their  income ;  and 
it  required  an  annual  report  from  them  to  every  parish  of  the  city,  in 
which  they  should  give,  as  to  their  masters,  an  account  of  their  steward- 
ship. There  are  occasions  when  one  is  driven  to  the  use  of  vulgar  terms 
to  characterize  actions ;  and,  after  due  examination  of  this  bill,  I  cannot 
avoid  describing  it  as  one  of  the  most  prodigious  specimens  of  "cheek" 
within  my  recollection. 


314:  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

he  was  able  to  appear  in  person,  and  read  liis  paper  as  a  part 
of  liis  testimony.  It  was  subsequently  printed  in  pamphlet 
form,  and  may  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  the  present 
work.  I  have  only  to  add  that  it  received  the  highest  en- 
comiums from  such  theologians  and  canonists  as  Drs.  Samuel 
Seabury  and  Francis  L.  Hawks,  who  regarded  it  as  unanswer- 
able, and  that  it  did  unquestionably  produce  a  powerful  effect 
in  deciding  the  fate  of  the  bill.  The  document  is  particular- 
ly valuable,  because  it  contains  the  views  of  General  Dix  re- 
lating to  the  mission  of  Trinity  Church  and  the  duty  of  its 
custodians,  and  shows  that  the  principles  which  he  advocated 
so  strenuously  in  the  financial  administration  of  the  State  and 
general  governments  were  deemed  by  him  of  equal  soundness 
in  their  application  to  the  affairs  of  the  Church. 

It  is  proper  to  notice  at  this  point  the  aid  rendered  to  the 
Corporation  by  the  Eight  Eev.  Dr.  Potter,  Bishop  of  'New 
York.  At  a  critical  hour  he  addressed  the  clergy  and  laity 
of  his  diocese  in  a  letter  worthy  the  chief  custodian  of  the 
interests  of  the  Church  and  religion  in  this  great  centre  of 
activity  and  intelligence.     The  letter  is  here  given  in  full : 

"  To  the  Clergy  and  Laity  of  the  Diocese  of  Neio  Yorh : 

"  Brethren, — Extraordinary  efforts  have  been  made  of  late,  in  several 
quarters,  to  turn  popular  feeling  against  the  venerable  CorjDoratiou  of 
Trinity  Church  in  this  city.  The  public  Press  has  been  enlisted;  the 
report  of  a  Special  Committee  of  the  Senate,  made  up  of  partial  and  in- 
sufficient materials,  and  filled  with  erroneous  views,  has  been  industri- 
ously circulated  far  and  wide;  private  influence  has  been  employed  at 
the  capital  of  the  State ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  object  of  all  these 
agencies  is  to  surround  the  Legislature  of  the  State  with  such  a  pressure, 
with  such  a  clamorous  expression  of  popular  feeling,  as  will  constrain  it 
to  some  aggressive  measure  against  a  Church  whose  only  crime  is  that 
she  has  property,  and  that,  with  all  her  giving  and  spending  for  pious 
uses,  she  does  not  give  and  spend  quite  in  the  way,  or  quite  to  the  extent, 
that  certain  persons  desire  ! 

*'  While  so  many  influential  persons  are  laboring,  by  partial  statements, 
to  exasperate  the  public  mind,  and  to  prepare  the  representatives  of  the 
people  for  lawless  acts,  I  should  feel  myself  unworthy  of  my  high  office 
if  I  did  not  step  forth  to  warn  and  entreat  you  not  to  allow  yourselves  to 


18oS-1860.]      BISHOP  HORATIO  POTTER'S  LETTER.  315 

be  drawn  inconsiderately  into  movements  wliich,  whatever  their  authors 
may  think,  can  only  tend  to  violent  and  illegal  issues. 

"  But  for  local  and  fugitive  circumstances  of  recent  date,  it  is  believed 
that  no  respectable  body  of  persons  would  ever  have  been  found  to  ques- 
tion these  two  propositions : 

"  1st.  That  the  title  of  Trinity  Church  to  her  property  is  unquestion- 
able. 

"  2d.  That  it  was  the  intention  of  the  original  charter,  as  it  has  always 
been  the  practice,  to  confide  to  the  members  of  the  parish,  and  to  those 
only,  the  privilege  of  electing  her  wardens  and  vestrymen. 

"To  attack  her  property,  therefore,  or  to  attempt  to  dictate  to  her 
what  she  shall  do  with  her  property,  is  the  same  in  principle  as  to  attack 
the  property  of  a  private  individual,  or  to  attempt  to  dictate  to  him  what 
use  he  shall  make  of  it. 

"  Those  who  have  been  within  her  Vestry  have  seen  that  she  has  labor- 
ed hard  to  serve  the  cause  of  religion  and  learning.  She  has  assisted 
two  hundred  churches  in  the  State ;  she  has  provided  free  education  in 
schools  and  colleges  and  theological  seminaries  for  the  poor;  she  has 
prevented  the  whole  of  the  lower  part  of  this  city  from  becoming  a 
moral  waste ;  she  has  four  large  churches  where  no  other  churches  would 
remain.  Besides  parting  with  a  portion  of  her  original  estate,  she  has 
ventured  beyond  her  income  in  her  forwardness  to  do  good,  and  has 
thereby  incurred  a  large  debt !  In  a  rehearing  of  the  case  these  facts 
are  now  coming  out  before  the  Special  Committee  of  the  Senate.  They 
are  facts  well  known  to  all  who  have  been  conversant  with  the  doings 
of  Trinity  Church.  The  public  will  in  due  time  see  and  recognize  the 
truth,  and  will  interpose  to  protect  the  rights  of  property  and  the  char- 
acters of  good  and  faithful  men. 

"  I  flatter  myself  that  the  Churchmen  of  the  Diocese  of  New  York 

will,  for  the  most  part,  be  too  considerate  and  too  temperate — too  much 

the  friends  of  public  order  and  public  justice — to  allow  their  influence 

to  be  pressed  into  the  cause  of  oppression  and  violence. 

"Horatio  Potter, 

"Provisional  Bishop  of  New  York. 
"New  York,  February  23, 1857." 

This  communication  from  the  eminent  prelate  fell  like  a 
bombshell  into  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  A  meeting  of 
clergy  and  laity  was  held,  at  which  violent  expressions  were 
used  by  certain  prominent  Rectors  of  the  city,  one  saying  that 
"  the  day  had  gone  by  when  the  ipse  dixit  of  a  Bishop  was 


316  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX, 

to  weigh  witli  the  Church ;"  and  another  declaring  his  opin- 
ion that  "•  the  Bishop  was  not  responsible  for  the  letter,  but 
that  he  probably  affixed  his  signature  to  it  while  under  the 
influence  of  chloroform  administered  by  one  of  the  Vestry." 
The  meeting,  which  had  been  called  previously  to  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Bishop's  letter,  broke  up  in  confusion,  after  pro- 
ceedings so  disorderly  as  to  r^emble  those  of  a  political  cau- 
cus ;  and  an  intelligent  gentleman  who  was  present  gave  it  as 
his  conclusion,  after  what  he  had  seen,  that,  even  if  Trinity 
Church  had  no  legal  right  to  the  exclusive  control  of  the 
property,  it  would  be  better  that  it  should  remain  in  her  hands 
than  fall  into  those  of  the  persons  at  that  meeting,  since,  if 
they  were  to  undertake  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
parish,  the  disaster  of  Pandora's  box  would  be  repeated,  and 
things  would  end  in  confusion  worse  confounded.  It  is  due 
to  the  venerable  Bishop  of  New  York  to  say  that  to  him  be- 
longs the  honor  of  striking  the  first  decisive  blow  at  a  con- 
spiracy of  a  most  serious  character,  which  threatened  vested 
rights  and  religious  interests,  and  which,  if  successful,  would 
have  wrought  infinite  mischief  among  us,  and  ended  in  de- 
stroying the  most  valuable  and  important  endowment  in  the 
Episcopal  Church. 

The  motives  actuating  the  promoters  of  this  agitation  were 
as  diverse  as  their  character  and  principles.  Some  conscien- 
tiously believed  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  in  com- 
munion with  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  were,  by  virtue 
of  the  original  charter,  corporators  of  the  parish ;  some  desired 
to  relieve  their  own  parishes  from  embarrassment  by  the  spoils 
of  the  venerable  mother ;  some  hated  Trinity  Church  because 
of  her  wealth  and  honors ;  some  detested  and  dreaded  her  for 
her  Iligh-Church  principles ;  and  some  were  mere  adventur- 
ers, going  in  for  everything  from  which  they  might  hope  to 
draw  personal  advantage. 

The  excitements  of  that  year  were  not  confined  to  ecclesias- 
tical circles ;  a  spirit  of  lawlessness  and  disorganization  seemed 
to  be  in  the  air.    There  were  riots  in  the  city  during  the  sum- 


1853-1860.]     LA  WLESSNESS  AND  BIOTING  IN  NEW  YORK.      317 

mer.  On  the  16tli  of  June,  as  our  crack  regiment,  the  Seventh, 
was  on  the  march  down  Broadway,  to  take  the  steamer  at  4  p.m. 
for  an  excursion  to  Boston,  orders  were  given  to  halt  oppo- 
site the  City  Hall,  and  then  to  take  forcible  possession  of  that 
edifice.  The  Mayor,  Fernando  Wood,  suddenly  found  himself 
a  prisoner;  the  City  Hall  was  garrisoned  by  the  ]!^ational 
Guard.  There  were  at  that  time  two  sets  of  police,  each 
claiming  to  be  the  lawful  guardians  of  our  public  peace.  Be- 
tween them  occurred  desperate  collisions,  while  the  citizens, 
wild  with  excitement,  found  their  safety  due,  for  the  nonce, 
to  bayonets  and  field-pieces.  On  the  4th  day  of  July  follow- 
ing there  was  bloody  work  in  the  Five  Points.  The  rioting 
continued  during  Sunday,  the  5th,  and  the  city  was  again  pre- 
served from  mob  violence  by  the  Seventh  Regiment,  which, 
together  with  the  Eighth  and  Seventy-first,  repressed  the  fury 
of  the  rabble,  marching  through  the  dangerous  districts,  clos- 
ing up  shops,  scattering  crowds,  and  arresting  ringleaders. 
Those  were  exciting  days  for  us,  who  could  not  leave  the  city, 
and  were  kept  in  continual  suspense,  passing  from  one  crisis 
to  another.  All  tragedies,  however,  have  their  dash  of  com- 
edy; and,  looking  back  to  those  times,  I  recall  a  certain  odd 
character,  by  name  Steplien  H.  Branch,  who  flitted  constantly 
before  the  public  eye,  acting  the  part  of  a  clown  or  jester^ 
though,  no  doubt,  with  serious  intent.  He  was  a  man  of  good 
education  and  some  abilities,  and  had  a  command  of  language 
which  made  me  often  regard  him  as  a  kind  of  combination  of 
Carlyle  and  Ruskin  in  the  state  of  lunacy,  if  such  a  thing  can 
be  imagined.  Take,  for  example,  his  proclamation  proposing 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  ofiice  in  which  Fernando  Wood 
had  so  distinguished  himself ;  it  is  one  of  innumerable  squibs 
emanating  from  the  same  eccentric  genius.  We  used  to  read 
them  with  eagerness  for  their  delicious  absurdity,  and  I  re- 
member the  General's  delight  at  the  awful  threat  of  assuming 
"  doubtful  powers  :" 

"  I  have  been  far  out  beyond  the  remotest  bounds  of  civil- 
ized beings,  and  have  scaled  bolder  cliffs  and  higher  peaks 


318  MEMOIES   OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

tlian  Alps  reflected  in  the  placid  waters  of  Switzerland. 
From  bewildering  heights  I  beheld  the  gorgeous  scenery  of 
the  vales,  and  the  eagle  on  his  mighty  throne,  gilded  by  the 
moon  and  her  pretty  children  of  the  firmament,  while  the 
music  of  the  winds  and  birds  and  rivulets,  and  the  mountain 
fragrance,  and  the  glories  of  the  morning  and  evening  sun, 
filled  my  soul  with  supernatural  joy.  I  exchanged  these 
pure  and  tranquil  solitudes  for  the  vice  and  tumult  of  the 
plains,  and  now  proclaim  myself  a  candidate  for  Mayor  of 
New  York,  subject  to  the  decision  of  the  people.  If  elected 
I  will  toil  and  sweat  to  reduce  the  taxes  from  seven-and-a-half 
to  five  millions  a  year,  which  will  give  bigger  mouthf uls,  more 
commodious  apartments,  and  better  apparel  to  the  people.  If 
I  fail  to  reduce  the  taxes,  I  will  blow  the  City  Hall  and  its 
thieves  into  a  million  fragments.  And  if  I  fail  to  render  life 
and  property  more  secure,  I  will  drown  the  entire  Police  De- 
partment in  the  dog-pond.  I  will  also  drive  every  alien  from 
office  with  American  bayonets.  This  is  only  a  sample  of  what 
I  will  do.  In  a  word,  I  will  assume  doubtful  powers,  for  the 
public  good.  I  am  in  the  field,  and  all  the  threats  and  money 
of  the  earth  shall  not  allure  nor  drive  me  from  it.  To  death 
only  will  I  yield.  Up,  then,  Americans,  and  charge  for  a 
Mayor  who  will  change  the  sad  aspect  of  these  times." 

During  the  summer  of  this  year  the  house  on  Manursing 
Island  was  sold.  On  the  20th  of  August  we  left  it,  to  return 
no  more :  the  sad  associations  connected  with  the  place  tem- 
pered the  regret  of  parting.  After  that  time  the  General 
spent  his  summers  on  his  beloved  Long  Island,  excepting 
when  absent  from  the  United  States.  The  autumn  of  1857 
found  him  established  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  occu- 
pying a  house  in  Thirty -first  Street,  near  Broadway.  His 
youngest  son,  Charles  Temple  Dix,  was  pursuing  his  studies 
as  a  landscape  painter.  The  General  watched  his  progress 
daily,  with  the  hope  of  seeing  him  among  the  first  marine 
painters  of  the  day.     This,  like  many  other  aspirations,  was 


1853-1860.]     PRESAGES  OF  THE  COMING  CBUEL   WAR.  319 

destined  to  extinction,  throngli  the  fatal  influence  of  that 
cruel  war  of  which  the  presages  were  becoming  more  defi- 
nite from  year  to  year. 

The  attention  of  the  reader  must  be  directed  once  more  to 
the  unedifying  spectacle  of  party  strife.  The  policy  pur- 
sued during  the  administration  of  General  Pierce  resulted  in 
widening  the  breach  between  the  JS'orth  and  the  South.  The 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  resented  at  the  N^orth, 
and  bitterly  denounced  as  destructive  of  the  hope  of  better 
days,  and  indicating  the  determination  of  the  propagandists 
of  slavery  either  to  rule  the  whole  country  or  to  break  up 
the  Union.  This  feeling  was  deepened  by  the  proceedings 
of  the  notorious  Conference  at  Ostend,  which  looked  to  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba,  either  by  purchase  or  by  force,  in  order 
to  prevent  the  emancipation  of  the  blacks  in  that  island — a 
measure  already  projected  by  Spain — and  to  hold  the  island 
as  a  fountain  of  supply  of  slaves  and  a  market  for  their  sale. 
Then  followed,  in  the  month  of  May,  the  outrage  in  the 
Senate  House — perpetrated  by  Preston  Brooks  of  South  Caro- 
lina on  Charles  Sumner  of  Massachusetts — a  brutal  act,  which 
still  more  embittered  JSTorthern  men.  About  that  time  the 
Eepublican  party  came  to  its  birth.  The  Whigs,  as  an  or- 
ganization, had  ceased  to  exist,  though  a  remnant  held  to- 
gether under  the  name  of  "Know-nothings."  But  these 
were  soon  to  be  absorbed  by  that  great  political  power  which 
was  destined  to  rule  the  future  with  an  iron  sway. 

General  Dix  supported  the  Democratic  candidates,  James 
Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckinridge,  in  the  canvass  of  1856 : 
he  did  not,  however,  take  an  active  part  in  the  contest.  John 
C.  Fremont  and  William  L.  Dayton  were  nominated  by  the 
new  political  organization,  by  way  of  distinct  menace  to  the 
South ;  and  Millard  Fillmore  and  Andrew  J.  Donelson  repre- 
sented the  Know-nothings.  The  position  and  views  of  Gen- 
eral Dix  at  that  particular  time  may  be  understood  from  some 
letters  which  follow,  and  from  two  communications  addressed 
to  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  one  before,  the  other  after,  his  election  : 


320  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

"  New  York,  June  13, 1856. 

"Dear  Sir, — I  have  just  returned  from  the  West.  I  heard  at  Chica- 
go, with  unfeigned  gratification,  of  your  nomination.  It  has  relieved 
the  sound  and  considerate  portion  of  the  community  of  all  parties  from 
a  good  deal  of  uneasiness.  The  ratification  meetings  now  in  progress 
in  this  State  are  bringing  together  the  men  who  have  been  most  active 
in  keeping  us,  for  the  last  six  years,  in  a  perpetual  ferment.  The  work  in 
the  counties — which  is  to  tell  on  the  result  of  the  canvass — will  com- 
mence in  a  few  weeks,  and  it  will  ^ive  me  great  pleasure  to  contribute 
my  best  efibrts  to  its  success,  which  I  look  forward  to  with  confidence. 

"I  am  compelled  to  return  to  Iowa  next  week  (about  the  20th),  but 

shall  be  back  early  in  July.     I  am,  dear  Sir,  truly  yours, 

"  JOKN  A.  Dix. 
"Hon.  Jas.  Buchanan." 

»'  New  York,  June  17, 1856. 

"  Gentlemen, — Your  invitation  to  address  the  meeting  of  the  united 
Democracy  of  the  city  and  county  of  Rochester  on  the  evening  of  the 
19th  inst.,  to  ratify  the  nominations  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi- 
dency at  Cincinnati  by  tlie  delegated  Democracy  of  the  Union,  and  to 
respond  to  the  declarations  of  principle  and  policy  made  by  the  Con- 
vention, was  duly  received. 

"  Concurring,  as  I  do  cordially,  in  the  nominations  and  in  the  leading 
declarations  by  which  they  were  accompanied,  I  regret  that  engage- 
ments here  will  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  ot  accepting  your  invitation. 
I  hope,  however,  to  be  able,  at  an  early  period  of  the  canvass,  to  take  an 
active  part  in  it. 

"  I  consider  the  nomination  ot  Mr.  Buchanan  a  very  fortunate  one, 
both  for  the  Democracy  and  the  country ;  and  I  look  with  confidence  to 
his  ability,  experience,  and  sound  judgment  for  a  satisfactory  adjustment 
of  the  disturbing  questions  by  which  the  public  peace  is  endangered. 
Firmness,  moderation,  good-sense,  and  fearlessness  in  the  discharge  ot 
public  duties  are  always  indispensable  to  the  administration  of  our  gov- 
ernment, representing,  as  it  does,  so  great  a  variety  of  interests ;  and  they 
are  pre-eminently  so  at  the  present  juncture.  Few  public  men  are  as 
much  distinguished  for  these  qualities  as  Mr.  Buchanan ;  and  he  com- 
bines with  them  a  thorough  knowledge  of  public  affiiirs,  foreign  as  well 
as  domestic.  Believing  him  to  be  able,  honest,  and  equal  to  any  emer- 
gency likely  to  arise  in  the  administration  of  the  government,  I  shall 
give  the  Democratic  ticket  a  cordial  support. 

"  I  am,  Gentlemen,  truly  yours,  Joiin  A.  Dix. 

"Messrs.  Isaac  Butts,  etc." 


1853-1860.]     INVITED  TO  ATTEND  A  MASS  MEETING.  321 

"Philadelphia,  September  11, 1856. 
"  Dear  Sir, — The  Democracy  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania,  and  all  other 
friends  of  the  Constitution,  will  hold  a  monster  mass  meeting  in  Inde- 
pendence Square,  Philadelphia,  on  Wednesday,  the  17th  instant,  being 
the  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of  that  great  charter  of  American  liberty. 
"  In  fulfilment  of  a  pleasing  duty  as  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Cen- 
tral Committee,  and  conscious  of  your  eminent  ability  as  a  friend  and 
champion  of  the  Constitution,  I  most  earnestly  ask  your  attendance  on 
that  great  occasion.      Yours  truly, 

"  J.  W.  Forney, 
"  Chairman  of  Democratic  Central  Com.  of  Pennsylvania." 

"  New  York,  September  15, 1856. 

"Dear  Sir, — Your  favor  is  just  received,  inviting  me  to  attend  a 
monster  mass  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania,  and 
all  other  friends  of  the  Constitution,  in  Independence  Square,  Philadel- 
phia, on  'the  17tli  instant,  being  the  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of  that 
great  charter  of  American  liberty.' 

"  I  regret  exceedingly  that  an  engagement  -to  address  a  Democratic 
meeting  in  this  State  will  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  of  accepting  the 
invitation.  No  one  can  venerate  more  than  myself  the  profound  wisdom 
and  the  spirit  of  conciliation  in  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  had  its  birth,  or  appreciate  more  keenly  the  vital  necessity  of 
maintaining  all  its  provisions  with  scrupulous  fidelity.  It  is  only 
through  such  a  strict  adherence  to  it  that  we  can  hope  to  preserve  the 
union  of  the  States.  I  have  never  for  a  moment  doubted  that  the  people 
would  be  faithful  to  all  its  requirements,  and  frown  with  indignation  on 
every  attempt,  from  whatever  quarter  it  may  come,  to  dissever  the  Con- 
federated States,  and  to  inflict  upon  us  and  the  cause  of  popular  govern- 
ment throughout  the  M'orld  the  greatest  of  calamities.  And  though 
clouds  darken  our  horizon  now,  I  look  forward  to  the  election  of  the 
distinguished  Pennsylvanian,  whom  the  Democracy  of  the  Union  have 
chosen  for  their  standard-bearer,  as  the  dawn  of  that  brighter  day  which 
is  to  succeed  and  dissipate  them.  The  pleasure  of  attending  the  meet- 
ing of  his  political  friends  at  the  great  emporium  of  his  State  would  be 
greatly  enhanced  by  the  opportunity  of  hearing  testimony  by  my  pres- 
ence to  the  importance  of  the  day  which  they  have  selected  for  the  pur- 
pose; and  it  is  with  great  regret  that  I  am  compelled  to  relinquish  it. 
"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  truly  yours,  John  A.  Dix. 

"  J.  W.  Forney,  Esq." 

"  New  York,  November  19, 1856. 

"My  dear  Sir, — I  hope  you  will  not  take  it  amiss  if  I  say  a  few 
words  to  you  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  our  political  afl'airs,  which  in 
L— 21 


322  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

the  Northern  section  of  the  Union  are  very  unsatisfactory.  Still,  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  not  only  possible,  but  comparatively  easy,  to  regain  the 
ascendency  we  have  lost.  This,  I  think,  is  mainly  to  be  effected  by  giv- 
ing us  different  issues — not  new  ones,  but  issues  as  old  as  the  Democratic 
party  itself. 

"  I  consider  the  slavery  question  settled,  and  I  think  it  should  be  ig- 
nored. The  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  is  simply  to  be  enforced,  and  this  is  a 
mere  matter  of  ordinary  executive  duty. 

"  When  General  Pierce  came  into  office  I  pressed  on  him  the  adoption 
of  a  system  of  thorough  commercial  and  financial  reform  by  means  of  a 
modification  of  the  tariff  and  a  reduction  of  the  revenue ;  and  I  have  for 
years  believed  that  this  could  be  effected  mainly  by  adding  to  the  free 
list  foreign  products  not  coming  into  competition  with  our  own,  thus 
avoiding  any  injurious  interference  with  our  domestic  industry.  This 
subject  has  composed  the  chief  staple  of  my  speeches  during  the  two 
last  canvasses  for  the  Presidency ;  and  I  have  feared  at  times  my  friends 
might  think  me  in  a  little  danger  of  becoming  monomaniacal.  I  believe, 
however,  the  great  body  of  the  Democracy  throughout  the  Union  feel 
as  deep  an  interest  in  the  subject  as  I  do,  and  think,  like  myself,  that  our 
enormous  surplus  revenue  is  corrupting  Congress.  If  your  administra- 
tion is  placed  upon  this  ground,  I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  you 
will  rally  around  you  the  larger  and  better  portion  of  the  great  political 
parties  in  all  sections  of  the  Union,  and  that  they  will  bring  to  your  sup- 
port a  weight  of  popular  confidence  which  will  enable  you  to  carry  out 
successfully  not  only  the  measures  referred  to,  but  any  others  which  you 
may  deem  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  and  which  are  un- 
deniably within  the  pale  of  the  constitutional  authority  of  the  govern- 
ment. In  a  word,  I  am  sure  it  is  in  your  power  to  organize  an  adminis- 
tration which  shall  be  alike  honorable  to  yourself  and  the  country.  If 
you  agree  with  me  in  regard  to  the  necessity  of  such  a  commercial  re- 
form as  I  suggest,  is  there  any  man  who  is  likely  to  be  as  serviceable  to 
you  in  maturing  and  carrying  it  out  as  Mr.  Walker  ?  Is  there  any  man 
who  in  that  department  would  be  more  acceptable  to  the  commercial 
classes  and  the  friends  of  financial  reform  ?  I  think  not.  There  is  no 
one  who  has  given  so  much  thought  to  this  subject  in  all  its  complicated 
details,  as  you  well  know  from  your  intimate  association  with  him  while 
he  was  framing  the  Tariff  Bill  of  1846.  You  are  sure  his  views  are 
sound ;  it  is  not  absolutely  certain  that  those  of  any  other  man  would  be 
equally  so;  and  the  Treasury  Department  is  the  one  of  all  others  in 
which  a  safe  man  is  required,  independent  as  it  is,  in  some  respects,  of 
the  head  of  the  government.  I  hope  you  will  excuse  these  suggestions. 
They  are  dictated  by  a  sincere  and  disinterested  desire  that  your  admin- 


1853-1860.]      THREE  TEARS  PASSED  IN  PRIVATE  LIFE.       323 

istration  may  be  a  successful  and  distinguished  one ;  and  I  can  say  with 
the  same  sincerity  that  I  have  no  other  wish  than  to  see  you  call  around 
you  in  organizing  it  the  men  best  qualified  to  be  serviceable  to  you,  and 
best  calculated  by  their  reputation  for  talents,  integrity,  and  moderation 
to  command  the  public  confidence. 

"I  write  this  letter  currente  calamo  at  the  sick-bed  of  one  of  my  chil- 
dren. You  will,  therefore,  excuse  it,  and  pardon  also,  in  consideration  of 
the  motive,  the  liberty  I  have  taken  in  alluding  at  all  to  a  subject  of  so 
much  delicacy  as  the  organization  of  your  Cabinet. 

"  I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  sincere  regards,  yours,  John  A.  Dix. 

"  Hon.  Jas.  Buchanan. 

"P.S. — The  suggestion  in  respect  to  the  Treasurer  is  made  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  present  incumbent  has  determined,  independently  of 
any  wish  of  your  own,  to  leave  it  at  the  close  of  General  Pierce's  ad- 
ministration." 

General  Dix  held  no  official  position  under  President  Bu- 
chanan during  the  first  three  years  of  his  administration.  He 
passed  those  years  in  private  life,  and  in  congenial  occupation 
as  a  man  of  business  and  of  letters.  It  was  not  until  the  year 
1860  that  he  was  recalled  to  the  service  of  the  public,  under 
circumstances  which  I  shall  proceed  to  relate  in  the  following 
section  of  this  biography. 


VIII. 

POSTMASTER   OF   NEW   YORK-SECRETARY   OF 
THE    TREASURY. 

A.D.    1860-1861. 


The  New  York  Post-office.— Isaac  V.  Fowler.— General  Dix  as  Postmas- 
ter.— Resists  System  of  Assessment  for  Political  Purposes.— Letter  to 
Andre'  Froment.— Reception  of  Prince  of  Wales,  1860. — Review  pf  His- 
tory of  Parties.— Republican  Party.— Secession. — Question  of  Slavery 
with  Reference  to  General  Government,— Review  of  the  Course  of  Gen- 
eral Dix  on  the  Slavery  Question,  and  Conclusions. — His  Paramount 
Desire  the  Preservation  of  the  Union.— Slavery  a  Secondary  Question 
in  Comparison.  —  Autumn  Elections  of  1860.  —  Sympathy  with  the 
South.— Autograph  Memorandum  on  Events  between  1861  and  1865. — 
Election  of  Abraham  Lincoln. — "  Confederate  States  of  America,"  Feb- 
ruary 4, 1861.— Efforts  to  Avert  the  War.— "The  Pine  Street  Meeting." 
— Address  to  the  People  of  the  South.— Financial  Embarrassment  of 
the  Government  — Appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  — At  the 
White  House. — Action  Relating  to  Custom-houses,  Light-houses,  Mint, 
Hospitals,  Revenue -cutters,  in  the  Seceding  States.— History  of  the 
Famous  Despatch  about  the  American  Fla'g. —Major  Anderson  at  Fort 
Sumter.— Sensational  Story  about  a  "  Cabinet  Scene." — Close  of  Mr. 
Buchanan's  Administration.  —  Return  to  New  York.  —  Reception  at 
City  Hall. — Other  Compliments  and  Honors. 


1860-1861.]     GENERAL  DIX  APPOINTED  POSTMASTER,  327 


VIII. 

It  was  discovered,  during  the  early  part  of  the  year  1860, 
that  great  frauds  had  been  committed  in  the  JSTew  York 
Post-oiSce,  and  that  the  Postmaster,  Mr.  Isaac  Y.  Fowler, 
was  a  defaulter  to  a  large  amount.  The  disclosures  caused  a 
feeling  of  unusual  public  excitement,  and  even  of  personal 
alarm:  they  were  regarded  as  an  illustration  and  result  of 
the  demoralizing  tendency  of  the  prevailing  system  of  pub- 
lic appointments.  Rumor  magnified  the  evil;  the  journals 
of  the  day  raised  a  hue-and-cry  against  the  entire  corps  of 
the  Post-office,  which  filled  every  one  connected  with  the  de- 
partment with  trepidation.  The  general  government  found 
itself  gravely  compromised ;  the  accusations  of  its  opponents 
were  incessant  and  violent ;  and  it  was  obvious  that  the  ad- 
verse current  of  popular  feeling  could  only  be  withstood  and 
checked  by  the  appointment  of  some  person  as  Postmaster 
about  whose  reputation  and  ability  no  question  could  be 
raised.  At  such  a  crisis  the  day  of  the  mere  politician  is  at 
an  end ;  a  man  of  integrity  and  unsullied  honor,  a  man  of  the 
highest  moral  grade,  is  demanded.  The  President,  in  this 
emergency,  called  on  General  Dix,  and  earnestly  requested  his 
acceptance  of  the  post.  His  name  was  sent  to  the  Senate  on 
the  ITth  of  May,  and  the  nomination  was  unanimously  con- 
firmed, without  the  usual  reference. 

In  accepting  the  position  thus  tendered  to  him,  under  cir- 
cumstances peculiarly  honorable  and  complimentary.  General 
Dix  bade  farewell,  for  many  years,  to  the  tranquillity  of  the 
domestic  circle  and  the  quiet  of  the  retired  citizen.  His  ap- 
pointment was  regarded  with  universal  satisfaction  as  one  of 


328  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

the  best  that  could  have  been  made.  The  field  for  the  dis- 
play of  executive  ability  was  an  ample  one,  and  he  possessed 
the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  business  community. 

Twenty-one  years  after  that  date  the  memory  of  the  Gen- 
eral is  still  warmly  cherished  in  the  New  York  Post-office, 
and  men  who  knew  him  then  as  their  honored  and  beloved 
chief  delight  in  recalling  incidents  of  his  vigorous,  wise,  and 
kindly  administration.  I  have  had  no  greater  pleasure,  while 
engaged  in  compiling  this  hurried  record,  than  in  gathering 
information  respecting  those  days  from  such  men  as  Post- 
master James,  the  venerable  Mr.  Forrester,  Messrs.  Yeoman, 
Bradley,  Dunton,  and  others  of  the  staff.  Tlieir  statements 
to  me  ran  somewhat  as  follows  (I  give  them  nearly  in  the 
language  of  the  narrators,  and  therefore  place  them  in  quota- 
tion marks) : 

"  When  he  went  into  the  Post-office  he  found  it  in  a  state 
of  alarm  and  uneasiness,  no  one  knowing  w^hat  was  to  come, 
and  many  supposing  that  a  complete  sweep  would  be  made, 
without  regard  to  merit  or  demerit,  by  way  of  satisfying  pub- 
lic opinion  and  exhibiting  a  specimen  of  thorough  reform. 
General  Dix,  however,  reassured  them,  promising  a  radical 
investigation  of  everything  connected  with  the  service,  but 
guaranteeing  justice  to  every  man;  and  he  kept  his  word. 
IN^o  one  was  turned  off  except  for  incompetency  or  neglect. 
To  each  one  who  came  inquiring  if  he  might  hope  to  remain 
the  same  answer  was  made:  'As  long  as  you  attend  to  your 
business  properly  you  shall  stay  here  while  I  do.' 

"  He  made  it  his  first  business  to  master  the  details  of  the 
service.  He  looked  into  all  matters,  great  or  small;  noth- 
ing escaped  his  attention.  The  men  said  that  no  one  had 
ever  asked  so  many  questions  before.  He  would  give  no 
order  until  he  understood  everything  that  it  involved.  He 
introduced  improvements  in  the  method  of  cancelling  stamps 
and  in  that  of  making  out  the  way-bills,  in  requiring  a  care- 
ful comparison  of  the  bills,  and  in  counting  the  letters.  He 
was  the  first  to  j)ay  off  the  employes  by  checks  payable  to 


1860-1861.]     POLITICAL  ASSESSMENTS  FOBBIDDEN.  329 

his  own  order,  bj  wliicli  means  he  compelled  every  employe 
to  appear  before  him  personally  for  the  needed  endorsement, 
thus  becoming  acquainted  with  every  man  under  his  direc- 
tion, and  breaking  up  certain  dishonest  practices ;  for  it  is 
said  that  a  considerable  number  of  checks  thus  made  out 
were  never  presented  to  him,  their  holders  fearing  detection. 
This  system  has  been  in  use  in  the  Post-office  ever  since.  In 
some  of  his  practical  reforms  he  met  with  opposition.  Men 
said  that  what  he  wished  could  not  be  done ;  upon  which  he 
would  take  hold  with  his  own  hands  and  do  it,  shaming  them 
into  compliance.  Every  honest  man  liked  him  and  felt  safe 
in  his  charge ;  the  dishonest  silently  disappeared.  'Nor  was 
he  inattentive  to  their  morals.  When  he  wanted  information 
he  went  to  the  men  who  did  the  work,  and  not  to  the  heads 
of  departments  or  superintendents  of  sections.  It  created 
some  jealousy,  but  it  gave  him  what  he  desired — a  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  entire  force.  Hearing  of  one  man  in 
particular  who  was  addicted  to  profanity,  he  sent  for  him  and 
said, '  It  is  related  that  General  Washington  sometimes  swore, 
and  that  General  Jackson  also  did ;  but  I  have  never  found 
the  need  of  it,  and  I  request  you  to  discontinue  it.'  That 
was  the  end  of  swearing.  He  was  always  kind  and  courteous, 
even  to  those  in  the  lowest  positions — to  the  porters  and  the 
errand-boys." 

But  if  there  is  one  thing  more  strongly  impressed  upon 
the  memory  of  his  old  force  than  another,  it  is  his  resolute 
conduct  in  defending  them  from  the  extortions  of  the  politi- 
cian-assessor. He  found  a  system  of  political  taxation,  every 
employe  being  expected  to  pay  a  certain  percentage  of  his 
salary  for  party  purposes,  wath  the  tacit  understanding  that  if 
he  refused  he  would  lose  his  place.  The  General  was  partic- 
ularly incensed  at  this  custom,  and  set  himself  to  break  it  up. 
When  the  party  assessors  came  to  him  as  usual,  asking  for  a 
list  of  the  men  under  his  charge,  with  a  memorandum  of  the 
wages  of  each,  he  peremptorily  refused  it,  and  forbade  them 
to  solicit  subscriptions  in  a  place  in  which,  as  he  said,  every 


330  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

one's  time  belonged  to  the  government.  He  farther  ad- 
dressed a  circular  to  his  men,  telling  them  that  if  they  chose 
to  subscribe  they  might  do  so,  but  that  if  they  refused  to  do 
so  it  should  make  no  difference  with  him,  so  long  as  they 
were  honest  and  faithful  in  their  work.  His  proceedings  in 
this  respect  greatly  increased  his  popularity.  His  noble  words 
to  the  Committee  of  Assessraent  were  heard  and  reported 
everywhere : 

"  Gentlemen,  the  force  in  this  office  is  the  hardest  worked 
and  the  poorest  paid  under  the  government.  It  is  an  outrage 
to  exact  from  their  small  pittances  the  means  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  campaigns ;  and,  as  long  as  I  am  Postmaster,  not 
one  cent  shall  be  levied  on  them  for  political  purposes." 

I  believe  that  his  action  in  this  particular  was  unprece- 
dented in  the  political  annals  of  this  city ;  and,  that  his  views 
on  the  subject  may  be  the  more  clearly  understood,  I  give 
them  in  the  shape  of  a  letter  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the 
man: 

"Post-office,  New  York,  October  15, 1860. 
^^ Andre  Froment,  Esq., 

"  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  General  Committee: 

"  Sir, — I  have  received  your  letter  soliciting  a  contribution  from  my- 
self, and  tlie  privilege  of  assessing  the  subordinates  in  my  office,  to  raise 
funds  in  aid  of  the  '  Union  ticket'  and  '  the  coming  Presidential  election.' 

"  Before  your  letter  was  received  I  had  engaged  to  contribute  as  large 
a  sum  as  I  can  afford  in  aid  of  that  ticket,  and  it  is  hardly  necessary  for 
me  to  add  that  I  shall  support  it  cordially  by  all  efforts  in  my  power. 

"  In  regard  to  an  assessment  on  the  subordinates  in  this  office,  I  annex 
extracts  from  a  letter  written  by  me  a  few  weeks  ago  in  reply  to  a  simi- 
lar application  from  another  organization : 

"  '  I  may  say  of  a  majority  of  them  (the  clerks  in  this  office)  that  the  as- 
sessments (proposed  to  be  made)  on  them  cannot  be  paid  without  pinch- 
ing their  families,  who  are  utterly  dependent  on  their  salaries.  I  cannot 
consent  to  be  the  instrument  of  wringing  from  their  necessities  means 
absolutely  indispensable  to  their  daily  wants.  I  think,  moreover,  that 
this  system  of  assessing  subordinates  in  public  offices  for  political  pur- 
poses, when  they  have  for  the  most  jDart  no  more  than  is  sufficient  to 
give  their  families  the  common  necessaries  of  life,  is  all  wrong.  If  men 
of  means— lawyers,  iiirmers,  merchants,  capitalists — whose  property  has 


1860-18C1.]     TEIXITF  CHURCH:  ITS  SURPLICED   CHOIR.      331 

so  deep  a  stake  in  the  maintenance  of  good  government,  will  not  consent 
to  pay  the  legitimate  expenses  of  our  elections,  we  may  as  well  abandon 
all  hope  of  keeping  up  our  organizations  by  money. 

"  'Let  me  add  that  my  contributions  are  made  by  me  as  a  private  citi- 
zen, and  that  I  do  not  recognize  the  right  of  any  committee  to  assess  me 
as  a  Federal  officer  for  political  purposes.' 

"  I  must  refer  you  to  these  extracts  for  an  answer  to  your  letter. 

"I  deem  it  proper  to  add  that  I  know  nothing  more  degrading  to  our 
public  offices  and  those  who  fill  them  than  the  practice  which  has  exist- 
ed of  sending  political  tax-gatherers  to  the  doors  of  the  pay-room,  to 
levy  contributions  on  the  clerks  as  they  emerge  with  their  hard-earned 
stipends.  I  cannot  allow  this  office  to  be  so  dishonored.  I  intend,  if  I 
can,  to  restore  it  to  the  respectability  which  belonged  to  the  earlier  and 
better  days  of  the  Republic.  I  shall  be  pleased  to  have  my  subordinates 
contribute  voluntarily  whatever  they  think  they  can  afford  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  Democratic  cause.  But  I  cannot  permit  any  forced  contribu- 
tion to  be  laid  on  them.  On  the  contrary,  I  shall  regard  it  as  my  duty 
to  protect  them  from  a  system  of  political  extortion  disgraceful  alike  to 
the  government  and  the  country." 

The  administration  of  the  lN"ew  York  Post-office  was 
brought  to  the  highest  state  of  efficiency  yet  reached  under 
the  management  of  Colonel  Thomas  L.  James,  now  deservedly 
promoted  to  the  place  of  a  Cabinet.  Minister.  I  have  it  from 
himself  that  many  of  the  improvements  introduced  by  him 
had  their  origin  in  the  policy  and  suggestions  of  his  prede- 
cessor, General  Dix. 

I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the  reader  for  introducing  at  this 
point  an  episode  of  a  totally  different  character.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  this  year  Trinity  Church  saw  for  the  first  time  a 
surpliced  choir  within  its  walls.  For  a  long  while  the  singers 
— men  and  boys — transferred  from  the  organ-gallery  over  the 
front-door,  had  occupied  benches  in  the  chancel ;  but  we  could 
not  obtain  the  Eector's  consent  to  put  them  into  the  proper 
cathedral  dress.  It  was  a  motley  band  of  spirits,  black,  blue, 
and  gray,  with  garments  of  divers  patterns  and  variegated 
neck-ties,  that  the  congregation  beheld,  Sunday  after  Sunday, 
between  themselves  and  the  altar.  A  generous  layman  had 
presented  us  with  a  full  set  of  vestments,  to  be  used  when  the 


332  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

good  time  sliould  come ;  but  these  were  locked  up  in  a  cup- 
board, salted  down  and  carefully  preserved,  biding  some  hal- 
cyon moment.  At  length  it  came,  ushered  in  by  no  less  a 
personage  than  Albert  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales,  w^ho  arrived . 
in  ]^ew  York  on  Thursday,  October  11,  1860,  and  presently 
signified  his  intention  to  go  to  Trinity  Church  on  the  Sun- 
day following.  The  announcepient  led  to  great  results.  "VYe 
knew  that  the  choral  service  would  be  fairly  well  sung,  but 
we  also  knew  that  it  would  never  do  to  parade  our  Fal- 
staffian  company  in  their  secular  costumes  before  his  Royal 
Highness.  So,  seizing  the  oj^portunity.  General  Dix  and  an- 
other of  the  Yestry  waited  on  the  venerable  Dr.  Berrian, 
then  Rector,  and  obtained  his  consent  that  the  choir  should, 
for  that  occasion  only,  be  permitted  to  wear  the  surplices,  in 
case  of  the  Prince's  being  disturbed  by  the  sight  of  their 
incongruous  and  varied  toilets.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add 
that  the  surplices  once  on,  were  on  for  good  and  all.  The 
congregation  could  never  endure  the  sight  of  the  secular  dress 
again  in  the  holy  place,  and  thus,  somewhat  notably,  it  came 
about  that,  as  we  owe  our  endowments  to  the  Crown  of  Eng- 
land, so  we  are  indebted  to  the  Royal  Family  for  another  good 
turn,  in  getting  our  singers  "  decently  habited,"  some  time  be- 
fore it  was  deemed  possible.  To  do  justice  to  the  good  old 
Rector,  no  one  was  more  delighted  than  he :  at  heart  he  was 
in  favor  of  all  that  we  now  have  and  enjoy ;  but  he  was  far 
advanced  in  years,  and  timid,  and  lived  under  the  bondage 
which  has  daunted  so  many  in  their  time — the  dread  of  criti- 
cism and  the  fear  of  bigots. 

I  approach  with  reluctance  the  terrible  scene  of  the  open- 
ing of  the  war  for  the  Union.  I  desire  that  the  position  of 
General  Dix  during  those  exciting  days  should  be  clearly  un- 
derstood; that  it  sliould  be  made  quite  plain  wdiat  he  was 
and  what  he  was  not ;  what  were  his  views  as  to  the  possibil- 
ity of  averting  the  fatal  conflict ;  what  was  his  faith  in  those 
trying  hours ;  and  what  thought  was  uppermost  in  his  heart 
when  the  storm  did  finally  burst  on  the  land.     For  this  pur- 


1860-1861.]     A  BEVIEW  OF  SOME  PRECEDING   TEARS.  333 

pose  let  me  briefly  review  the  transactions  of  some  pre- 
vious years  with  reference  to  that  political  organization  with 
which  he  had  been  connected  during  the  whole  of  his  public 
life. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820,  in  the 
year  1854,  was  substantially  the  death-blow  to  the  old  histor- 
ical Democratic  party.  It  re-opened  the  question  of  slavery ; 
it  was  the  beginning  of  a  schism  never  to  be  healed.  The 
effort  of  the  Democratic  leaders  in  the  J^orth  was  to  hold  the 
party  together  as  long  as  possible,  and  so  retain  control  of  the 
government.  But  to  this  end  it  was  necessary  to  make  con- 
cessions to  the  Southern  Democracy  which  were  denounced 
by  a  great  number  of  the  people  of  the  E'orth.  On  this  side 
the  Eepublican  party  was  growing  up  out  of  the  disintegra- 
tion of  the  "Whig  and  other  organizations ;  on  the  other  side 
men  were  clamoring  for  Southern  independence.  The  Union 
Democrats  had  a  part  to  act  which  could  hardly  have  been 
more  difficult :  to  resist  the  growth  of  Eepublican  ideas  and 
to  keep  the  fire-eaters  quiet.  They  played  it  with  consum- 
mate skill,  but  in  the  end  they  failed.  They  were  held  in 
check  at  the  l^orth  by  a  feeling  which  they  could  not  disre- 
gard, and  with  which,  no  doubt,  many  of  their  own  number 
were  in  sympathy ;  for  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery 
was  a  genuine  Democratic  tradition ;  and  yet  the  pressure  on 
them  from  the  South  grew  daily  heavier,  with  louder  threats 
of  secession  unless  the  E'orth  should  accede  to  their  full  de- 
mands. This  was  the  position  of  the  Democratic  leaders 
during  the  seven  years  which  included  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Buchanan,  and  were  rudely  terminated  by  the  proceed- 
ings at  Montgomery.  Their  defeat  and  destruction  as  a 
national  party  were  due  to  the  Southern  chiefs,  in  whose 
hands  the  Union  men  of  that  part  of  the  country  were  like 
children  in  the  grasp  of  a  maniac. 

The  Secessionists  had  already  announced  that  they  should 
consider  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  it  occurred,  as  the 
signal  for  the  development  of  their  designs.     It  did  occur, 


334  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  tliey  kept  their  word.  But  their  fatal  error  was  that  of 
resorting  to  violence.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  they 
could  have  obtained  by  peaceable  measures  what  they  desired. 
Never  did  men  make  a  greater  blunder.  Their  attack  on  the 
government  instantly  obliterated  party  distinctions ;  its  effect 
was  to  divide  by  a  new  line  the  country  for  or  against  the 
Union.  The  subject  of  slavery  was  dropped  for  the  time ;  men 
forgot  all  else  in  enthusiasm  for  the  country  and  the  flag.  The 
war,  when  it  began,  was  not  an  abolitionists'  war ;  it  had  no 
reference  to  the  black  man ;  its  sole  object  was  to  maintain  the 
IS'ational  Government  and  the  union  of  the  States.  On  that 
question  the  Northern  Democrats  were  strong  and  united: 
they  became  War  Democrats;  they  led  the  movement  by 
word,  by  pen,  with  money,  and  sword  in  hand.  The  madness 
of  the  Southern  extremists  forced  them  into  that  position. 
Their  action  was  not  inconsistent.  Their  effort  had  been  to 
preserve  the  Union ;  for  that  they  had  made  great  sacrifices ; 
they  had  conceded  to  the  South  all  that  they  could,  and  even 
more  than  they  ought  to  have  yielded.  They  had  compro- 
mised themselves  in  the  hope  of  conciliation ;  they  had  gone 
to  the  verge  and  last  extreme — but  in  vain.  When,  in  spite 
of  these  efforts,  they  found  themselves  set  at  naught,  disre- 
garded, and  treated  as  imbeciles  and  fools,  they  had  a  right 
to  feel  the  indignation  which  they  openly  expressed.  And 
when  at  last  the  National  Government  was  defied,  its  officers 
attacked,  and  its  flag  torn  down,  they  had  but  one  course — to 
fly  to  arms.  The  acts  of  the  Southern  leaders  drove  them  to 
that  position. 

Underneath  this  the  Power  was  working  which  rules  in  the 
affairs  of  men  and  mysteriously  orders  all  things  in  heaven 
and  earth.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  country  could  ever 
have  been  at  rest  while  slavery  remained  among  us,  or  how 
slavery  could  have  been  abolished  without  a  civil  war.  It 
had  been  from  the  very  beginning  the  crux  of  our  existence. 
It  was  the  subject  of  debate  and  agitation  in  1784,  in  1787, 
in  1819-20,  in  1848,  in  1850,  in  1854  — always  and  every- 


1860-1861.]  SLAVERY  NECESSARILY  DOOMED.  335 

where.     It  was  a  shadow  overhanging  the   march   of  the 
nation,  ever  threatening  storm,  and 

"Darkening  the  dark  lives  of  men." 

Slavery  must  be  destroyed  before  there  could  be  peace. 
But  slavery  could  not  be  destroyed  except  by  the  power  of 
the  ]S"ational  Government.  That  power  could  not  have  been 
exerted  for  that  purpose  in  time  of  peace:  a  state  of  war 
was  necessary  before  it  could  so  act :  and  that  must  be  a  home 
war,  not  a  war  with  a  foreign  nation.  Such  a  state  of  war — 
the  indispensable  preliminary  to  the  destruction  of  the  insti- 
tution of  Slavery  by  the  United  States  Government — was 
brought  about  by  those  who  madly  attempted  a  violent  seces- 
sion. If  they  had  not  attacked  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment there  could  have  been  no  war.  If  there  had  been  no 
war  the  United  States  Government  could  not  have  abolished 
slavery.  If  slavery  had  not  been  abolished,  and  the  impossi- 
bility of  getting  rid  of  it  had  become  a  quiet,  settled  convic- 
tion, there  would  have  been  a  peaceable  separation ;  the  South 
would  have  asked  it,  and  the  Democratic  party  would  have 
led  the  North  in  assenting,  though  with  sorrow,  to  the  re- 
quest. That  solution  of  the  question  was  rendered  impossible 
by  the  course  taken  by  the  Secessionists.  Even  then  years 
passed  before  the  under  current  became  an  upper  one.  The 
war,  at  first,  was  not  an  abolition  movement.  Strict  orders 
were  given  to  our  generals  not  to  meddle  with  slavery  in 
any  way ;  and  so  things  went  on.  But  it  is  said  that  bay- 
onets can  think.  It  took  some  time  for  the  Army  to  per- 
ceive that  unless  slavery  were  destroyed  their  work  must 
fail.  When  that  became  perfectly  clear  slavery  was  doomed. 
When  the  question  was  fairly  put  which  should  live.  Slavery 
or  the  United  States  Government,  the  answer  was  prompt, 
and  slavery  vanished  like  wax  in  a  burning,  fiery  furnace. 

These  considerations  explain  the  position  of  my  father  and 
many  others  of  like  mind  in  those  trying  and  terrible  days. 
He  was,  as  he  had  been  from  his  youth,  a  Democrat  by  con- 


336  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

viction :  he  believed  in  the  party,  and  gave  his  energies  to  its 
cause.  The  movement  of  1848  was  disapproved  by  him ;  he 
thought  it  unwise,  predicted  its  failure,  and  was  connected 
with  it  only  under  the  pressure  of  influences  to  which  it  was 
no  dishonor  to  yield.  He  was  firm  in  his  opposition  to  sla- 
very ;  he  was  not  less  firm  in  asserting  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  Southern  people.  He  knew  that  those  rights  could 
only  be  secured  by  the  maintenance  of  the  Union ;  and  there- 
fore, for  the  sake  of  l^orth  and  South  alike,  he  strove  for  it 
with  all  his  heart.  He  yielded  to  the  stress  of  necessity  as 
times  grew  worse,  and  in  his  horror  of  disunion  w^as  willing 
to  give  up  to  the  South  at  a  later  period,  for  the  sake  of  pre- 
serving the  national  existence,  what  at  an  earlier  period  he 
would  have  refused.  Above  all  else,  however,  next  to  God, 
he  loved  the  country  and  the  flag — that  flag  under  which  he 
had  marched  to  the  field  as  a  commissioned  officer  at  the  age 
of  fifteen,  and  which,  in  his  last  hours,  he  ordered  to  be  wrap- 
ped about  his  coflSn  instead  of  a  pall.  He  felt  for  his  South- 
ern friends  and  companions,  appreciated  their  trials,  extenu- 
ated their  faults,  and  labored  with  marvellous  patience  and 
forbearance  to  calm  their  angry  mood  and  bring  them  to  a 
better  mind.  He  never  was  an  abolitionist ;  he  opposed  the 
nascent  party  which  the  South  held  in  such  dread;  he  did 
everything  in  his  power  to  avert  the  final  catastrophe;  he 
would  have  given  his  vote  for  a  peaceful  dissolution  of  the 
old  compact,  had  that  ordeal  been  demanded.  But  w^hen  the 
question  was  reduced  to  that  simple,  lucid  proposition  pre- 
sented by  the  leaders  of  Secession  arrayed  in  front  of  Fort 
Sumter,  he  had  but  one  answer,  and  he  gave  it  with  an  em- 
phasis that  could  not  have  been  stronger,  and  in  words  which 
were  as  the  lightning  coming  out  of  the  east  and  shining  even 
unto  the  west. 

And  here,  as  well  as  anywhere  else,  I  may  say  what  ought 
perhaps  to  be  said  on  the  question  of  my  father's  consistency 
to  his  principles,  as  regards  that  subject  which  turned  our 
world  upside   down.     The   only  part   of  his  history  about 


1860-1861.]    AN  ANALYSIS  OF  THOUGHTS  AND  MOTIVES.    337 

which  there  might  be  misunderstanding  among  those  who 
thoroughly  trusted  and  believed  in  him  is  that  which  relates 
to  his  connection  with  the  agitation  about  slavery.  I  have, 
therefore,  made  that  part  of  his  life  the  subject  of  careful 
study  and  long  reflection,  solicitous,  not  only  to  refute  in- 
vidious criticism,  if  it  should  be  attempted,  but  also  to  ascer- 
tain, for  my  own  satisfaction,  what  was  his  precise  position, 
and  what  was  the  working  of  his  mind  during  those  vexing 
and  unquiet  years.  The  results  of  that  investigation  I  now 
present.  My  analysis  may  not  be  correct,  but  it  seems  so  to 
me,  and  the  light  is,  at  any  rate,  the  clearest  that  I  can  obtain. 

A  man's  actions,  if  questions  arise  concerning  them,  must 
be  interpreted  by  the  motives  which  appear  to  have  influenced 
him  most  strongly.  But  those  in  my  father's  case  were  the 
love  of  country  and  devotion  to  the  American  Union  and 
Constitution.  About  this  there  can  be,  I  think,  no  reasonable 
doubt.  He  considered  the  Federal  Constitution  as  the  great- 
est achievement  of  the  human  mind  in  the  field  of  political 
science,  and  regarded  the  American  nation  as  fortunate  above 
all  others  in  their  system  of  government.  To  the  maintenance 
of  that  system,  as  bequeathed  to  us  by  our  forefathers,  he  post- 
poned all  other  questions.  He  did  not  regard  it  as  perfect ; 
he  looked  on  slavery  as  a  blot  upon  it ;  but  he  expected  with 
confidence  the  time  wlien  that  blot  would  disappear — it  was  a 
transient  and  temporary  evil,  destined  to  pass  away  under  the 
slow  but  irresistible  working  of  natural  laws.  While  the  evil 
existed  it  must  be  accepted  as  one  for  which  the  nation  was 
not  responsible ;  to  interfere  with  it  by  legislation  would  be 
to  invade  the  constitutional  rights  of  a  portion  of  the  Ameri- 
can people :  those  rights  were  protected  by  the  system  which 
blessed  all  alike  ;  they  must  be  faithfully  maintained  ;  and  to 
time,  which  cures  all  diseases,  it  must  be  left  to  eradicate  the 
malady  which  impaired  the  common  health. 

But  in  the  course  of  events  two  new  parties  appeared  upon 
the  scene — the  Abolitionists  on  the  one  hand,  the  propagan- 
dists of  human  servitude  on  the  other.  He  thought  it  his  duty 
I.— 22 


338  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

to  resist  them  both.  He  opposed  the  Abolitionists,  as  invaders 
of  the  rights  of  a  portion  of  American  citizens ;  he  opposed 
the  advocates  of  the  extension  of  slavery,  because  their  policy 
was  calculated  to  postpone  for  a  great  while  the  date  of  its 
extinction.  But  he  never  became  unduly  excited  about  sla- 
very. He  had  no  sympathy  for  the  religious  or  sentimental 
side  of  abolitionism,  nor  was^-he  moved  by  the  words  of  the 
philanthropists,  preachers,  or  poets  by  whom  the  agitation 
was  set  ablaze  and  persistently  fanned.  He  probably  regard- 
ed it  as  an  evil  of  less  magnitude  than  several  others  that 
threatened  the  country.  In  the  summary  of  the  articles  of 
his  political  belief*  nine  points  are  mentioned  first,  which 
have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery,  and  only  the  last  two  con- 
cern it  at  all. 

In  his  course  in  the  Senate  this  attitude  is  distinctly  marked 
in  everything  that  he  did  or  said.  He  voted  for  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  where  slavery  already  existed ;  he  opposed  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  to  the  free  territory  acquired  from  Mexico. 
Yet  he  admitted  that  a  peaceful  dissolution  of  the  Union,  if 
the  slave-holding  South  should  seek  it,  was  to  be  preferred  to 
a  civil  war  with  a  view  to  its  abolition.  He  would  have  had 
no  fighting  about  slavery,  either  for  it  or  against  it.  The 
charge  of  being  an  abolitionist  he  always  repudiated  with 
earnestness. 

The  fusion  of  Democrats  and  "Wliigs  during  the  Free-soil 
movement  was  regarded  by  him,  before  and  after  its  develop- 
ment, as  a  great  blunder.  He  believed  that  the  safety  of  the 
country  depended  on  the  ascendency  of  the  Democratic  party, 
of  which  he  had  been  an  active  member  ever  since  he  began 
to  take  an  intelligent  part  in  political  affairs ;  and  he  thought 
it  unwise  to  divide  that  party  for  what  he  deemed  an  inade- 
quate cause.  The  thing  to  be  thought  of  first  was  the  preser- 
vation of  the  American  Union,  the  American  Constitution, 
and  the  American  ^Nation ;   and  for  this  he  relied   on  the 

*  /Seepage  231. 


1860-1861.]  GENERAL  DIX  AND  THE  FREE-SOIL  MOVEMENT.  339 

Democratic  party,  whose  principles  he  identified  with  the 
pure  Republican  theory.  He  deprecated  swerving  to  the  one 
side  or  to  the  other ;  he  tried  to  keep  the  ship  of  the  party 
steady  on  an  even  keel ;  when  it  deviated  with  a  strong  list  to 
the  side  of  the  South  he  was  perplexed  and  distressed ;  and, 
contrary  to  his  judgment,  and  mainly  under  the  influence  of 
a  personal  pressure  which  he  could  not  resist,  he  joined  the 
Free-soil  movement. 

But  as  soon  as  it  was  possible  to  do  so  he  retraced  his  steps 
and  would  have  resumed  the  old  position.  He  labored  to  re- 
unite the  party  in  which  he  still  trusted,  and  from  which  he 
had  never  separated.  He  hoped,  and  perhaps  fondly  believed, 
that  the  slavery  question  might  be  regarded  as  settled,  and 
renewed  his  efforts  in  the  line  of  national  progress  under  the 
compromises  and  guarantees  of  the  Constitution. 

Then  came,  nearer  and  nearer,  the  spectre  of  a  dismem- 
berment of  the  nation  and  a  separation  between  North  and 
South.  To  him  this  was  the  most  terrible  of  prospects,  except- 
ing that  of  a  fratricidal  war.  The  dissolution  of  the  Ameri- 
can Union  would  have  been,  in  his  opinion,  the  greatest  of  all 
disasters,  not  only  in  its  effect  on  our  own  people,  but  also  as 
certain  to  extinguish  the  hopes  of  advocates  of  popular  gov- 
ernment throughout  the  whole  world.  He  yielded  to  avert 
so  horrible  a  calamity.  He  made  concessions  which  at  an 
earlier  date  he  would  not  have  made,  in  the  hope  of  saving 
the  nation :  first  in  his  thoughts  were  the  country,  the  Union, 
the  flag.  Men  in  extremis  must  sacrifice  something  to  save 
the  rest.  The  only  chance  was  in  making  common  cause 
with  those  at  the  South  who  still  adhered  to  the  Union; 
their  support  could  not  be  obtained  at  that  critical  hour  with- 
out the  plainest  assurance  that  their  constitutional  rights 
should  be  perfectly  safe,  and  that  the  privileges  enjoyed  un- 
der the  Constitution  by  inhabitants  of  the  free  States  should 
be  enjoyed  equally  by  them. 

Then  came  the  war.  His  course  thenceforth  was  clear. 
They  who  in  fog  and  mist  are  puzzled  which  way  to  move, 


340  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

doubt  no  longer  when  the  winds  arise  and  blow  away  the 
clouds :  they  see  once  more  the  beacon-light,  and  nothing  else. 
One  dominant  principle,  love  of  the  American  Democratic 
Republican  system,  as  practically  realized  under  the  Federal 
Constitution  in  the  union  of  the  States,  had  i-uled  him  all  his 
life ;  it  ruled  him  then.  He  went  into  the  war  because,  by 
the  action  of  the  South,  the  .chance  of  a  peaceful  separation 
had  been  destroyed.  The  contest,  though  commenced  by 
slave-holders,  was  not  for  the  destruction  of  slavery,  but  for 
the  defence  and  perpetuation  of  a  system,  under  which  the 
institution  of  slavery  was  amply  protected,  and  might  have 
continued  to  exist  a  thousand  years  more.  Slavery  was  a 
dead  issue  for  the  moment ;  they  who  drew  the  sword  did  so 
for  the  assertion  of  principles  deemed  by  them  vastly  more 
momentous  than  any  question  concerning  the  relations  of 
negroes  and  white  men.  It  is  true  that  Emancipation  follow- 
ed, but  only  after  years  of  blood  and  sorrow,  and  as  an  after- 
thought, of  which  the  ^'War  Democrats"  never  dreamed 
when  they  rose  in  defence  of  the  country  and  for  the  honor 
of  the  nation. 

To  me,  carefully  studying  the  subject,  this  appears  to  be 
the  simple  story  of  his  course.  He  lived,  from  the  age  of  fif- 
teen to  that  of  eighty -one,  in  active  service  of  his  beloved 
country.  To  whom  is  it  given,  in  this  perplexing  world,  to  be 
perfectly  consistent  throughout  the  immense  and  varied  activ- 
ities of  sixty-six  years?  Yet  he  was,  I  think,  consistent,  if 
tested  by  the  question,  what  he  regarded,  next  to  religion,  as 
the  highest  duty  and  the  proper  aim  of  the  citizen.  Every 
act  of  his  political  life  may  be  explained  by  one  of  these 
convictions : 

(a)  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
was  an  all  but  perfect  work ; 

ip)  That  it  was  for  the  interests  of  the  American  people, 
and  those  of  all  advocates  of  popular  government  throughout 
the  world,  that  our  political  experiment  should  prove  suc- 
cessful ; 


1860-1861.]    DISTRACTED  STATE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  MIND.     341 

{c)  That  the  old  Democratic  party  was  the  true  exponent 
of  the  principles  of  tlie  Constitution,  and  that  the  safety  of 
the  American  people  and  the  hope  of  mankind  in  general 
depended  on  the  continued  ascendency  of  those  principles ; 

{d)  That  the  preservation  of  the  American  Union  under  the 
American  Constitution,  at  any  sacrifice,  must  be  the  supreme 
object  of  those  who  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  its  protection. 

These  convictions  are  consistent  with  each  other,  and  they 
explain  the  acts  of  his  public  life. 

]S"othing  could  have  shown  more  clearly  the  distracted  state 
of  the  public  mind,  as  the  administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan 
drew  to  an  end,  than  the  sight  presented  in  the  autumn  elec- 
tions in  1860.  There  were  no  less  than  four  sets  of  candi- 
dates in  the  field :  Stephen  A.  Douglas  of  Illinois  and  Iler- 
schel  Y.  Johnson  of  Georgia,  nominated  by  the  regular 
Democratic  Convention ;  John  C.  Breckenridge  of  Ken- 
tucky and  Joseph  Lane  of  Oregon,  the  candidates  of  the 
seceding  Southern  Democrats;  John  Bell  of  Tennessee  and 
Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts  representing  another  sec- 
tion of  the  people,  who,  rejecting  the  older  organizations, 
aimed  simply  at  the  enforcement  of  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union  without 
farther  agitation  of  vexing  questions ;  and  Abraham  Lincoln 
of  Illinois  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine,  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  national  organization.  It  had  been  found  im- 
possible to  hold  the  Democratic  party  together  any  longer. 
Their  national  Convention  assembled  at  Charleston,  April  23. 
Irreconcilable  antagonisms  were  soon  apparent,  and  scenes  of 
great  violence  occurred.  At  length  most  of  the  Southern 
delegates  withdrew.  The  main  body  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Baltimore,  June  18.  The  seceding  delegates,  having  adopted 
a  platform  satisfactory  to  themselves,  called  a  Convention,  to 
be  held  at  Eichmond,  June  11.  Separate  nominations  fol- 
lowed, and  the  fatal  schism  was  complete.  But  a  much  worse 
thing  was  impending.  It  grew  plainer  every  day  that,  in 
case  their  demands  were  not  complied  with,  the  Southern 


342  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

States  would  seek  to  form  a  separate  organization;  but  in 
what  way  no  man  as  yet  could  tell.  True,  there  were  om- 
inous signs  in  more  than  one  quarter,  yet  it  was  probably  the 
general  opinion  that  the  secession  would  be  peaceful.  Even 
that  prospect  was  regarded  with  dismay  by  patriotic  Amer- 
icans. The  end  seemed  not  far  off — the  edifice,  reared  with 
infinite  toil  and  pains,  appeared  to  be  tottering  to  its  fall. 

Great  numbers  of  us  were  terribly  perplexed  in  those  days. 
Doubtless  there  was  a  glamour  about  the  Southern  cause  which 
influenced  men  in  spite  of  themselves,  a  certain  sophistry  of 
logic  which  gave  to  their  demands  a  color  of  justice.  It 
should  be  remembered  also  that  many  of  us  never  thought  it 
possible  that  a  violent  separation  from  the  Union  would  be 
attempted ;  we  conceded  the  right  to  a  peaceful  and  orderly 
departure,  if  our  Southern  brethren  should  insist  on  having 
it  so.  It  is  a  matter  of  little  or  no  importance  what  were  the 
feelings  of  the  writer  at  that  particular  time,  excepting  as  a 
specimen  of  those  of  a  considerable  number  of  persons,  who 
loved  at  once  the  old  Union  and  their  kinsmen  in  the  South. 
As  for  myself,  I  never  dreamed  of  the  coming  war ;  I  detest- 
ed abolitionism ;  I  deemed  the  course  of  the  Republican  par- 
ty one  of  unjustifiable  and  mischievous  aggression ;  my  sym- 
pathies were  with  the  South,  and  I  had  no  doubt  of  their 
right,  if  they  chose,  to  free  themselves  gently  from  those 
bonds  which  held  us  together.  Under  these  impressions  I 
voted  for  Breckenridge  and  Lane,  leaving  my  bed  while  suf- 
fering from  severe  illness,  and  taking  the  risk  involved  by 
standing  in  the  cold  air  on  an  inclement  day,  waiting  my  turn 
to  vote,  because  I  felt  it  a  sacred  duty  to  do  whatever  my  one 
ballot  could  accomplish  to  prevent  the  election  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Looking  back  to  those  days  is  like  looking  into  a  land 
of  dreams.  What  broke  the  dream  at  once,  and  set  me  and 
others  in  my  position  face  to  face  with  facts  never  before  un- 
derstood, was  the  opening  roar  of  tlie  guns  directed  against 
Fort  Sumter.  With  that  portentous  sound  the  old  illusions 
passed  forever  and  a  new  cycle  came  in. 


1860-1861.]     GENERAL  DIX'S   VIEWS  ON  SECESSION.  343 

As  the  fatal  time  drew  nearer  the  anxiety  of  men  in  high 
position  became  intense.  I  recall  occasions  when  my  father 
spoke  to  me  on  the  questions  of  the  day,  disclosing  the  grave 
trouble  that  possessed  his  thoughts.  On  one  such  occasion 
he  referred  to  the  possibility  that  !N^ew  York  might  become 
a  free-city,  entirely  independent,  in  case  of  a  general  break- 
up ;  not  that  he  advocated  the  idea,  but  he  placed  it  in  the 
category  of  possibilities.*  It  was  his  opinion  that  a  separa- 
tion, if  sought  by  the  South  through  peaceful  means  alone, 
must  be  conceded  by  the  JS'orth,  as  an  evil  less  than  that  of 
war.  A  memorandum,  written  in  the  year  18Y5,  gives  his 
views  on  the  subject  of  the  attempted  secession : 

"NOTES  BY  JOHN  A.  DIX  CONCERNINa  CERTAIN  EVENTS 
AND  TRANSACTIONS  IN  WHICH  HE  TOOK  PART,  DURING 
THE  CIVIL  WAR  OF  1861-'65,  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"  Ten  years  have  elapsed  since  the  attempt  of  the  Southern 
States  to  withdraw  from  the  Union  and  to  overthrow  the 
Federal  Government  by  force  was  frustrated.  The  Great  Re- 
bellion, as  it  will  probably  be  termed  in  after-times  when  the 
history  of  that  epoch  shall  be  impartially  written,  cost  the  com- 
batants a  desperate  struggle  of  four  years  for  the  ascendency, 
the  loss  of  half  a  million  of  lives,  a  debt  on  the  part  of  the 
general  government  of  twenty-six  hundred  million  dollars,  a 
heavy  indebtedness  in  most  of  the  non-slave-holding  States, 
wide-spread  ruin  throughout  the  South,  the  emancipation  of 
four  millions  of  slaves,  and  an  inability  on  the  part  of  the  Con- 
federated States  to  redeem  the  pecuniary  obligations  they  had 
contracted  in  the  prosecution  of  their  enterprise.  When  the 
prejudices  and  passions  enlisted  in  this  fratricidal  conflict  shall 
have  passed  away  and  another  generation  shall  have  come  to 
manhood,  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  an  adequate  cause  for  this 
insurrection  against  the  common  government.     The  pretexts 

*  The  plan  was  advocated  by  Fernando  Wood,  in  the  annual  message 
addressed  by  him  to  the  Common  Council  of  New  York,  January  7, 1861. 


344  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

on  the  part  of  its  authors  were  that  the  non-slave-holding 
States  did  not  execute  in  good  faith  the  requirement  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  deliver  up  persons  escap- 
ing from  labor  or  service — a  provision  acknowledged  to  have 
been  intended  to  include  fugitive  slaves — and  that  the  elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Lincoln  by  the  votes  of  the  non  -  slave  -  holding 
States  alone,  against  the  unanii^ous  vote  of  the  slave-holding 
States,  was  dangerous  to  the  prosj^erity  of  the  latter,  and  to 
their  equal  participation  in  the  benefits  which  the  Federal 
Government  was  instituted  to  secure.  There  was  no  just 
ground  for  the  former  pretext.  Congress  had  passed  all  nec- 
essary laws  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the  surrender  of 
fugitive  slaves,  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
had  decided  that  there  was  no  obligation  on  the  part  of  indi- 
vidual States  to  legislate  in  furtherance  of  that  object.  In 
some  of  the  Northern  and  Western  States  individuals,  who 
believed  the  tenure  of  slaves  to  be  a  crime,  had  associated  to 
shelter  fugitives  and  to  facilitate  their  escape  to  Canada,  where 
they  could  not  be  reclaimed  by  their  owners.  These  associa- 
.tions,  though  unquestionably  in  violation  of  good  faith,  were 
the  acts  of  individuals,  and  involved  no  responsibility  on  the 
part  of  the  Federal  Government.  The  escape  from  slavery 
was  almost  exclusively  confined  to  two  or  three  slave-holding 
States  bordering  on  the  States  in  which  slavery  was  prohibited. 

"  The  election  of  Mr,  Lincoln  was  in  strict  conformity  to 
the  Constitution;  and  a  decided  majority  of  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  was  opposed  to  the  policy  of  his  party,  and 
in  favor  of  maintaining  in  good  faith  all  the  obligations  of 
the  government.  There  was,  therefore,  no  possibility  that 
the  rights  of  the  Southern  States  could  be  impaired  by  un- 
friendly legislation. 

"  The  real  cause  of  the  secession  movement  was,  beyond 
dispute,  a  belief  on  the  part  of  the  slave-holding  States  that 
their  slave  property  was  imperilled  by  their  association  with 
the  Northern  States;  that  their  prosperity  would  be  pro- 
moted by  the  establishment  of  an  independent  government ; 


1860-1861.]        SECESSIOy  BUSHING  ON  ITS  FATE.  345 

that  the  intellectual  and  social  condition  of  the  two  sections 
of  the  country,  arising  out  of  the  tenure  of  slaves  in  one,,  and 
a  prevalent  conviction  in  the  other  that  it  was  a  violation  of 
the  laws  of  God,  was  incompatible  with  an  impartial  adminis- 
tration of  the  government,  and  that  the  association  was  a  per- 
petual menace  to  the  existence  of  slavery.  To  this  cause  may 
be  superadded  the  influence  of  the  suggestion  that  the  new 
offices,  which  a  separate  political  organization  w^ould  require 
at  home  and  abroad,  w^ould  furnish  more  ample  means  of 
gratifying  the  ambition  of  their  aspiring  statesmen. 

"It  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  if  a  separation  had 
been  sought  by  the  slave  -  holding  States  persistently,  and 
through  peaceful  means  alone,  it  might  have  been  ultimately 
conceded  by  the  N'orthern  States  in  preference  to  a  bloody 
civil  war,  with  all  its  miseries  and  demoralization.  But  the 
forcible  seizure  of  arsenals,  mints,  revenue-cutters,  and  other 
property  of  the  common  government,  and  the  attack  and  capt- 
ure of  Fort  Sumter,  put  an  end  to  argument  as  well  as  to  the 
spirit  of  conciliation,  and  aroused  a  feeling  of  exasperation 
w^hich  nothing  but  the  arbitrament  of  arms  could  overcome. 
Acquiescence  under  such  circumstances  of  aggression  would 
have  been  ascribed  to  pusillanimity ;  and  it  should  not  have 
been  expected  from  any  portion  of  a  community  which,  in 
the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  its  independence,  and 
in  the  vindication  of  its  honor  and  its  rights  during  a  period 
of  nearly  a  hundred  years,  had  never  hesitated  to  put  life, 
property,  and  all  it  held  dear  in  peril. 

"  The  result  of  this  great  conflict — one  of  the  most  notable 
in  the  history  of  human  society — has  been  accepted  as  conclu- 
sive by  both  parties ;  and  although  time  alone  can  wholly  re- 
move the  animosities  to  which  it  gave  birth,  it  may  be  safely, 
said  that  no  civil  w^ar  of  such  vast  dimensions  was  ever  con- 
ducted by  the  combatants  with  so  little  cruelty  and  vindic- 
tiveness.  It  is,  no  doubt,  due  in  some  degree  to  this  absence 
of  the  worst  characteristics  of  intestine  strife  that  the  two 
sections  of  the  country  are  coming  together  in  the  ancient 


346  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

spirit  of  fraternal  concord,  to   consult  and  labor  for  their 
common  prosperity  and  fame." 

The  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  November  6,  1860,  was  the 
beginning  of  the  end.  The  Southern  leaders  had  agreed  to 
regard  that  event  as  a  signal  that  the  Union  could  be  main- 
tained no  longer.  IS^othing  could  have  prevented  it  except 
a  consolidation  of  the  Democratic  forces,  North  and  South, 
which  was  impossible.  Action  soon  followed  :  on  the  20tli  of 
December  the  State  of  South  Carolina  adopted  an  ordinance 
of  secession.  On  the  4th  of  February,  1861,  precisely  one 
month  before  the  time  fixed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  for  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  a  convention 
held  at  Montgomery,  in  Alabama,  announced  to  the  world  the 
existence  of  the  "  Confederate  States  of  America." 

There  is  something  almost  pathetic  in  the  history  of  the 
efforts  which  were  made,  during  the  progress  of  those  startling 
and  sinister  events,  to  avert,  if  possible,  the  coming  shock. 
The  state  of  public  feeling  became  more  intense  from  day 
to  day;  and,  as  the  outline  of  the  terrible  future  was  more 
plainly  revealed,  recourse  was  had  to  every  action  by  which  it 
was  thought  possible  to  propitiate  a  threatening  Deity  or  to 
conciliate  angry  men.  Friday,  the  4th  of  January,  was  desig- 
nated, by  proclamation  from  Washington,  for  observance  as  a 
day  of  humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer  that  it  might  please 
Almighty  God  to  avert  the  horrors  which  seemed  to  be  clos- 
ing darkly  around  the  path  of  the  nation.  Bishops  issued  their 
pastoral  letters  to  the  clergy  and  laity  of  their  flocks,  and  set 
forth  special  offices  for  the  occasion ;  church  doors  stood  open 
all  day  long ;  fathers  gathered  their  households  together  about 
the  home  altar — one  great  petition  for  help  went  up  to  Heav- 
en. Meanwhile,  citizens  of  repute  and  influence  were  engaged 
in  strenuous  efforts  to  bring  estranged  brethren  to  a  better 
mind,  to  calm  wild  passion,  and  to  exorcise  the  spectre  of  Civil 
War.  Among  the  notable  movements  of  the  hour  may  be 
mentioned  the  introduction  of  the  "  Compromise  Resolutions  " 


1860-1861.]     THE  NEW  YORK  'TINE  STREET  MEETING:'     347 

in  the  United  States  Senate,  December  18,  1860,  by  John  J. 
Crittenden  of  Kentucky,  and  the  session  of  the  "  Peace  Con- 
gress "  at  "Washington. 

Proceedings  in  the  same  general  line  took  place  in  JS"ew 
York ;  and  here  I  may  say  a  few  words  about  what  was 
known  at  the  time  as  "  the  Pine  Street  Meeting,"  in  w^hich  a 
large  number  of  our  most  respected  and  influential  citizens 
took  part.  My  friend  Colonel  Kichard  Lathers  has  furnished 
me  with  some  interesting  details  of  its  proceedings,  which  I 
give  in  his  own  words : 

"  The  period  referred  to  in  your  note  is  quite  fresh  in  my 
memory,  and  I  have  always  recalled  the  incidents  connected 
with  the  'Pine  Street  Meeting'  as  worthy  of  more  prominence 
than  the  patriotic  purposes  of  the  actors  have  received.  I 
will  give  you  a  short  history  of  the  affair  from  the  beginning. 

"  General  Dix,  in  1861,  was  the  Postmaster  of  this  city, 
and,  in  accordance  with  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life,  was  an 
active  participator  in  everything  which  should  interest  a  citi- 
zen or  promote  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country,  his  influence 
being  felt  and  valued  in  all  sections  of  the  Union,  in  and  out 
of  his  own  party,  and  far  beyond  the  confines  of  his  own 
section.  When  the  Union  was  first  menaced  by  secession  he 
was  the  counsellor  and  ready  adviser  of  all  patriotic  men ;  for 
while  he  was  an  advocate  of  Southern  rights  under  the  limits 
of  the  Constitution,  yet  he  was  a  firm  and  uncompromising 
Union  man,  and,  as  such,  bent  his  energies  to  convince  our 
erring  Southern  brethren  that  secession  must  fail;  that  it 
could  not  be  justified  in  any  event ;  and  that  even  those  who 
then  sympathized  with  them  would  promptly  confront  them 
if  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  government  should  be 
attempted.  While  in  communication  with  prominent  men  of 
the  South,  by  personal  interviews  or  by  correspondence,  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Howell  Cobb,  then  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  but  showing  signs  of  secessionist  proclivities. 
It  contained  an  exhaustive  and  most  convincing  argument  on 
the  question  of  the  day.    This  letter  he  sent  to  me  to  read  be- 


348  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

fore  mailing  it.*  I  immediately  ran  up  to  the  Post-office  and 
requested  a  copy,  to  send  to  a  few  prominent  men  in  South 
Carolina,  under  cover  of  a  letter  of  my  own,  which  I  had  pre- 
pared and  submitted  to  Mr.  Evarts  and  other  distinguished 
Republicans,  and  in  which  I  had  expressed  the  view  that  the 
probable  measures  of  the  Eepublican  party  would  develop  a 
policy  favorable  to  Southern  interests.  In  my  letter  I  re- 
quested a  formal  answer  from  my  correspondents  in  the 
South,  and  promised  them  that  a  meeting  should  be  called 
to  consider  the  whole  situation  from  a  friendly  stand-point, 
irrespective  of  party  lines. 

"  The  meeting  was  called  by  a  private  circular  addressed  to 
leading  men  throughout  the  State  of  New  York ;  among  the 
signers  were  your  father,  William  B.  Astor,  John  J.  Cisco, 
Wilson  Gc.  Hunt,  and  James  W.  Beekman.  The  responses 
were  so  hearty  and  general  that  I  found  there  might  be  some 
two  thousand  persons  present ;  and  1  was  compelled,  instead 
of  receiving  them  at  my  office,  to  hire  a  couple  of  buildings  in 
Pine  Street,  in  order  to  afford  accommodation  for  so  large  a 
body.  Charles  O' Conor  was  called  to  the  chair.  I  opened  the 
meeting  with  a  short  speech,  by  request  of  General  Dix ;  and 
speeches  were  made  by  ex-Senator  Dickinson,  John  McKeon, 
Mr.  A.  A.  Low,  and  other  distinguished  men  of  both  parties, 
and  representing  different  sections  of  the  State.  An  address 
prepared  by  General  Dix  was  passed  imanimously,  without 
debate;  resolutions  appended  to  it  were  amended,  and  then 
adopted  unanimously.  Ex-President  Fillmore — who,  though 
unable  to  be  present,  heartily  endorsed  the  objects  of  the 
meeting — was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  visit  the 
South  as  bearers  of  the  address,  and  of  this  committee  I  had 
the  honor  to  be  made  a  member.  Another  committee  was 
then  appointed  to  take  measures  for  a  public  demonstration 
by  the  citizens  of  IS'ew  York,  and  this  led  to  the  great  meet- 
ing which  was  held  at  Castle  Garden  a  short  time  afterward. 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  V. 


1860-1861.]    FUTILE  EFFOBTS  AND  MISEEPBESENTATION.     349 

"At  the  Pine  Street  meeting  the  letters  which  I  referred 
to  were  read,  together  with  replies  which  had  by  that  time 
been  received.  I  regret  to  say  that  they  were  not  as  concilia- 
tory as  had  been  expected. 

"  Mr.  Fillmore  was  unable  to  go  South ;  but  I  carried  the 
address  and  resolutions,  and  read  them  to  Jefferson  Davis 
and  the  Governors  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Alabama. 
The  general  response  was  an  expression  of  regret  that  the 
action  had  not  taken  place  earlier,  before  all  parties  were  so 
far  committed  to  secession.  While  I  was  at  Mobile,  making 
a  Union  speech  before  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  by  the  re-- 
quest  of  members  of  that  body,  irrespective  of  party  (General 
Walker,  brother  of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  Confederate 
Government  then  just  organized,  presiding),  the  meeting  came 
to  a  speedy  end,  before  I  had  concluded  my  remarks,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  reception  of  news  by  telegraph  that  the  attack 
on  Fort  Sumter  had  commenced. 

"  By  invitation  of  the  Union  merchants  of  iN'ew  Orleans  I 
went  there  to  address  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  that  city ; 
but  the  newspapers  assailed  me,  and  the  Mayor,  calling  on  me 
at  my  hotel,  requested  me  to  return  home  at  once,  and  said 
that  a  Union  speech  at  such  a  time  of  excitement  might  pro- 
duce a  riot,  and  certainly  could  have  no  effect  in  the  interest 
of  my  mission.  I  took  his  advice ;  and  on  my  return  to  IS'ew 
York  I  found  great  excitement  here,  even  against  myself,  the 
papers  having  stated  that  I  had  gone  to  the  South  to  give  aid 
and  comfort  to  the  rebellion !     Such  is  life !" 

Among  my  father's  papers  I  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
find  the  original  of  the  address  referred  to,  with  the  auto- 
graphs of  the  signers.  These  I  now  present  to  the  reader, 
and  with  a  personal  statement  which  will  explain  one  motive 
among  others  for  preserving  them  as  they  stand.  It  will  be 
observed  that  my  father's  signature  is  at  one  side,  with  that 
of  Mr.  James  T.  Soutter,  and  that  these  two  names  are  some- 
what apart  from  the  rest.  Mr.  Soutter  was  at  that  time  Pres- 
ident of  the  Bank  of  the  Pepublic,  a  man  of  unsullied  repu- 


350  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

tation,  great  abilities,  and  a  noble  spirit;  remembered  now 
with  respect  and  love  by  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  one  of 
those  Southerners  who,  loyal  to  the  Union  and  strongly  op- 
posed to  secession,  regarded  civil  war  with  absolute  horror. 
The  South  had  many  such  patriotic  citizens  within  her  bor- 
ders, but  unhappily  their  voices  were  drowned  by  the  cries 
of  excited  revolutionists,  an4  they  were  ultimately  swept 
away  by  a  torrent  which  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  resist. 
In  after-years,  when  this  good  and  kind-hearted  gentleman, 
having  patiently  sustained  a  long  and  sad  trial  of  unmerited 
suspicion,  unjust  persecution,  and  exile  from  his  native  land, 
had  found  release  from  his  earthly  sorrows  in  a  Christian's 
death,  and  when  many  of  the  distressing  events  of  those  days 
had  faded  into  dim  memories,  there  came  into  my  own  life 
the  greatest  brightness  and  the  fullest  happiness  I  ever  knew, 
through  my  marriage  with  a  daughter  of  his  house,  a  woman 
who  does  honor  to  the  name  she  bore,  and  fills  the  perfect 
measure  of  wife,  mother,  and  friend.  I  never  had  the  good 
fortune  to  know  her  father ;  but,  in  looking  on  her,  I  can 
imagine  what  he  must  have  been.  One  fact  more  I  venture 
to  add  in  this  connection.  When  Mr.  Soutter  returned  home, 
after  years  of  involuntary  absence,  upon  the  conclusion  of  the 
war,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  seek  his  pardon  and  amnesty 
from  the  Government  of  the  United  States  —  a  pardon  for 
crimes  never  committed!  —  and  the  first  signature  to  the 
petition  addressed  to  President  Johnson  in  his  behalf  was 
that  of  John  A.  Dix. 

The  address  adopted  at  the  Pine  Street  meeting  appears  to 
merit  preservation,  as  throwing  light  upon  the  history  of  the 
efforts  to  avert  the  dissolution  of  the  Union : 

"Fellow-Citizens  and  Beethren  of  the  South, — It  has 
become  our  painful  duty  to  address  ourselves  to  you  under 
the  most  alarming  circumstances  in  which  we  have  been 
placed  since  the  formation  of  the  government.  In  the  ful- 
ness of  our  prosperity,  our  strength,  and  our  credit  the  Union 


1860-1861.]     THE  PINE  STREET  MEETING  ADDRESS.  351 

to  which  we  owe  it  all  is  in  imminent  danger  of  becoming  a 
prey  to  internal  dissension,  sacrificing  the  great  interests  of 
the  country,  and  forfeiting  the  high  position  it  holds  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  To  avert  a  calamity  so  disgraceful 
to  us  as  a  free  people,  so  disastrous  to  the  common  welfare, 
and  so  disheartening  to  the  friends  of  representative  govern- 
ment in  both  hemispheres,  we  appeal  to  you  by  the  sacred 
memory  of  that  fraternal  friendship  which  bound  our  fore- 
fathers together  through  the  perils  of  the  Kevolution,  which 
has  united  us  all  through  succeeding  years  of  alternate  good 
and  ill,  and  which  has  conducted  us,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Sovereign  Euler  of  the  Universe,  to  wealth  and  power- 
by  a  progress  unexampled  in  the  history  of  the  past — by  all 
the  endearing  recollections  with  which  this  association  is  hal- 
lowed, we  conjure  you  to  pause  before  the  current  of  disun- 
ion shall  acquire  a  force  which  may  prove  irresistible,  that  we 
may  consult  together,  with  the  calmness  due  to  the  magnitude 
of  the  crisis,  for  the  removal  of  the  causes  which  have  pro- 
duced it.  We  make  this  appeal  to  you  in  entire  confidence 
that  it  will  not  be  repulsed.  We  have  stood  by  you  in  the 
political  contest  through  which  we  have  just  passed.  We 
have  asserted  your  rights  as  earnestly  as  though  they  had 
been  our  own.  You  cannot  refuse,  therefore,  to  listen  to  us, 
and  to  weigh  with  becoming  deliberation  the  reasons  w^e  have 
for  believing  that  the  w^rongs  which  have  led  to  the  existing 
alienation  between  the  two  great  sections  of  the  country  may, 
with  your  co-operation,  be  speedily  redressed.  We  do  not  in- 
tend to  go  back  to  the  origin  of  these  wrongs.  We  will  not 
review  the  dark  history  of  the  aggression  and  insult  visited 
upon  you  by  abolitionists  and  their  abettors  during  the  last 
thirty-five  years.  Our  detestation  of  these  acts  of  hostility  is 
not  inferior  to  your  own.  We  take  things  as  they  exist,  to 
deal  with  them  as  an  evil  not  to  be  eradicated  by  violence, 
but  to  be  remedied  by  a  treatment  which  shall  at  the  same 
time  be  considerate  and  firm.  We  call  on  you  as  friends  to 
delay  action  until  we  can  induce  those  through  whose  agency 


352  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX, 

the  evil  has  been  brought  upon  us  to  listen  to  the  voices  of 
reason  and  duty,  and  to  place  your  relations  and  ours  to  the 
common  privileges  and  benefits  of  the  Union  on  a  footing  of 
perfect  equality ;  or,  failing  in  this,  until  we  can  bring  the 
majority  of  our  fellow  -  citizens  in  the  North  to  co-operate 
with  us,  as  we  do  not  doubt  they  will,  in  the  proper  measures 
of  redress.  We  do  not  despair  of  securing  from  those  to 
whose  hands  the  reins  of  government  are  about  to  be  intrust- 
ed a  recognition  of  your  rights  in  regard  to  the  surrender  of 
fugitive  slaves  and  equality  in  the  Territories.  AYe  know  that 
great  changes  of  opinion  have  already  taken  place  among  their 
most  intelligent  and  influential  men — that  a  reaction  has  com- 
menced, which  is  not  likely  to  be  stayed — that  errors  and  prej- 
udices which  in  the  heat  of  the  canvass  were  inaccessible  to 
reason  and  persuasion  have  been  on  cool  reflection  renounced ; 
nay,  more,  that  many,  whose  opinions  have  undergone  no 
change,  are  willing,  in  a  praiseworthy  spirit  of  patriotism,  to 
make  on  questions  which  are  not  fundamental  in  our  system 
of  government,  but  merely  accessary  to  our  social  condition, 
the  concessions  necessary  to  preserve  the  Union  in  its  integ- 
rity, and  to  save  us  from  the  fatal  alternative  of  dismember- 
ment into  two  or  more  empires,  jealous  of  each  other,  and  em- 
bittered by  the  remembrance  of  differences  which  we  had  not 
the  justice  or  the  magnanimity  to  compose. 

"  Let  us  enumerate  briefly  the  grounds  on  which  we  repose 
our  trust  in  a  speedy  accommodation  of  the  existing  disagree- 
ment between  the  l^orth  and  the  South : 

"I.  The  late  Election. — Although  it  was  adverse  to  us 
throughout  the  IS^orth,  we  have  in  the  detail  added  materially 
to  our  strength  in  Congress,  where  the  power  to  redress 
wrong  and  prevent  abuse  is  most  needed.  In  this  State, 
against  five  Democratic  and  Union  members  of  the  present 
Congress,  eleven  members  have  been  elected  for  the  next,  and 
in  the  other  Northern  States  five  members  more  have  been 
gained,  making  a  change  of  twenty-two  votes  in  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives,  giving  a  decided  majority  in  that  body  to  the 


1860-1861.]     MOTIVES  FOB  A   CONCILIATORY  POLICY.  353 

friends  of  the  Union  and  the  equal  rights  of  the  South,  ren- 
dering all  hostile  legislation  impossible,  and  affording  assur- 
ance that  existing  wrong  will  be  redressed. 

"  In  regard  to  the  general  result  of  the  election  we  do  not 
hesitate  to  say  that  the  conservative  men  have  been  defeated 
by  their  own  divisions  rather  than  by  the  votes  of  their  oppo- 
nents, and  that  it  is  not  a  true  criterion  of  the  relative  strength 
of  parties.  The  slavery  question  was  but  an  element  in  the 
contest ;  it  would  have  proved  utterly  inadequate  to  the  re- 
sult had  not  the  Democratic  party  been  disorganized  by  its 
own  dissensions.  Even  in  the  city  of  New  York,  with  an 
overwhelming  majority,  one  of  the  most  conservative  Con- 
gress districts  was  lost  by  running  two  candidates  against  a 
single  Eepublican. 

"  In  the  Congress  districts  carried  by  the  anti-Eepublicans 
the  canvass  was  placed  distinctly  on  the  ground  of  sustaining 
the  equal  rights  of  the  States  in  the  Territories.  In  the 
month  of  May  last  an  address  was  published  in  the  city  of 
New  York  reviewing  the  controversy  between  the  two  great 
sections  of  the  country  in  regard  to  the  Territorial  question, 
and  assuming  as  a  basis  of  settlement  the  following  grounds : 

"  1.  A  citizen  of  any  State  in  the  Union  may  emigrate  to 
the  Territories  with  his  property,  whether  it  consists  of  slaves 
or  any  other  subject  of  personal  ownership. 

"  2.  So  long  as  the  Territorial  condition  exists  the  relation 
of  master  and  slave  is  not  to  be  disturbed  by  Federal  or  local 
legislation. 

"3.  Whenever  a  Territory  shall  be  entitled  to  admission 
into  the  Union  as  a  State  the  inhabitants  may,  in  framing 
their  Constitution,  decide  for  themselves  whether  it  shall 
authorize  or  exclude  slavery. 

"  We  stand  on  these  grounds  now.  We  believe  the  contro- 
versy can  be  adjusted  on  no  other.  Many  who  sustained  in 
the  late  canvass  a  candidate  who  did  not  assent  to  them  dis- 
agreed with  him  in  opinion.  We  speak  particularly  of  the 
city  of  New  York ;  and  we  say  with  confidence  that  we  be- 
I.— 23 


354  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

lieve  the  great  conservative  party  of  the  !N"orth  may  be  ral- 
lied successfully  on  the  foregoing  propositions  as  a  basis  of 
adjustment.  In  carrying  them  out  we  shall  re-establish  the 
practice  of  the  government  from  its  organization  to  the  year 
1820,  running  through  the  successive  administrations  of 
"Washington,  the  elder  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  Madison.  The 
Territory  north-west  of  the  Ohio  River,  in  which  slavery  was 
prohibited  by  an  ordinance  adopted  under  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, was  an  exceptional  case.  In  the  other  Territories 
emigrants  from  the  States  were  freely  admitted  with  slaves 
when  composing  a  part  of  their  families.  The  adoption  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Mon- 
roe, was  the  first  departure  from  the  practice  of  the  govern- 
ment under  the  Constitution.  We  must  go  back  to  the  policy 
of  the  founders  of  the  Eepublic  if  we  hope  to  preserve  the 
Union.  We  believe  this  great  object  can  be  accomplished, 
and  that  harmony  may  be  restored  to  the  country,  if  time  for 
action  be  given  to  those  who  have  its  destinies  in  their  hands. 
"II.  The  Republican  party. — It  cannot  possibly  remain 
unbroken  during  the  term  of  the  incoming  administration. 
The  two  cliief  elements — the  political  and  religious — can  nev- 
er harmonize  in  practice.  The  process  of  separation  has  al- 
ready commenced.  While  those  who  ostensibly  represent  the 
religious  element  are  as  fierce  as  ever  in  their  denunciations, 
leading  politicians,  no  doubt,  in  view  of  the  responsibility  to 
devolve  on  the  President-elect  in  carrying  on  the  government, 
have  renounced  ultra  opinions,  and  proclaim  the  duty  of  en- 
forcing an  efficient  fugitive  slave  law.  In  Boston  the  Union 
party  triumphed  by  a  majority  of  several  thousand  votes  in 
the  late  municipal  election,  and  the  abolitionists  have  been 
expelled  by  the  people  from  the  public  halls  in  which  they 
attempted  to  hold  their  disorganizing  assemblies.  In  other 
cities  of  New  England  the  same  reaction  has  taken  place. 
The  theorists  and  the  politicians  can  never  hold  together 
when  measures  of  government  are  to  be  agreed  on;  and  it 
is  not  believed  that  the  Republican  party  can  sustain  itself 


1860-1861.]     THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW  CONSIDERED.         355 

for  a  single  year  on  the  basis  of  the  principles  on  which  it 
was  organized. 

"It  is  a  mistake  to  imagine  that  the  whole  Republican 
party,  or  even  the  great  bulk  of  it,  is  really  at  heart  animated 
by  any  spirit  hostile  to  the  rights  or  menacing  to  the  interests 
of  the  South.  Antislaveryism  has  constituted  but  one  of  va- 
rious political  elements  combined  in  that  'Republicanism' 
which  has  elected  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  you 
that,  whenever  a  fair  opportunity  shall  be  presented  of  a  dis- 
tinct and  simple  vote  of  the  J^orth  upon  the  full  recognition 
of  all  your  Constitutional  rights,  a  very  large  majority  in 
nearly  every  l^orthern  State  will  be  found  true  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  true  to  the  fraternal  relations  established  by 
it  between  you  and  us. 

"  III.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law. — Eight  or  nine  States  have 
passed  laws  calculated,  if  not  designed,  to  embarrass  the  sur- 
render of  fugitive  slaves.  Wrong  as  these  enactments  are  in 
principle  and  in  purpose,  they  have  been  practically  nugatory. 
We  believe  no  fugitive  from  service  or  labor  has  been  dis- 
charged under  any  one  of  them.  They  are,  nevertheless, 
utterly  indefensible  as  the  index  of  unfriendly  feeling ;  they 
have  wrought  in  practice  the  farther  injury  of  furnishing  an 
example  of  infidelity  to  Constitutional  obligations — an  injury 
to  us  as  well  as  to  you ;  and  no  one  doubts  that  they  will, 
when  brought  before  the  judicial  tribunals  of  the  country, 
be  pronounced  violations  or  evasions  of  a  duty  enjoined  by 
the  Constitution,  and  therefore  void. 

"A  movement  has  already  been  made  in  Vermont  —  the 
most  hopeless  of  the  Republican  States — to  repeal  her  per- 
sonal liberty  bill,  and  the  question,  as  we  understand,  is  yet 
undecided  in  the  hands  of  a  committee.  Massachusetts,  it  is 
believed,  will  repeal  hers  at  the  approaching  session  of  her 
Legislature ;  nor  is  it  doubted  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  has  pub- 
licly declared  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  must  be  faithfully 
executed,  will  exert  his  influence  to  procure  the  abrogation  of 
all  conflicting  enactments  by  the  States.     That  it  is  the  duty 


356  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  1)IX. 

of  the  States  to  repeal  them,  without  waiting  for  tjie  courts 
to  pronounce  them  invalid,  no  man  who  justly  appreciates  the 
existing  danger  will  deny. 

"  lY.  The  Conservative  Men  of  the  Xorth. — Since  the  adop- 
tion of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  we  have  firmly 
maintained  your  rights  under  them.  Previous  differences  of 
opinion  were  cheerfully  renounced.  The  contest  with  the 
ultraism-  of  the  Republican  party,  active  and  strong  as  it  is, 
has  not  been  unaccompanied  by  personal  sacrifices  on  our 
part.  They  have  been  encountered  unhesitatingly,  and  with- 
out regard  to  political  consequences  to  ourselves.  We  felt 
that  we  had  a  stake  in  the  issue  not  less  important  than  you. 
Believing  the  Union  essential  to  the  prosperity  and  the  honor 
of  the  country ;  holding  that  its  dissolution  would  not  only 
overwhelm  us  with  calamity  and  disgrace,  but  that  it  would 
give  a  fatal  shock  to  the  cause  of  free  government  through- 
out the  world,  we  have  sought  by  all  practicable  means  to 
maintain  it  by  carrying  out  with  scrupulous  fidelity  the  com- 
promises of  the  Constitution.  Though  beaten  at  the  late  elec- 
tion, it  is  our  sincere  belief  that  we  are  stronger  on  tliis  ques- 
tion now  than  we  have  been  at  any  previous  time.  We  believe 
we  are  nearer  a  solution  satisfactory  to  you  than  we  ever  have 
been.  We  regard  it  as  certain  to  be  accomplished,  unless  it  is 
defeated  by  precipitate  action  on  your  part. 

''  These  are  a  few  of  the  grounds  on  which  we  rely  for  an 
adjustment  of  existing  differences.  There  are  others  which 
we  deem  it  needless  at  this  juncture  to  press  on  you.  But  we 
should  leave  the  view  we  take  of  the  question  unfinished  if 
we  were  not  to  add,  that  any  violation  of  your  Constitutional 
rights  by  the  incoming  administration,  if  it  were  attempted, 
would  meet  with  as  prompt  and  determined  a  resistance  here 
as  it  would  from  yourselves.  We  desire  it  to  be  distinctly 
understood  that  we  speak  with  full  knowledge  of  the  import 
of  our  words,  and  that  we  pledge  ourselves  to  such  a  resist- 
ance by  all  the  means  which  may  be  necessary  to  make  it 
effective.    But  we  are  satisfied  no  such  danger  is  to  be  feared. 


1860-1861.]     AN  APPEAL  FOR  CONTINUED  FRATERNITY.      357 

It  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  tilings,  be  an  ultra  administration. 
No  party  in  power,  under  our  system  of  government,  can  fail 
to  be  conservative,  no  matter  on  what  declarations  the  canvass 
may  have  been  conducted  by  its  leading  supporters.  There 
is  an  undercurrent  of  moderation  in  the  flow  of  popular 
opinion,  which  will  inevitably  withhold  those,  to  whom  the 
great  interests  of  the  country  are  only  temporarily  confided, 
from  running  rashly  into  extremes. 

"  Let  us,  then,  fellow-citizens  and  brethren,  again  appeal  to 
you  to  abstain  from  any  movement  which  shall  have  for  its 
object  a  dissolution  of  the  political  bonds  which  have  so  long, 
and  so  happily  for  us  all,  united  us  to  each  other.  They  have 
given  us  honor,  wealth,  and  power.  If  occasional  differences 
have  disturbed  the  general  harmony,  they  have  been  speedily 
adjusted,  with  fresh  accessions  of  benefit  to  the  common  wel- 
fare. 'No  nation  has  had  so  uninterrupted  a  career  of  pros- 
perity. To  what  are  w^e  to  attribute  it  but  to  the  well-adjust- 
ed organization  of  our  political  system  to  its  several  parts? 
We  do  not  call  on  you  to  aid  us  in  upholding  it  on  these  con- 
siderations alone.  There  are  others  of  a  more  personal  nature 
— not  addressing  themselves  to  you  as  communities  of  men 
merely,  but  as  individuals  like  ourselves,  bound  to  us  by  ties 
of  reciprocal  obligation,  which  we  call  on  you  in  all  candor  to 
respect.  We  should  not  make  this  appeal  to  you  on  an  occa- 
sion of  less  magnitude.  But  when  the  very  foundations  of 
society  are  in  danger  of  being  broken  up,  involving  the  peace 
of  families,  the  interests  of  communities,  and  the  lasting  wel- 
fare and  reputation  of  the  whole  Confederacy  of  States,  no 
feeling  of  delicacy  should  dissuade  us  from  speaking  freely 
and  without  concealment.  We  call  on  you,  then,  as  brethren 
and  friends,  to  stand  by  us  as  we  have  stood  by  you. 

"  During  the  angry  contentions  of  the  last  nine  years  we 
have  been  the  open  and  unshrinking  vindicators  of  your 
rights.  It  is  in  fighting  with  you  the  battle  for  the  Consti- 
tution that  we  have  by  an  unfortunate  combination  of  causes 
been  overthrown — not  finally  and  hopelessly  (far  from  it), 


358  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

but  temporarily  only,  and  with  a  remaining  strength  which 
needs  only  to  be  concentrated  to  give  us  the  victory  in  future 
conflicts.  Is  it  magnanimous — nay,  is  it  just — to  abandon  us 
when  we  are  as  eager  as  ever  to  renew  the  contest,  on  grounds 
essentially  your  own,  and  leave  us  to  carry  it  on  in  utter  hope- 
lessness for  want  of  your  co-operation  and  aid  ?  "We  cannot 
doubt  the  response  you  will  give  to  this  appeal.  You  cannot 
fail  to  see  that,  by  hastily  separating  yourselves  from  us,  you 
will  deprive  us  of  the  co-operation  needed  to  contend  success- 
fully against  the  ultraism  which  surrounds  us,  and  may  leave 
us  without  power  in  a  political  organization  imbued,  by  the 
very  act  of  separation,  with  a  rancorous  spirit  of  hostility  to 
you.  We  conjure  you,  then,  to  unite  with  us  to  prevent  the 
question  of  disunion  from  being  precipitated  by  rash  counsels, 
and  in  a  manner  altogether  unworthy  of  our  rank  among  the 
great  nations  of  the  earth,  and  of  the  destinies  which  await  us, 
if  we  are  only  true  to  ourselves. 

"  If  the  event  shall  prove  that  we  have  overstated  our  own 
ability  to  procure  a  redress  of  existing  wrongs,  all  the  disposi- 
tion of  others  to  concede  w^hat  is  due  to  you,  as  members  of  a 
Confederacy  which  can  only  be  preserved  by  equal  justice  to 
all,  let  us,  when  all  the  efforts  of  patriotism  shall  have  proved 
unavailing,  when  the  painful  truth  shall  have  forced  itself  on 
the  conviction  that  our  common  brotherhood  can  be  no  longer 
maintained  in  the  mutual  confidence  in  which  its  whole  value 
consists — in  a  word,  when  reconciliation  shall  become  hope- 
less, and  it  shall  be  manifest  (which  may  God  forbid !)  that 
our  future  paths  must  lie  wide  apart — let  us  do  all  that  be- 
comes reasonable  men  to  break  the  force  of  so  great  a  calam- 
ity by  parting  in  peace.  Let  us  remember  that  we  have  pub- 
lic obligations,  at  home  and  abroad,  w^hich  for  our  good  name 
must  not  be  dishonored ;  that  we  have  great  interests  within 
and  without — on  the  ocean,  in  our  cities  and  towns,  in  our 
widely  extended  internal  improvements,  in  our  fields  and  at 
our  firesides — which  must  not  be  inconsiderately  and  wanton- 
ly sacrificed.    If,  undervaluing  the  great  boon  of  our  prosper- 


1860-1861.]       THE  ''PINE  STREET"  RESOLUTIONS.  359 

ity,  we  can  no  longer  consent  to  enjoy  it  in  common,  let  ns 
divide  what  we  possess  on  the  one  hand,  and  what  we  owe  on 
the  other,  and  save  the  Republic — the  noblest  the  world  has 
seen — from  the  horrors  of  civil  war  and  the  degradation  of 
financial  discredit. 

"  If,  on  the  other  hand  (which  may  God  grant !),  you  shall 
not  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  this  appeal;  if  it  shall  be  seen  in  the 
sequel  that  we  have  correctly  appreciated  the  influences  which 
are  at  work  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  of  existing  differ- 
ences and  a  redress  of  existing  wrongs ;  if  mutual  confidence 
shall  be  restored,  and  the  current  of  our  prosperity  shall  re- 
sume its  course,  to  fiow  on,  as  it  must,  with  no  future  dissen- 
sions to  disturb  it,  and  in  perpetually  increasing  volume  and 
force,  it  will  be  the  most  cheering  consolation  of  our  lives 
that,  in  contributing  to  so  happy  an  issue  out  of  the  prevail- 
ing gloom,  we  have  neither  misjudged  your  patriotism  nor 
the  willingness  of  our  common  countrymen  to  do  you  justice. 

"  The  Resolutions, 

^'Whereas,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  designed  to  se- 
cure equal  rights  and  privileges  to  the  people  of  all  the  States,  which 
were  either  parties  to  its  formation  or  which  have  subsequently  thereto 
become  members  of  the  Union;  and,  whereas,  the  said  instrument  con- 
tained certain  stipulations  in  regard  to  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves, 
under  the  designation  of '  persons  held  to  labor  or  service  in  one  State, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,'  which  stipulations  were 
designed  to  be  complied  witli  by  the  Act  of  Congress  making  provision 
for  such  surrender ;  and,  whereas,  the  agitated  state  of  tlie  country  aris- 
ing out  of  differences  of  opinion  in  regard  to  these  provisions  demands 
that  we  sliould  declare  explicitly  our  sense  of  the  obligations  arising 
under  them ;  therefore, 

'■'■  Resolved^  That  the  delivery  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters  is  an 
obligation  enjoined  by  the  Constitution,  in  which  all  good  citizens  are 
bound  to  acquiesce ;  and  that  all  laws  passed  by  the  States  with  a  view 
to  embarrass  and  obstruct  the  execution  of  the  Act  of  Congress  making 
provision  therefor,  are  an  infraction  of  that  instrument,  and  should  be 
promptly  repealed. 

''Resolved,  That  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  are  the  common 
property  of  the  people  thereof;  that  they  are  of  right,  and  ought  to  be, 


360 


MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 


open  to  the  free  immigration  of  citizens  of  all  tlie  States,  with  their  fami- 
lies, and  with  whatever  is  the  subject  of  personal  ownership  under  the 
laws  of  the  States  from  which  they  emigrated;  that  the  relation  of  mas- 
ter and  slave  cannot,  during  the  Territorial  condition,  be  rightfully  dis- 
turbed by  Federal  or  local  legislation ;  and  that  the  people  of  any  such 
Territory  can  only  dispose  of  the  question  of  slavery,  in  connection  with 
their  own  political  organization,  when  they  form  a  Constitution  with  a 
view  to  their  admission  into  the  Ugion  as  a  State. 

"  Hesolved,  That  we  pledge  ourselves  to  uphold  these  principles  by  all 
the  means  in  our  power ;  to  seek  by  all  practicable  efforts  a  redress  of 
the  wrongs  of  which  the  Southern  States  justly  complain,  and  to  main- 
tain their  equality  under  the  Constitution,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  it  confers. 

^^Besolved,  That,  while  we  deplore  the  existing  excitement  in  the  South- 
ern States,  we  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  there  is  just  ground  for  it. 
But  we  earnestly  entreat  our  Southern  brethren  to  abstain  from  hasty 
and  inconsiderate  action,  that  time  may  be  afforded  for  bringing  about  a 
reconciliation  of  existing  differences,  and  that  the  union  of  the  States — 
the  source  of  our  prosperity  and  power — may  be  preserved  and  perpetu- 
ated by  a  restoration  of  public  harmony  and  mutual  confidence. 

^^liesohed,  That  Hon.  Millard  Fillmore,  Hon.  Greene  C.  Bronson,  and 
Richard  Lathers,  Esq.,  be  appointed  a  committee  to  proceed  to  the  South, 
with  a  view  to  make  such  explanation  to  our  Southern  brethren,  in  re- 
gard to  the  subjects  embraced  in  the  address  and  resolutions,  as  they 
may  deem  necessary,  and  to  give  such  farther  assurances  as  may  be 
needed  to  manifest  our  determination  to  maintain  their  rights. 

"  Resolved^  That  in  case  either  of  the  gentlemen  named  in  the  forego- 
ing resolution  be  unable  to  perform  the  service  for  which  he  is  appoint- 
ed, the  Committee  on  the  addi*ess  and  resolutions  be  authorized  to  fill 
the  vacancy.  «  Charles  O'Conor,  Chairman. 

"James  F.  Cox;  Wm.  B.  Clerke;  O.  G.  Cahter,  Secretaries. 


"  John  A.  Dix, 
James  T.  Soutter, 
Wilson  G.  Hunt, 
James  W.  Beekman, 
Gerard  Hallock, 
A.  S.  Jarvis, 

E.  PlERREPONT, 

John  McKeon, 
Thomas  W.  Ludlow, 
Edwin  Croswell, 


Samuel  J.  Tilden, 
Stephen  P.  Russel, 
Wm.  H.  Aspinwall, 
G.  Kemble, 
Royal  Phelps, 
T.  W.  Clerke, 
John  M.  Barbour, 
j.  l.  o'sullivan, 
Geo.  E.  Baldwin, 


GusTAvus  W.  Smith, 
Edward  Cooper, 
Richard  Lathers, 

ElIAS  J.  HiGGINS, 

John  Kelly, 
J.  H.  Brower, 
Charles  A.  Davis, 
Watts  Sherman, 
Stewart  Brown." 


1860-1861.]    AIMING  TO  OVERTHBOW  THE  GOVERNMENT.     361 

The  alarm  created  by  tlie  proceedings  at  the  South  was 
intensified  by  the  conduct  of  the  administration.  Members 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet  were  in  open  league  with  the  par- 
ty of  secession,  and  actually  using  their  official  influence  to 
promote  the  cause.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  Presi- 
dent was  personally  loyal  to  the  nation  and  to  his  oath  of 
office;  but  he  was  surrounded  by  men  engaged  in  the  con- 
spiracy to  overthrow  the  government,  and  had  not  the  force 
to  rid  himself  of  their  presence  until  they  had  wrought  al- 
most irreparable  mischief.  But  the  time  had  come  at  which 
to  apply  an  outside  pressure  on  the  part  of  the  advocates  of 
law  and  order.  The  President  received  distinct  intimations, 
from  the  Democratic  representatives  of  JSTew  York  in  Con- 
gress that,  unless  he  could  maintain  the  supremacy  and  dig- 
nity of  the  government  and  protect  the  public  property,  he 
must  no  longer  rely  on  their  support ;  and  it  was  said  that,  in 
Cabinet  Council,  he  had  expressed  himself  very  strongly  as 
to  the  course  pursued  in  the  disaffected  quarters  of  the  coun- 
try ;  that  he  had  charged  the  South  Carolina  representatives 
with  misunderstanding  his  motives  and  abusing  his  forbear- 
ance, declared  that  his  conduct  had  been  influenced  by  repre- 
sentations of  strong  Union  men  in  the  South  who  were  oppos- 
ing secession,  and  protested  against  the  action  of  South  Caro- 
lina in  forcing  useless  and  dangerous  issues  on  the  country, 
and  pursuing  a  line  which  must  end  in  making  the  question 
a  military  instead  of  a  political  one,  and  settling  it  by  force 
of  arms. 

General  Dix  was  in  constant  correspondence  with  the  gov- 
ernment, as  a  maintainer  of  its  dignity  and  honor  and  an  op- 
ponent of  schemes  of  nullification.  He  had  the  confidence  of 
the  community ;  it  was  exhibited  in  a  manner  not  to  be  mis- 
understood. The  government  was  in  imminent  peril,  from 
the  seizure  of  its  forts,  arsenals,  custom-houses,  and  navy- 
yards  throughout  the  South ;  of  the  forts,  at  the  close  of  Mr. 
Buchanan's  administration,  there  remained,  within  the  seven 
States  which  had  seceded,  only  Fort  Sumter,  at  Charleston, 


362  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  Fort  Pickens,  at  Pensacola.  Attempts  at  conciliation 
were  met  with  scorn  and  contumely.  But  there  was  a  much 
greater  evil  than  any  of  these.  The  government  could  get 
no  money;  the  want  of  money  would  be  ruin.  Howell 
Cobb,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  resigned  on  the  10th  of 
December,  leaving  the  Treasury  empty,  and  joined  the  se- 
cession movement,  becoming.  President  of  the  Montgomery 
Conference.  On  his  abandonment  of  his  post  Philip  F. 
Thomas,  of  Maryland,  was  appointed  in  his  place.  The  choice 
was  an  unfortunate  one.  The  Secretary  was  coldly  received 
in  Wall  Street ;  his  efforts  to  obtain  aid  for  the  government 
were  met  by  a  frigid  silence.  At  length  the  President  was 
given  to  understand  distinctly  that  not  one  dollar  would  be 
forthcoming  from  the  banks  and  financial  institutions  of  the 
metropolis  until  he  should  have  placed  in  his  Cabinet  men 
on  whom  the  friends  of  the  government  and  the  Union  could 
depend.  The  argument  is  one  to  which  administrations  are 
compelled  to  yield.  The  President  asked  what  would  satisfy 
them ;  and  at  a  meeting  of  our  leading  men,  held  at  the  Bank 
of  Commerce,  it  was  decided  to  require  of  him,  as  a  condition 
to  their  support,  the  appointment  of  General  Dix  to  a  Cabinet 
position.  The  understanding  among  the  gentlemen  present 
was  that  the  position  should  be  that  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  although  they  did  not  deem  it  courteous  to  express 
it  openly,  '^o  higher  proof  could  have  been  given  of  the 
moral  power  of  a  good  name. 

On  the  evening  of  Tuesday,  January  8,  my  father  received 
a  despatch  from  the  President  asking  him  to  come  at  once  to 
the  "White  House.  He  went  immediately,  and  was  offered 
the  War  Department.  This  he  declined,  informing  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan, as  had  been  agreed  upon,  that  at  that  moment  he 
could  be  of  no  service  to  him  in  any  position  except  that  of 
the  Treasury  Department,  and  that  he  would  accept  no  other 
post.  The  President  asked  for  time.  The  following  day  he 
had  Mr.  Thomas's  resignation  in  his  hands,  and  sent  General 
Dix's  name  to  the  Senate :  it  was  instantly  confirmed.     The 


1860-1861.]     THE  BEINS  AT  LENGTH  FIRMLY  GRASPED.     363 

news  of  the  appointment  was  received  in  I^ew  York  and  else- 
where with  profound  satisfaction :  the  financial  dead-lock  was 
at  once  broken ;  the  government  found  itself  in  possession  of 
all  the  money  that  it  wanted ;  and  the  country  saw  a  strong 
Cabinet  and  a  Union  Administration.  Mr.  Holt  was  in  the 
War  Department,  Judge  Black  was  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Toucey  Secretary  of  the  IS'avy,  and  Mr.  Stanton  Attorney- 
general.  The  reins  were  at  last  in  the  hands  of  men  ready 
to  defend  the  Constitution  and  oppose  secession. 

General  Dix  returned  from  Washington,  on  the  11th,  to 
make  hurried  arrangements  for  the  ensuing  six  weeks.  On 
the  following  day  a  meeting  of  bank  officers  and  directors 
of  moneyed  institutions  was  held  at  the  Bank  of  Com- 
merce, at  which  the  following  resolution,  moved  by  Mr. 
Charles  H.  Russell,  and  seconded  by  Mr.  Moses  Taylor,  was 
adopted : 

^^Hesohed,  That  this  meeting  learns  with  great  satisfaction  the  ap- 
pointment just  announced  of  the  Hon.  John  A.  Dix,  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasuiy  of  the  United  States,  believing,  from  the  well-known  ability, 
integrity,  and  honorable  character  of  this  gentleman,  his  devotion  to 
the  Union,  and  his  determination  to  maintain  the  laws,  that  the  change 
thus  effected  will  inspire  throughout  this  community  increased  confi- 
dence in  the  administration  of  that  department  and  the  stability  of  the 
government." 

Upon  motion  of  Mr.  James  Gallatin,  seconded  by  Mr.  James 
Punnett,  it  was  farther 

^^Mesolved,  That  we  will  meet  at  this  place  on  Friday  next,  at  one 
o'clock ;  and  in  the  mean  time  will  confer  with  the  Boards  of  our  re- 
spective institutions,  and  tlien  determine  the  rate  of  interest  at  which 
we  will  bid  for  the  pro^josed  issue  of  United  States  Treasury  notes." 

These  resolutions  tell  the  story  in  brief.  As  was  justly 
observed:  "All  parties  have  concurred  in  rejoicing  at  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Dix,  but  we  have  seen  no  tribute  to  his 
worth  more  striking  than  this.  A  man  has  lived  to  some 
purpose  whose  appointment  instantly  raises  the  credit  of  his 


364  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

country,  from  a  simple  conviction  of  liis  honor  and  patriot- 
ism." 

Before  his  departure  for  Washington,  General  Dix  went  to 
the  Post-office  and  took  formal  leave  of  his  corps.  The  men 
were  hastily  called  together.  He  addressed  them,  compliment- 
ing them  on  their  fidelity,  zeal,  and  ability.  Alluding  to  the 
circumstances  under  which  he  had  been  called  to  the  office  of 
Postmaster,  he  exonerated  the  men,  one  and  all,  from  blame, 
and  declared  his  conviction  of  the  integrity  of  those  by  whom 
he  was  then  surrounded.  Eef erring  to  the  troubled  condition 
of  the  country,  he  expressed  the  belief  that,  with  God's  help, 
the  peril  would  pass  away,  that  the  bonds  which  had  held  the 
States  together  would  be  reunited,  and  that  when  he  and 
those  around  him  should  meet  again  it  would  be  to  welcome 
the  arrival  of  days  of  tranquillity  and  peace.  And,  so  saying, 
he  bade  them  farewell. 

General  Dix  was  the  guest  of  the  President,  and  in  resi- 
dence at  the  White  House,  from  the  date  of  his  appointment, 
January  11, 1861,  until  the  end  of  that  administration.  Mr. 
Buchanan  was  still  hopeful  of  a  solution  of  our  difficulties : 
but  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  could  not  have  shared  his 
views.  The  six  weeks  to  which  I  now  refer  were  among  the 
most  exciting  of  my  father's  life.  He  found  the  Treasury 
Department  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  confusion.  Public  busi- 
ness had  been  neglected ;  letters  from  merchants  and  capital- 
ists remained  unanswered ;  complaints  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  had  been  unheeded;  irregularity  in  the  transaction 
of  affairs  appeared  to  be  the  rule  and  common  practice ;  dis- 
honesty and  knavery  were  apparent  through  their  results; 
underneath  all  was  a  spirit  of  disloyalty  to  the  government. 
In  a  private  letter  from  Washington  the  following  expres- 
sions occur : 

"Things  look  dark  here  to-day  (January  16).  The  utter 
inactivity  of  Congress  stupefies  those  who  otherwise  would 
have  some  hopes.  The  House  of  Kepresentatives  is  an  assem- 
blage governed  by  the  cant  and  hypocrisy  of  the  worst  Puri- 


1860-1861.]    DIFFICULTIES  BESETTING  THE  SECEETABY.    365 

tan  elements.  National  men  are  discouraged.  Southern  lead- 
ers reiterate  that  outside  of  South  Carolina,  even  in  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Florida,  the  Union  sentiment  pre- 
vails in  the  hearts  of  the  people ;  but  that  it  cannot  be  got  at. 
It  is  buried  in  a  present  triumph  of  feverish,  demagogic  se- 
cessionism.  All  eyes  have  been  turned  toward  Washington ; 
but  here  nothing  is  done.  Mr.  Buchanan  has  but  a  few  weeks 
more  to  remain  in  office,  and  can  neither  act  upon  hopes  or 
fears,  as  he  would  be  enabled  to  do  if  his  term  were  but  half 
expired.  He  is  next  to  powerless,  though  his  intentions 
are  good,  and  he  is  surrounded  by  comparatively  able  men. 
Stanton  and  Dix  alone  might  have  aided  the  country  great- 
ly if  they  had  been  in  office  earlier ;  and  then  there  is 
General  Scott,  who  is  indefatigable.  But  I  fear  it  is  all  in 
vain." 

The  difficulties  with  which  the  Secretary  had  to  contend, 
inside  and  outside  the  department,  were  prodigious.  Major 
Anderson  was  shut  up  in  Fort  Sumter,  and  commissioners 
from  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina  were  in  Washington,  to 
treat  for  the  surrender  of  that  fortress  to  the  State.  Gen- 
eral Dix  and  Major  Anderson  were  old  friends ;  they  had 
belonged  to  the  same  regiment  in  the  regular  service;  it 
may  be  imagined  with  what  suspense  and  anxiety  the  for-  \ 
mer  watched  the  fortunes  of  his  comrade  in  arms.  Men 
of  sense  were  cursing  the  folly  and  rashness  of  South  Car- 
olina. Congress  was  besieged  by  petitions  for  redress  and  ' 
relief  in  some  ways  acceptable  to  both  sections  of  the  coun- 
try. Hope  was  still  entertained  of  conservative  action  on 
the  part  of  the  Legislatures  of  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennes- 
see, and  Arkansas.  Maryland  stood  firm.  If  those  States 
had  proved  loyal  the  Union  might  have  been  maintained 
without  a  war. 

The  Secretary's  embarrassments  may  be  understood  by  an 
attentive  perusal  of  a  letter,  dated  February  21,  and  sent  by 
him  to  Congress,  in  response  to  a  resolution  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  calling  for  information  on  some  matters  of 


366  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

vast  importance  to  the  government.     It  embraces  the  follow- 
ing points : 

1.  The  collection  of  duties  on  imports ; 

2.  Light-houses,  beacons,  and  buoys ; 

3.  The  Branch  Mint  at  ]^ew  Orleans ; 

4.  The  Marine  Hospital ; 

5.  The  revenue-cuttere. 

It  appears  from  this  communication  that  the  duties  on  im- 
ports continued  to  be  collected  in  the  ports  of  entry  establish- 
ed by  law  in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
Louisiana,  and  Florida,  but  that  the  collectors  assumed  to  per- 
form their  duties  under  the  authority  of  the  States  in  which 
they  resided,  and  held  the  money  they  received  subject  to  the 
State  authority.  As  a  specimen  of  the  unspeakable  coolness 
of  those  demoralized  officials,  take  the  following : 

On  the  4th  instant  the  following  letter  was  received  from 
John  Boston,  Esq.,  collector  of  the  customs  for  the  port  of 
Savannah,  whose  resignation,  dated  January  31,  was  subse- 
quently tendered : 

"Custom-house,  Collector's  OflSce,  Savannah,  January  30, 1861. 
"  Sm, — I  to-day  received  the  following  despatch  from  his  Excellency 
Joseph  E.  Brown,  Governor  of  Georgia : 

" '  You  will  pay  no  more  money  from  the  Custom-liouse  to  any  govern- 
ment or  person  without  my  order.' 

"  Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  John  Boston,  Collector, 
"Hon.  John  A.  Dix, 

''Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington." 

The  following  answer  was  immediately  despatched  by  mail : 

"  Treasury  Department,  February  4, 1861. 

"  Sm, — Your  letter  of  the  30th  ultimo,  containing  a  copy  of  a  despatch 
from  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  directing  yon  to  pay  '  no  more  money 
from  the  Custom-house  to  any  government  or  person  without  his  order,' 
is  received. 

"  You  will  please  to  advise  me,  by  return  of  mail,  whether  it  is  your 
purpose  to  obey  his  direction,  or  whether  you  will  conform  to  the  instruc- 


1860-1861.]     MISSISSIPPI  NAVIGATION  INTERBUPTED.         367 

tions  of  this  department,  and  perform  your  duty  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States.  Very  respectfully,  John  A.  Dix, 

"  John  Boston,  Esq.,  "  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"Collector  of  the  Customs,  Savannah,  Georgia." 

On  the  12tli  instant  the  following  reply  was  received : 

"Savannah,  February  8, 1861. 
"  Sm,— Your  letter,  under  date  of  the  4th  instant,  asking  me  whether 
it  is  my  purpose  to  obey  the  direction  of  the  Government  of  Georgia  to 
pay  no  more  money  from  tlie  Custom-house  to  any  government  or  person 
without  his  order,  or  wiiether  I  will  conform  to  the  instructions  of  this 
(your)  department,  and  perform  your  (my)  duty  under  the  law  of  the 
United  States,  is  this  moment  received ;  and,  in  reply,  I  beg  to  say  that 
I  will,  as  a  good  and  loyal  citizen,  as  I  hope  I  am,  obey  the  authority  of 

my  State.    Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant,     „  ^         „ 

,,TT       T         *   T^  "John  Boston. 

"Hon.  John  A.  Dix, 

"Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington." 

This  declaration  was  carried  out  at  a  later  day  by  refusing 
to  pay  a  draft  for  the  compensation  of  a  revenue-officer  in 
his  own  State. 

It  also  appears  that  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
Eiver,  which  had  been  guaranteed  as  a  perpetual  right  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  at  the  time  of  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana,  had  been  interrupted  by  the  authorities  at  I^ew 
Orleans,  to  the  great  loss  and  injury  of  all  the  ^orth-western 
States,  the  inward  commerce  of  the  great  West  having  thus 
been  made  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Louisiana 
and  tributary  to  her  treasury.  No  madder  proceeding  could 
have  been  imagined,  nor  one  more  certain  to  open  the  eyes 
of  "Western  men  to  the  results  of  secession. 

The  subject  of  the  Marine  Hospital  at  ]^ew  Orleans  in- 
volved (as  will  be  seen  in  the  following  extracts  from  Gen- 
eral Dix's  papers)  some  vigorous  correspondence : 

"  The  Marine  Hospital. 

"  In  the  month  of  June,  1858,  the  Marine  Hospital  opposite 
New  Orleans  became  seriously  injured  by  the  overflow  of  the 


368  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

waters  of  the  Mississippi  Eiver.  Its  foundations  were  so  dis- 
turbed by  the  flood  that  it  was  deemed  unsafe  for  occupation. 
The  barracks,  two  miles  below  the  city,  being  untenanted  and 
not  needed  for  troops,  they  were,  with  the  consent  of  the  War 
Department,  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  sick,  who  were 
removed  to  them,  and  have  occupied  them  ever  since. 

"  On  the  26th  day  of  January,  ultimo,  I  received  the  fol- 
lowing letter  from  the  Collector  of  the  Customs  at  I^ew 
Orleans : 

"  'Custom-house,  New  Orleans,  Collector's  Office,  January  14, 1861. 
" '  Sir, — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  United  States  bar- 
racks below  the  city  have  been  taken  possession  of  in  the  name  of  the 
State  of  Louisiana,  as  will  appear  by  the  enclosed  communication  from 
"  C.  M.  Bradford,  Captain  Louisiana  Infantry."  I  shall  take  steps  to  re- 
move these  invalids,  if  necessary,  at  an  early  date,  and  with  due  regard 
to  economy.  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

" '  F.  H.  Hatch,  Collector. 
♦'  *  Hon.  P.  F.  Thomas, 

"  *  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington.' 

"In  this  letter  was  enclosed  one  from  Captain  Bradford,  to  which  it 
alluded,  and  which  is  as  follows : 

"  '  Barracks,  near  New  Orleans,  January  13  (Sunday),  1861. 

" '  Sir, — On  the  11th  instant  I  took  possession  of  these  barracks  in  tlie 
name  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  they  will  hereafter  be  held  by  the 
same  authority.  I  find  herein  some  two  hundred  and  sixteen  invalids 
and  convalescent  patients,  who  were  removed  here  some  months  ago,  by 
your  authority,  from  the  Marine  Hospital  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river  during  the  recent  overflow. 

"  'As  these  quarters  will  all  be  required  for  the  Louisiana  troops  now 
being  enlisted,  I  have  to  request  that  you  will  immediately  remove  those 
patients  who  are  convalescent,  and,  as  soon  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  resi- 
dent surgeon  it  may  be  practicable  and  humane,  those  who  are  now 
confined  to  their  beds. 

" '  I  beg  leave  farther  to  add  that  the  quarters  now  occupied  by  the 
surgeon  and  his  assistants,  nurses,  stewards,  etc.,  will  remain  at  their  use 
and  disposal  as  long  as  may,  in  the  surgeon's  opinion,  be  necessary. 
"  '  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  '  C.  M.  Bradford, 

" '  Captain,  First  Louisiana  Infantry. 
"T.  H.  Hatch,  Esq., 

"  '  Collector  U.  S.  Customs,  New  Orleans.' 


1860-1861.]    MARINE  HOSPITAL  INHUMANLY  MOLESTED.     369 

"  On  the  following  day  I  sent  to  the  Collector  the  following  despatch 
by  telegraph : 

"  'Treasury  Department,  January  27, 1861. 

"'Apply  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana  to  revoke  Captain  Bradford's 
order.  Remonstrate  with  the  Governor  against  the  inhumanity  of  turn- 
ing the  sick  out  of  the  hospital.  If  he  refuses  to  interfere,  have  them 
removed  under  the  care  of  the  resident  surgeon,  and  do  all  in  your 
power  to  provide  for  their  comfort.  John  A.  Dix, 

" '  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
*"F.H.  Hatch, 

"  '  Collector  of  Customs,  New  Orleans.' 


"  On  the  28th  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Collector : 

♦"Treasury  Department,  January  28, 1861. 

" '  Sir, — I  did  not  receive  until  the  26th  instant  yours  of  the  14th, 
informing  me  that  the  United  States  barracks  below  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  had  "  been  taken  possession  of  in  the  name  of  the  State  of 
Louisiana."  I  found  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  Captain  C.  M.  Brad- 
ford, of  the  First  Louisiana  Infantry,  advising  you  that  he  had  taken 
possession  of  the  barracks ;  that  they  would  "  be  required  for  the  Louisi- 
ana troo^Ds  now  being  enlisted ;"  and  requesting  you  to  "  immediately  re- 
move those  patients  who  are  convalescent,  and,  as  soon  as  in  the  opinion 
of  the  resident  surgeon  it  may  be  practicable  and  humane,  those  also 
who  are  now  confined  to  their  beds."  He  also  states  that  the  barracks 
contained  "  two  hundred  and  sixteen  invalids  and  convalescent  patients." 

" '  On  this  transaction,  as  an  outrage  to  the  public  authority,  I  have  no 
comment  to  make.  But  I  cannot  believe  that  a  proceeding  so  discordant 
with  the  character  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  so  revolting 
to  the  civilization  of  the  age,  has  had  the  sanction  of  the  Governor  of 
the  State  of  Louisiana.  I  sent  a  telegraphic  message  to  you  yesterday, 
desiring  you  to  remonstrate  with  him  against  the  inhumanity  of  Captain 
Bradford's  order,  and  ask  him  to  revoke  it.  But  if  he  should  decline  to 
interfere,  I  instructed  you  in  regard  to  the  removal  and  treatment  of  the 
sick ;  and,  in  that  event,  I  trust  you  will  carry  out  my  direction,  not 
merely  wdth  "  economy,"  but  with  a  careful  regard  to  their  helpless  con- 
dition. 

" '  The  barracks,  it  seems,  were  taken  possession  of  on  the  11th  instant. 
Captain  Bradford's  letter  is  dated  the  13th,  and  yours  the  14th,  though  I 
had  no  information  on  the  subject  until  the  26th.  I  infer  from  the  news- 
paper paragraph  you  enclosed,  which  telegraphic  advices  in  regard  to 
the  subject-matter  show  to  be  of  a  later  date  than  your  letter,  that  the 
latter  was  not  despatched  until  the  21st  or  22d  instant.  I  hope  I  am 
mistaken,  and  that  the  cause  of  the  delay  is  to  be  found  in  some  unex- 
plained interruption  of  the  mail.  I  should  otherwise  have  great  reason 
I.— 24 


370  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

to  be  dissatisfied  that  the  information  was  not  more  promptly  communi- 
cated.' 

" '  From  the  tone  of  the  newspaper  paragraph  j^ou  enclosed,  and  from 
the  seizure  of  the  barracks,  in  violation  of  a  usage  of  humanity,  which  in 
open  war  between  contending  nations,  and  even  in  the  most  revengeful 
civil  conflicts  between  kindred  races,  has  always  held  sacred  from  dis- 
turbance edifices  dedicated  to  the  care  and  comfort  of  the  sick,  I  fear 
that  no  public  property  is  likely  to  be  respected.  You  will,  therefore, 
have  no  more  money  expended'  on  the  revenue-cutter  Washington,  now 
hauled  up  for  repairs,  until  I  can  have  the  assurance  that  she  will  not  be 
seized  as  soon  as  she  is  refitted,  and  taken  into  the  service  of  those  who 
are  seeking  to  break  up  the  Union  and  overthrow  the  authority  of  the 
Federal  Government. 

" '  I  am,  respectfully,  yours,  John  A.  Dix, 

" '  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
"*F.  H.  Hatch,  Esq., 

*' '  Collector  of  Customs,  New  Orleans.'  " 

I  must  now  give  the  history  of  the  famous  despatch  refer- 
ring to  the  American  flag.  It  made  a  profound  impression 
on  the  country,  and  fell  like  a  live  coal  on  a  mass  of  material 
ready  to  ignite.  There  are  two  accounts,  both  given  by  my 
father ;  one  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of  his  pub- 
lished Speeches  and  Occasional  Addresses,  under  Section  Y. 
of  his  communication  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives.  Tlje 
other  is  now  printed  for  the  first  time.  It  was  written  for 
Mrs.  William  T.  Blodgett,  of  l^ew  York,  with  the  request 
that  it  should  not  be  published  during  his  own  lifetime  or 
that  of  ex-President  Buchanan.  The  limitation  has  long  since 
expired,  and  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  present  this  most  inter- 
esting document  to  the  reader,  referring  him  for  additional 
particulars  to  the  official  report  made  to  Congress : 

"Head-quarters,  Department  of  the  East, 
New  York  City,  March  31, 1865. 
"My  dear  Mrs.  Blodgett,  — I  fulfil  the  promise,  made  to  you  last 
summer,  to  give  you  the  history  of  the  order  issued  by  me  to  shoot  any 
man  who  should  attempt  to  haul  down  the  American  flag.  The  only 
request  I  make  is  that  no  publication  shall  be  given  to  it  during  my 
life  and  Mr.  Buchanan's. 

"  I  was  requested  by  Mr.  Buchanan  to  go  to  Washington  early  in  Jan- 
uary, 1861.     He  said  he  wished  me  to  take  a  place  in  his  Cabinet,  and 


m 


^^^^^&^^, 


FACSIMILE  OF  THE  DESPATCH. 


1860-1861.]    THE  FAMOUS  ''AMERICAN  FLAG  DESPATCH:'    371 

offered  me  the  War  Department,  which  I  declined.  Mr.  Holt,  Postmas- 
ter-general, was  Acting  Secretary  of  War,  and  I  told  the  President  I  could 
do  nothing  in  that  office  to  which  the  incumbent  was  not  fully  adequate. 
But  I  said  to  him  that  if  he  thought  I  could  be  of  any  use  to  him  in 
the  Treasury  Department,  I  would  not  refuse  it.  He  replied  that  he 
thought  he  could  make  the  arrangement,  and  I  left  Washington  for  New 
York,  Before  I  reached  home  I  saw  my  appointment  in  the  newspapers. 
Howell  Cobb  had  resigned  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  a  few  weeks  be- 
fore and  returned  to  Georgia,  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  with  that 
State  in  the  attempt  to  break  up  the  Union.  Philip  F.  Thomas  of  Mary- 
land had  been  appointed  in  his  place,  but  had  not  responded  to  the 
expectations  of  the  President  or  the  country  in  the  performance  of  its 
duties,  the  credit  of  the  government  having  fallen  under  him  even  to  a 
lower  ebb  than  under  his  predecessor. 

"I  entered  on  my  duties  on  the  15th  day  of  January,  1861,  and  at  Mr. 
Buchanan's  urgent  request  stayed  with  him  at  the  President's  house. 
Forts,  arsenals,  and  revenue -cutters  in  the  Southern  States  had  been 
seized  by  the  local  authorities.  No  effort  had  been  made  by  the  gov- 
ernment to  secure  its  property ;  and  there  was  an  apparent  indifference 
in  the  public  mind  to  these  outrages  which  was  incomprehensible  to  me. 

"  On  the  18th  of  January,  three  days  after  I  entered  on  my  duties, 
I  sent  a  special  messenger,  W.Hemphill  Jones,  Esq.,  who  was  chief  clerk 
in  one  of  the  bureaus  of  the  Treasury  Department,  to  New  Orleans,  for 
the  purpose  of  saving  the  revenue-cutters  in  that  city.  He  was  then  to 
proceed  to  Mobile  and  Galveston  and  try  to  save  the  revenue-Cutters 
there.  My  orders  were  to  provision  them  and  send  them  to  New  York. 
I  knew  if  they  remained  there  that  the  State  authorities  would  take 
possession  of  them. 

"  I  received  from  Mr.  Jones,  on  the  29th  of  January,  the  despatch  pub- 
lished on  page  440,  vol.  ii.,  of  my  Speeches,  advising  me  that  Captain 
Breshwood,  of  the  revenue-cutter  McClelland^  refused  to  obey  my  order. 
It  was  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  I  had  dined,  and  was  at 
the  department  as  usual,  transacting  business.  The  moment  I  read  it  I 
wrote  the  following  order: 

*' '  Treasury  Department,  January  29, 1861. 
"  '  Tell  Lieutenant  Caldwell  to  arrest  Captain  Breshwood,  assume  com- 
mand of  the  cutter,  and  obey  the  order  I  gave  through  you.  If  Captain 
Breshwood,  after  arrest,  undertakes  to  interfere  with  the  command  of 
the  cutter,  tell  Lieutenant  Caldwell  to  consider  him  as  a  mutineer,  and 
treat  him  accordingly.  If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down  the  American 
jQag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot.  John  A.  Dix, 

"  '  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,' 


372  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

"  Not  a  word  was  altered ;  but  the  original  was  handed  to  the  clerk 
charged  with  the  custody  of  my  telegraphic  despatches,  copied  by 
him,  and  the  copy  signed  by  me  and  sent  to  its  destination.  Before  I 
sent  it,  however,  a  question  of  military  etiquette  arose  in  my  mind  in  re- 
gard to  the  arrest  of  Captain  Breshwood,  and  I  took  a  carriage  and  drove 
to  the  lodgings  of  Lieutenant-general  Scott,  to  consult  him  in  regard  to 
it.  Mr.  Stanton  was  then  Attorney-general.  My  relations  with  him  were 
of  the  most  intimate  character ;  and  as  he  resided  near  General  Scott's 
lodgings  I  drove  to  his  house  first,  and  showed  the  despatch  to  him. 
He  approved  of  it,  and  made  some  remark  expressing  his  gratifica- 
tion at  the  tone  of  the  order.  General  Scott  said  I  was  right  on  the 
question  of  etiquette,  and  I  think  expressed  his  gratification  that  I  had 
taken  a  decided  stand  against  Southern  invasions  of  the  authority  of 
the  government.  I  immediately  returned  to  the  department  and  sent 
the  despatch.  General  Scott,  Mr.  Stanton,  and  the  clerk  who  copied  it 
were  the  only  persons  who  saw  it. 

"  It  was  on  Tuesday  evening,  the  weekly  drawing-room  evening  of 
Miss  Lane,  and  before  nine  o'clock  I  was  with  her  visitors. 

"  I  decided  when  I  wrote  the  order  to  say  nothing  to  the  President 
about  it.  I  was  satisfied  that,  if  he  was  consulted,  he  would  not  permit 
it  to  be  sent.  Though  indignant  at  the  course  of  the  Southern  States, 
and  the  men  about  him  who  had  betrayed  his  confidence — Cobb,  Floyd, 
and  others — one  leading  idea  had  taken  possession  of  his  mind,  that  in 
the  civil  contest  which  threatened  to  break  out  the  North  must  not  shed 
the  first  drop  of  blood.  This  idea  is  the  key  to  his  submission  to  much 
which  should  have  been  met  with  prompt  and  vigorous  resistance. 
During  the  seven  weeks  I  was  with  him  he  rarely  failed  to  come  to  my 
room  about  ten  o'clock,  and  converse  with  me  for  about  an  hour  on  the 
great  questions  of  the  day  before  going  to  his  own  room.  I  was  strong- 
ly impressed  with  his  conscientiousness.  But  he  was  timid  and  credu- 
lous. His  confidence  was  easily  gained,  and  it  was  not  difiicult  for  an 
artful  man  to  deceive  him.  But  I  remember  no  instance  in  my  unreserved 
intercourse  with  him  in  which  I  had  reason  to  doubt  his  uprightness. 

"  Tuesdays  and  Fridays  were  Cabinet  days.  The  members  met,  with- 
out notice,  at  the  President's  house  in  the  morning.  My  order  was  given, 
as  has  been  stated,  on  Tuesday  evening.  I  said  nothing  to  the  President 
in  regard  to  it,  though  he  was  with  me  every  evening,  until  Friday,  when 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  all  assembled,  and  the  President  was 
about  to  call  our  attention  to  the  business  of  the  day.  I  said  to  him, '  Mr. 
President,  I  fear  we  have  lost  some  more  of  our  revenue-cutters.'  'Ah !' 
said  he, '  how  is  that  V  I  then  told  him  what  had  occurred  down  to  the 
receipt  of  the  despatch  from  Mr.  Jones,  informing  me  that  Captain  Bresh- 


1860-1861.]     GENERAL  SIX'S  VALUABLE  TESTIMONIAL.        373 

wood  refused  to  obey  my  order.  '  Well,' said  he, '  what  did  you  do  8'  T 
then  repeated  to  him,  slowly  and  distinctly,  the  order  I  had  sent  When 
I  came  to  the  words,  'Shoot  him  on  the  spot,' he  started  suddenly  and 
said,  w.th  a  good  deal  of  emotion, '  Did  you  write  that  ?'  '  No  sir '  I  said 
'  I  did  not  write  it,  but  I  telegraphed  it.'  He  made  no  answe^;  nor  do  I 
remember  that  he  ever  referred  to  it  afterward.  It  was  manifest  as  I 
had  presupposed,  that  the  order  would  never  have  been  ..iven  if  T  had 
consulted  him. 

"  It  only  remains  for  me  to  say  that  the  order  was  not  the  result  of  any 
premeditation-scarcely  of  any  thought.  A  conviction  of  the  right  couri 
to  be  taken  was  as  instantaneous  as  a  flash  of  light ;  and  I  did  not  think 
when  I  seized  the  nearest  pen  (a  very  bad  one,  as  the  facsimile  shows) 
and  wrote  the  order  in  as  little  time  as  it  would  take  to  read  it,  that  I 
was  doing  anything  specially  worthy  of  remembrance.  It  touched  the 
public  mind  and  heart  strongly,  no  doubt,  because  the  blood  of  all  patri- 
otic men  was  boiling  with  indignation  at  the  humiliation  which  we  were 
endunng ;  .and  I  claim  no  other  merit  than  that  of  having  thought  ri<.ht- 
ly,  and  of  having  expressed  strongly  ^-hat  I  felt  in  common  with  the 
great  body  of  my  countrymen. 

"It  gives  me  great  pleasure,  my  dear  Mrs.  Blodgett,  to  place  in  your 
Lands  this  plain  history  of  an  official  act  which  has  made  me  so  much 
your  debtor  I  can  never  forget  that  I  owe  to  your  kindness  the  most 
valuable  testimonial  of  my  public  services  that  I  have  ever  received 
The  obligation  is  the  more  grateful  to  me,  because  you  seem  of  all  others 
to  be  the  least  conscious  of  the  value  of  what  you  have  conferred 

"  With  the  sincerest  regard,  your  friend,  John  A.  Dix." 

Such  is  tlie  Iiistorj  of  tlie  famous  despatch.  In  concluding 
It  I  quote  my  father's  wds  by  way  of  explanation  and  justr. 
heation  of  his  language.     He  says,  in  his  report  to  Congress  • 

_  Itm^j  be  proper  to  add,  in  reference  to  the  closing  pe- 
riod of  the  foregoing  despatch,  that  as  the  &ag  of  the  Union 
since  1777,  when  it  was  devised  and  adopted  by  the  founders 
of  the  Eepublic,  had  never  until  a  recent  day  been  hauled 
down,  except  by  honorable  hands  in  manly  conflict,  no  hesita- 
tion was  fe  t  in  attempting  to  uphold  it  at  any  cost  against  an 
act  of  treachery,  as  the  ensign  of  the  public  authority  and  the 
emblem  of  unnumbered  victories  by  land  and  sea." 

The  valuable  testimonial  referred  to  at  the  close  of  this  let- 
ter was  a  flag,  designed  by  Leutze,  made  by  Tiffany  &  Co 


374  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

and  given  to  General  Dix  by  Mrs.  Blodgett  at  the  Metropoli- 
tan Fair  in  1864.  An  account  of  the  presentation  will  be 
found  farther  on.  In  the  mean  time  the  reader  may  be  glad 
to  know  the  history  of  the  flag  which  was  flying  on  the  rev- 
enue-cutter when  the  now  famous  despatch  was  sent  to  Mr. 
Hemphill  Jones.  The  striking  incidents  are  contained  in  the 
following  documents : 

"  Head-quarters,  Department  of  the  Gulf, 
New  Orleans,  La.,  June  26, 1863. 

"  My  dear  General, — When  I  read  your  decisive  and  patriotic  order, 
as  Secretary  of  Treasuiy, '  to  shoot  on  the  spot '  whomsoever  should  at- 
tempt to  haul  down  the  American  flag,  my  heart  bounded  with  joy.  It 
was  the  first  bold  stroke  in  favor  of  the  Union  under  the  past  adminis- 
tration. 

"  It  gives  me,  therefore,  redoubled  pleasure  more  directly  to  testify 
my  admiration  by  sending  you  the  identical  flag  of  the  revenue-cutter 
McClelland,  which  was  the  subject  of  that  order,  together  with  the  Con- 
federate flag  which  was  hoisted  by  traitor  hands  in  its  place. 

"  David  Ritchie,  a  young  Scotch  sailor  on  board  that  boat,  remaining 
true  to  his  adopted  country  when  so  many  of  her  sons  proved  recreant, 
went  on  board  the  McClelland  when  she  was  being  burnt  by  the  Confed- 
erates and  brought  off  the  flags. 

"  His  affidavit,  which  accompanies  this,  will  give  the  detail  of  the 
facts. 

"  I  doubt  not  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  permit  you  to  retain 
the  flags,  which  could  not  be  in  better  hands. 

"  Believe  me,  General,  most  truly  yours,  Benj.  F.  Butler." 

"To  Major-general  John  A.  Dix. 

"  *  Statement  of  David  Ritchie. 

'"Am  a  native  of  Montrose, in  the  north  of  Scotland;  have  lived  in 
this  country  seven  years ;  have  followed  the  sea  as  a  profession  since  I 
left  school. 

'"For  two  years  prior  to  August,  1859,  I  was  employed  by  Henry 
Mitchell,  Esq.,  in  the  United  States  Coast  Survey  Department.  From 
this  I  enlisted  on  board  the  revenue  -  cutter  Robert  McClelland,  at  the 
time  she  was  put  in  commission  in  New  York. 

"  '  Was  on  the  New  York  station  about  a  year,  and  then  left  for  New 
Orleans,  where  the  McClelland  w^as  to  relieve  the  revenue-cutter  Wash- 
ington.   Arrived  at  New  Orleans  late  in  September.    After  Mr.  Jones,  the 


1860-1861.]     HISTORY  OF  ANOTHER  REVENUE-CUTTER.        375 

special  agent  from  Secretary  Dix,  arrived  I  heard  Captain  Hudgins  of  the 
McClelland  say  that  Mr.  Jones  had  read  the  famous  order — "Slioot  the 
first  man  that  attempts  to  haul  down  the  American  flag  " — in  the  cabin 
of  the  McClelland^  and  had  placed  Captain  Breshwood  in  irons  for  dis- 
obedience of  orders.  About  a  week  after  this  the  Revenue  flag  was  taken 
down  from  the  McClelland  and  put  into  the  signal-house.  For  about 
two  weeks  no  flag  was  raised ;  then  the  Secession  flag  was  run  up  to  the 
peak. 

" '  On  the  night  of  the  24th  of  April  last,  the  authorities  here,  learn- 
ing that  the  Federal  fleet  had  passed  the  forts,  determined  to  burn  the 
McClelland.  She  lay  at  the  dock  in  Algiers,  and  as  they  were  remov- 
ing such  articles  in  her  as  they  wished  to  save  I  remarked  to  a  friend 
that  I  was  bound  to  get  the  old  Revenue  flag  and  the  Secession  one  also. 
About  half-past  two  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  April,  the 
McClelland  was  dropped  off',  and  her  anchors  let  go  and  then  fired.  Just 
before  she  dropped  off  I  jumped  aboard  and  went  to  the  signal-house, 
where  among  various  signal  flags  I  found  the  Revenue  and  Secession 
flags,  and  rolled  them  up  and  carried  them  off,  and  have  since  kept  them 
in  my  house  in  Algiers. 

" '  I  am  perfectly  certain  and  satisfied  that  this  Revenue  flag  is  the  iden- 
tical one  which  elicited  the  noted  order  of  General  Dix,  and  that  the  oth- 
er is  the  flag  which  has  been  flying  from  the  McClelland  since,  until  the 
capture  of  the  forts.  (Signed)        David  Ritchie. 

" '  Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me, 

" '  (Signed)        Wm.  M.  Ball,  Provost  Judge.' " 

The  history  of  another  of  the  revenue-cutters  may  also  be 
given  here,  by  way  of  completing  the  gloomy  picture  of  that 
anxious  time.  I  take  it  from  the  Secretary's  official  report 
already  referred  to. 

The  revenue  -  cutter  Henry  Dodge,  at  Galveston,  Texas, 
was  understood  to  be  so  much  out  of  repair  as  to  render  it 
very  questionable  whether  she  could  be  safely  taken  to  New 
York.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  following  order  was 
sent  to  her  commanding  officer : 

"Treasury  Department,  January  22, 1861. 
"  Sir, — If  the  revenue-cutter  Henry  Dodge,  to  the  command  of  which 
you  were  assigned  by  an  order  of  the  19th  instant,  should  on  examina- 
tion prove  to  be  seaworthy,  you  will  immediately  provision  her  for  six 


376  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

weeks  and  sail  for  New  York,  reporting  yourself  on  arrival  to  the  collect- 
or of  the  port.  While  making  your  preparations  for  sailing  you  will 
exercise  the  utmost  vigilance  in  guarding  your  vessel  against  attack 
from  any  quarter.  If  any  hostile  movement  should  be  made  against 
you,  you  will  defend  yourself  to  the  last  extremity.  The  national  flag 
must  not  be  dishonored.  If  you  are  in  danger  of  being  overpowered  by 
superior  numbers,  you  will  put  to  sea  and  proceed  to  Key  West  to  pro- 
vision; or  if  intercepted  so  that  you  cannot  go  to  sea,  and  are  unable  to 
keep  possession  of  your  vessel,  you  will  run  her  ashore,  and  if  possible 
blow  her  up,  so  that  she  may  not  be  used  against  the  United  States. 
"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  John  A.  Dix, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
*'  Captain  J.  J.  Morrison, 

"  Commanding  revenue-cutter  Henry  Dodge,  Galveston,  Texas." 

"It  was  the  determination  of  this  Department  to  adopt  such  measures 
as  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  revenue-vessels,  for  which  it  was  responsi- 
ble, from  being  taken  by  force,  and  used  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing 
the  public  authority.  Any  attempt  to  gain  possession  of  them  by  mili- 
tary coercion  could  not  be  regarded  in  any  other  light  than  as  an  act  of 
war,  proper  to  be  resisted  by  force  of  arms ;  and  it  was  deemed  far  more 
creditable  to  the  country  that  they  should  be  blown  into  fragments  than 
that  they  should  be  pusillanimously  or  treacherously  surrendered  and 
employed  against  the  government  which  they  were  constructed  aud 
commissioned  to  support. 

"  At  the  last  accounts  the  Dodge^  in  consequence  of  her  unfitness  to 
proceed  to  New  York,  was  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Coast 
Survey  in  the  vicinity  of  Galveston  for  temporary  service,  in  case  of  any 
hostile  demonstration  against  her.  Captain  Morrison,  who  was  ordered 
to  take  charge  of  her  before  his  fidelity  to  the  government  was  question- 
ed, having  been  dismissed  from  the  service,  the  command  has  devolved 
on  Lieutenant  William  F.  Rogers,  in  whose  good  faith  and  firmness 
entire  confidence  is  reposed. 

"  It  only  remains  to  state,  under  this  branch  of  the  inquiries  addressed 

to  this  Department,  that  Captain  John  G.  Breshwood  and  Lieutenants 

S.  B.  Caldwell  and  Thomas  D.  Fister,  who  voluntarily  surrendered  the 

revenue  -  cutter  Robert  McClelland  to  the  State  of  Louisiana,  have  been 

dismissed  from  the  Revenue  Service. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  John  A.  Dix, 

"  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
"Hon.  Wm.  Pennington, 

"  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives." 


1860-1861.]  MEMORABLE  WORDS.  377 

General  Dix's  service  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  though 
brief,  was  very  important.  ^Yhen  called  to  that  position  the 
financial  affairs  of  the  government  were  apparently  beyond 
redemption ;  the  Treasury  was  without  money,  the  adminis- 
tration without  credit.  Requisitions  from  the  various  depart- 
ments, to  the  extent  of  nearly  $2,000,000,  were  on  the  table, 
with  no  funds  to  meet  their  payment;  the  Treasury  notes 
overdue  amounted  to  about  $350,000.  N^ot  a  dollar  could  be 
had  from  the  bankers  and  capitalists  of  Wall  Street,  l^o  one 
would  have  undertaken  the  apparently  desperate  task  of 
bridging  over  the  interval  between  the  outgoing  and  incom- 
ing administrations  except  a  man  who  was  both  confident  in 
his  ability  to  meet  the  crisis,  and  unselfish  enough  to  risk  a 
total  failure  ;  no  one  would  have  been  equal  to  the  emergency 
except  a  man  who  placed  the  love  of  his  country  above  all 
personal  and  private  considerations,  and  had  implicit  confi- 
dence in  her  future.  Ilis  success  was  complete.  lie  cleansed 
and  purified,  in  great  measure,  what  had  become  a  house  of 
corruption ;  he  transferred  to  the  hands  of  Mr.  Chase,  Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  Secretary,  a  balance  of  $6,000,000,  applicable 
to  the  current  expenses  of  the  government.  In  a  word,  he 
set  the  National  Government  on  its  legs,  restored  the  credit 
of  the  country,  and  put  it  in  a  position  to  meet  the  shock  un- 
der which,  if  not  so  strengthened,  it  must  have  gone  down. 
All  this  was  done,  not  only  with  consummate  financial  ability, 
but  in  the  spirit  of  the  broadest  patriotism,  and  with  an  ear- 
nest effort  to  avert  the  terrible  arbitration  of  war.  Referring 
to  the  desires  and  hopes  which  actuated  himself  and  his  col- 
leagues during  the  close  of  the  last  Democratic  administra- 
tion that  the  country  has  seen,  he  left  on  record  these  mem- 
orable words  :* 

"Throughout  the  whole  course  of  encroachment  and  ag- 
gression the  Federal  Government  has  borne  itself  with  a 
spirit  of  paternal  forbearance  of  which  there  is  no  example 

*  Speeches  and  Occasional  Addresses,  vol.  ii.,  page  424. 


378  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

in  the  history  of  public  society,  waiting  in  patient  hope  that 
the  empire  of  reason  would  resume  its  sway  over  those 
whom  the  excitement  of  passion  has  thus  far  blinded,  and 
trusting  that  the  friends  of  good  order,  wearied  with  sub- 
mission to  proceedings  which  they  disapproved,  would  at  no 
distant  day  rally  under  the  banner  of  the  Union,  and  exert 
themselves  with  vigor  and  success  against  the  prevailing 
recklessness  and  violence." 

In  the  London  Observer,  February  9,  1862,  a  sensational 
story  appeared  about  an  alleged  "  Cabinet  Scene."  It  ran 
as  follows: 

"  Major  Anderson,  when  commanding  Fort  Moultrie, 
Charleston  Harbor,  finding  his  position  endangered,  passed 
his  garrison,  by  a  prompt  and  brilliant  movement,  over  to  the 
stronger  fortress  of  Sumter ;  whereupon  Mr.  Floyd,  Secretary 
of  War,  much  excited,  called  upon  the  President,  to  say  that 
Major  Anderson  had  violated  express  orders  and  thereby  seri- 
ously compromised  him  (Floyd),  and  that  unless  the  major 
was  immediately  remanded  to  Fort  Moultrie  he  should  resign 
the  War-office. 

"  The  Cabinet  was  assembled  directly.  Mr.  Buchanan,  ex- 
plaining the  embarrassment  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  remark- 
ed that  the  act  of  Major  Anderson  would  occasion  exaspera- 
tion in  the  South.  He  had  told  Mr.  Floyd  that,  as  the  govern- 
ment was  strong,  forbearance  toward  erring  brethren  might 
win  them  back  to  their  allegiance,  and  that  that  officer  might 
be  ordered  back. 

"  After  an  ominous  silence,  the  President  inquired  how  the 
suggestion  struck  his  Cabinet. 

"Mr.  Stanton,  then  Attorney -general,  answered:  'That 
course,  Mr.  President,  ought  certainly  to  be  regarded  as  most 
liberal  toward  erring  brethren ;  but  while  one  member  of  your 
Cabinet  has  fraudulent  acceptances  for  millions  of  dollars 
afloat,  and  while  the  confidential  clerk  of  another — himself  in 
Carolina  teaching  rebellion — has  just  stolen  $900,000  from 
the  Indian  Trust  Fund,  the  experiment  of  ordering  Major 


1860-1861.]    A  PEBVEBSION,  TERMED  A  '' CABINET  SCENE:'    379 

Anderson  back  to  Fort  Moultrie  would  be  dangerous.  But 
if  you  intend  to  try  it,  before  it  is  done  I  beg  that  you  will 
accept  my  resignation.'  ^ 

" '  And  mine,'  added  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Black. 

'^ '  And  mine  also,'  said  the  Postmaster-general,  Mr.  Holt. 

" '  And  mine  too,'  followed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
General  Dix. 

"  This,  of  course,  opened  the  bleared  eyes  of  the  President, 
and  the  meeting  resulted  in  the  acceptance  of  Mr.  Floyd's 
resignation." 

This  highly  colored  narrative  was  not  only  untrue,  but  may 
be  taken  as  a  specimen  of  the  numerous  inventions  of  a  time 
of  excitement.  I  have  the  written  testimony  of  two  of  the 
alleged  actors  that  no  such  thing  occurred  at  any  time  while 
they  were  in  the  Cabinet.  General  Dix,  in  reply  to  a  letter 
from  a  gentleman  who  quoted  the  foregoing  extract,  and 
asked  for  information  as  to  its  authenticity,  says  : 

*'Ncw  York,  September  11, 1863. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  owe  you  an  apology  for  so  long  neglecting  to  answer 
your  letter  of  the  31st  ultimo. 

"  I  do  not  recollect  any  circumstances  like  those  stated  in  the  extract 
quoted  in  your  letter.  The  extract  is  in  more  than  one  respect  altogether 
erroneous.  I  never  met  Mr.  Floyd  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet.  I  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  after  Mr.  Floyd  had  retired  from  the 
War  Department,  and  while  the  duties  were  discharged  by  the  Post- 
master-general, Mr.  Holt.  During  my  connection  with  Mr.  Buchanan's 
administration  no  incident  occurred  to  suggest  to  me  a  tender  of  my 
resignation. 

"My  public  duties  have  been  so  engrossing  that  I  have  been  unable 

to  refer  to  memoranda  of  dates,  etc.,  but  I  will  do  so,  if  my  answer  is  not 

sufficiently  explicit.  I  am,  respectfully  yours, 

"  Jomf  A.  Dix. 
"Augustus  Schell,  Esq." 

Judge  Black,  another  of  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  ac- 
count, says,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  me  December  19, 1881 : 

"  What  is  called  a  '  Cabinet  Scene '  was  falsely  described  in 
a  way  to  do  Mr.  Buchanan  great  injury,  and  he  felt  it  deeply 


380  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

for  the  last  seven  years  of  his  life.  Some  of  the  versions 
represent  General  Dix  as  backing  Stanton,  and  others  in  bul- 
lying and  insulting  the  President,  who,  according  to  all  the 
stories,  submitted  like  a  coward  and  backed  out  of  his  pre- 
determined measure.  It  was  a  mere  fabrication;  nothing 
at  all  like  it  ever  took  place.  The  date  assigned  to  it  by 
the  inventors  was  before  Genej-al  Dix  was  appointed.  Never- 
theless, the  lie  had  such  a  run,  that  some  friend  of  General 
Dix,  after  his  death,  repeated  it  in  an  obituary  notice.  I 
trust  you  will  pardon  me  for  suggesting  that  you  may  honor 
your  father  by  showing  that  he  never  countenanced  this  false- 
hood. I  cannot  furnish  the  proof  that  he  ever  publicly  con- 
tradicted it,  but  you  doubtless  know  that  he  often  expressed 
his  contempt  for  it  and  its  authors.  I  speak  confidently,  be- 
cause he  was  incapable  of  doing  anything  to  encourage  a 
mere  slander." 

On  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  General  Dix 
returned  to  New  York.  Before  his  departure  from  Washing- 
ton he  took  leave  of  his  associates  and  friends  in  a  farewell 
interview,  which  is  thus  described  in  the  National  Intelli- 
gencer of  March  8, 1861 : 

"  Yaledictory  of  Mr.  Secretary  Dix. 

"  Yesterday,  in  the  saloon  of  the  south  wing  of  the  Treas- 
ury building,  there  was  a  very  large  meeting,  consisting  of 
over  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  almost  spontaneously 
assembled,  of  the  heads  of  bureaus  and  clerks  of  the  Treasury 
Department,  to  pay  their  farewell  respects  to  General  Dix, 
whose  brilliant  administration  of  the  Treasury  Department 
during  the  past  eight  wrecks  has  restored  confidence  in  the 
financial  world,  and  his  affable  manners  and  prompt  business 
habits  have  secured  him  the  affection  as  well  as  respect  of  all 
those  who  were  brought  into  communication  with  him. 

"  The  meeting  was  altogether  informal,  and,  by  request,  Mr. 
Medill,  the  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  made  the  fol- 
lowing address  to  General  Dix : 


1860-1861.]     GENERAL  DIX'S  REPLY  TO  THE  ADDRESS.       381 

"  '  General  Dix, — The  heads  of  bureaus  and  the  clerks  of 
the  Treasury  Department  have  sought  this  occasion  to  express 
to  you  their  high  appreciation  of  the  dignity  and  efficiency 
with  which  you  have  presided  over  and  administered  the 
affairs  of  the  Department,  and  to  take  a  respectful  leave  of 
you  before  you  depart  for  that  home  from  which  you  were  so 
suddenly  and  so  unexpectedly  drawn  by  the  demands  of  your 
country. 

" '  Called,  Sir,  to  a  most  difficult  position  at  a  time  of  un- 
precedented embarrassment,  and  when  the  credit  and  the 
Treasury  of  the  country  were  almost  equally  low,  it  was  not 
long  until  your  energy  and  high  character  restored  botli. 
.  "^Your  kind  deportment  and  quiet  amenity  of  manners 
have  secured  you  the  ]3ersonal  respect  and  warmest  regards  of 
all  who  had  the  pleasure  of  serving  under  your  direction,  and 
we  now  avail  ourselves  of  the  opportunity  to  bid  you  adieu, 
and  to  wish  you  every  happiness  which  a  grateful  country 
can  bestow.' 

"  To  this  address  General  Dix  made  the  following  reply : 

"'GovEENOK  Medill  AND  Gentlemen, — Wlicu  I  Came 
here  I  was  not  aware  that  any  remarks  were  to  be  addressed 
to  me.  Much  less  could  I  have  anticipated  that  they  would 
have  been  couched  in  language  so  far  transcending  any  merit 
that  I  possess.  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  however,  that  I  am 
not  the  less  grateful  for  the  kind  feelings  by  which  they  have 
been  dictated. 

"  •  When  I  requested  you  to  meet  together,  it  was  for  the 
purpose  of  affording  me  an  opportunity  of  expressing  to  you 
my  deep  sense  of  the  fidelity  and  zeal  with  which  you  have 
discharged  your  various  duties  during  my  brief  connection 
with  the  Treasury  Department.  We  have,  it  is  true,  seen  lit- 
tle of  each  other ;  but  I  know  you  must  have  understood  the' 
true  cause — the  severe  pressure  upon  me  during  a  period  of 
unprecedented  financial  embarrassment,  caused  by  a  combina- 
tion to  overthrow  the  government  on  the  part  of  men  who 


382  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  BIX. 

were  living  upon  its  bounty.  If  I  have,  by  the  force  of  cir- 
cumstances, been  constrained  to  give  prominence  to  the  con- 
sequences of  that  conspiracy  in  other  sections  of  the  country, 
you  may  rest  assured  that  it  has  been  no  pleasant  duty.  It 
was  performed  because  it  was  a  duty,  and  because  it  was  be- 
lieved that  the  moral  of  this  lesson  of  disloyalty  to  the  Union 
would  be  best  read  in  the  odiousness  of  its  manifestations — its 
recklessness,  its  violence,  and  its  open  disregard  of  high  official 
obligations.  Happily,  its  influence  on  this  and  other  depart- 
ments of  the  Government  has  been  neutralized ;  and  I  take 
pleasure  in  saying  that,  in  the  talents  and  personal  integrity 
of  my  successor  in  office,  the  country  may  confidently  count 
on  an  able,  honest,  and  efficient  administration  of  its  finances. 
You  all  know  that  I  have  during  the  last  eight  weeks  been  in 
intimate  association,  not  only  ofiicially  but  personally,  with  the 
late  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  under  whom  most  of  you 
have  served  during  the  past  four  years ;  and  I  should  do  in- 
justice to  my  own  feelings  if  I  were  not  to  say  that  I  have 
been  strongly  impressed  with  the  purity  of  his  motives,  his 
conscientiousness,  his  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  business 
of  government  in  its  most  complex  details,  and  his  anxious 
desire  that  the  unhappy  questions  which  distract  the  country 
may  have  a  peaceful  solution.  His  responsibilities  have  now 
passed  into  other  hands ;  and  I  trust  that  no  one  within  the 
reach  of  my  voice  may  forget  that  an  administration  consti- 
tutionally formed  is  the  government  of  the  country,  and  that 
its  labors  for  the  public  good,  and  its  efforts  at  this  juncture 
to  restore  harmony  and  confidence,  should  meet  with  a  cordial 
and  disinterested  support.  I  did  all  I  could  to  prevent  it 
from  coming  into  power,  but  I  consider  it  a  duty  to  test  it 
by  its  merits,  and  its  just  measures  should  never  encounter 
in  any  of  us  a  factious  opposition. 

" '  And  now.  Gentlemen,  I  must  bid  you  farewell.  There 
has  been  much  in  the  course  of  our  association,  brief  as  it  has 
been,  there  is  much  in  the  surrounding  circumstances  of  its 
close,  to  render  this  parting  painful.     It  is  not  in  the  order 


1860-1861.]   PUBLIC  DINNEB  TENDEBED  TO  GENEBAL  DIX.    383 

of  human  life  that  another  sun  shall  see  us  all  re-assembled. 
But,  wherever  you  may  go,  however  widely  we  may  be  sepa- 
rated from  each  other,  you  wall  carry  wdtli  you  my  best  wishes 
for  your  prosperity.  For  myself,  having  laid  down  the  bur- 
den of  my  official  service,  I  shall  return,  with  a  feeling  of 
relief  w^hich  no  one  can  understand,  to  my  domestic  occupa- 
tions and  duties,  trusting  that  no  public  necessity  may  again 
call  me  from  them.  But  if  the  dark  clouds  by  w^iicli  our 
political  horizon  is  overcast  shall  continue  to  obscure  it,  if 
the  emergency  shall  come,  I  hope  I  may  not  forget  that  every 
citizen  owes  w^hat  remains  to  him  of  strength,  or  health,  or 
life  to  the  maintenance  of  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the 
country.' 

"The  company  present  then  severally  advanced  and  ex- 
changed parting  salutations  with  the  highly  esteemed  Secre- 
tary, and  afterward  retired." 

Upon  his  return  to  ]^ew  York,  General  Dix  received  an 
invitation  to  a  public  dinner.  The  letter  and  his  reply  form  a 
part  of  the  history  of  his  services  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury: 

"  New  York,  March  4, 1861. 
^'■Honorable  John  A.  Dix: 

"Deaii  Sir, — The  iinclersigned,  your  fellow  citizens  of  New  York,  de- 
sire to  express  their  grateful  sense  of  the  efficient  services  rendered  by 
you  at  a  critical  emergency  in  the  affairs  of  the  country. 

"  Your  management  ot  the  National  Treasury,  at  a  period  when  dis- 
trust and  disorder  seriously  menaced  the  public  welfare,  was  marked  by 
decision,  firmness,  and  fidelity  to  the  great  trust  confided  to  you.  Under 
your  prompt  and  sagacious  action  confidence  was  restored,  the  national 
credit  preserved,  and  the  integrity  of  the  laws  vindicated. 

"As  members  of  a  community  deeply  interested  in  the  maintenance  of 
all  the  authority  of  constitutional  government,  the  undersigned  feel  a 
just  pride  in  the  success  achieved  by  one  connected  with  them  by  ties 
of  citizenship  and  a  common  Sense  of  public  duty;  they  earnestly  request, 
therefore,  that  you  will  afford  the  citizens  of  New  York  an  opportunity 
of  exf)ressing  these  sentiments  in  a  more  appropriate  manner,  by  con- 
senting to  accept  a  public  dinner  in  this  city,  at  such  time  as  may  be 
most  convenient  to  yourself. 


384 


MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 


"  The  undersigned  avail  themselves  of  this  occasion  to  assure  you  of 
their  sincere  and  most  respectful  regard. 


"Luther  Bradish, 
Hamilton  Fish, 
P.  Perit, 

Wm.  H.  Aspinwall, 
D.  Thompson, 
Shepherd  Knapp, 
Watts  Sherman, 

W.  B.  ASTOR, 

B.  R.  WiNTHROP, 

Benj.  H.  Field, 
Wm.  Chauncey, 
Samuel  Osgood, 
B.  W.  Bonnet, 
F.  De  Peyster, 
Geo.  S.  Coe, 
Abram  S.  Hewitt, 
Morris  K.  Jesup, 
MosEs  Taylor, 

F.  TiLESTON, 

Jas.  Gallatin, 
Wm.  a.  Booth, 
David  Hoadley, 
Jos.  D.  Alsop, 
Edwin  Bartlett,   . 
Henry  Chauncey, 
Theodore  Dehon, 
O.  D.  F.  Grant, 
Wm.  Barlow, 
Morris  Ketchlth, 
Joseph  Laurence, 
Peter  Cooper, 
Greene  C.  Bronson, 
John  H.  Swift, 
S.  Baldwin, 
James  G.  King, 
Gracie  King, 
Henry  A.  Hurlburt, 
Egbert  L.  Stuart, 
Robert  B.  Minturn, 
Danl.  F.  Tiemann, 
Wm.  H.  Appleton, 
S.  B.  Chittenden, 
John  J.  Phelps, 
George  Bliss, 


Walden  Pell, 
George  Opdyke, 
Alex.  T.  Stewart, 
Fredk.  S.  Winston, 
J.  Green  Pearson, 
j.  punnett, 
Samuel  B:  Ruggles, 

A.  E.  SiLLIMAN, 

31.  H.  Grinnell, 
Wm.  V.  Brady, 
R.  H.  MCCURDY, 
Nathl.  Hayden, 
Saml.  D.  Babcock, 
Wm.  &  John  O'Brien, 
Henry  E.  Davies, 
August  Belmont, 
Wm.  p.  Lee, 
Gabriel  Mead, 
Richard  Berry, 
A.  A.  Low, 
Royal  Phelps, 
Geo.  T.  Eliot, 
Geo.  B.  De  Forest, 
]\L  Morgan  &  Sons, 
J.  Kernoch^vn, 
R.  Withers, 
William  B.  Taylor, 
Charles  A.  Davis, 
Edwd.  Whitehouse, 

G.  W.  DUER, 

John  D.  Jones, 
Robert  C.  Goodhue, 
Wm.  Nelson  &  Sons, 
David  Adee, 
Jas.  M.  Brown, 
Howard  Potter, 
W.  H.  Hays, 
Cammann  &  Co., 
E.  T.  H.  Gibson, 
Saml.  T.  Skidmore, 
Marshall  O.  Roberts, 
George  Folsom, 
A.  P.  Halsey. 


J.  L.  Douglass, 
Edwin  Croswell, 
Wm.  T.  Coleman  &  Co., 
Stewart  Brown, 
W.  C.  Wetmore, 
Henry  Grinnell, 
Alfred  Pell, 
G.  T.  Bobbins, 
Jas.  D.  p.  Ogden, 
John  J.  Cisco, 
W.  H.  Johnson, 
Jonathan  Sturges, 
A.  C.  Kingsland, 
Wm.  G.  Lambert, 
Tho.  J.  Howes, 
Morris  Franklin, 
Jonathan  D.  Steele, 
J.  M.  McLean, 
Ward  &  Co., 

C.  R.  Robert, 
Wm.  E.  Dodge, 
J.  R.  Whiting, 
Arthur  Leary, 
Geo.  p.  Morris, 
Cyrus  W.  Field, 
Thos.  Clerke, 
Jos.  Sutherland, 

D.  P.  Ingraham, 
Henry  Welles, 
Wm.  H.  Leonard, 
John  T.  Hoffman, 
Henry  Hilton, 
Chas.  p.  Leverich, 

E.  H.  Gillilan, 
Geo.  T.  Strong, 
Chas.  A.  Peabody, 
And.  Carrigan, 
H.  G.  Bronson, 
James  J.  Roosevelt, 
Alex.  W.  Bradford, 
jMurray  Hoffman, 
Chas.  P.  Daly, 

J.  W.  Gerard." 


1860-1861.]     RECEPTION  AT  THE  CITY  HALL,  NEW  TORE.     385 

"New  York,  March  13, 1861. 

"  Gentlemen, — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  communication 
which  you  presented  to  me  yesterday,  signed  by  a  large  number  of  my 
fellow-citizens,  expressing  their  approbation  of  my  oflBcial  service  in  the 
Treasury  Department,  and  inviting  me  to  accept  a  public  dinner  in  this 
city  at  some  convenient  time. 

"  I  have  no  words  to  express  my  thankfulness  for  the  honor  intended 
for  me,  or  my  gratification  in  being  assured  that  my  brief  administration  of 
the  financial  department  of  the  government  has  been  deemed  worthy  of 
the  approbation  of  those  whose  interests  are  so  intimately  interwoven 
with  it.  I  am  not  conscious  of  having  done  any  farther  service  than  that 
which  every  good  citizen  owes  to  his  government,  in  laboring  to  uphold 
its  credit  and  its  authority.  That  it  has  been  rendered  with  earnestness, 
and  without  regard  to  any  other  considerations  than  those  which  em- 
braced in  their  scope  the  interests  and  the  honor  of  the  whole  country,  I 
can  sincerely  say ;  and  in  your  approval  I  see,  not  so  much  the  merit 
which  you  are  pleased  to  ascribe  to  me,  as  your  own  devotion  to  the 
Union  and  its  precious  institutions,  baptized  in  the  blood  of  our  common 
ancestors,  and  bequeathed  to  us  as  an  inheritance  to  be  maintained  if  nec- 
essary with  our  own.  In  its  defence  New  York  has  in  every  emergency 
borne  a  conspicuous  part :  in  war,  by  sending  her  own  citizens  against 
the  common  enemy,  when  the  power  of  the  General  Government  was  in- 
adequate to  the  public  security;  in  seasons  of  financial  embarrassment,  by 
pouring  out  her  treasure  to  uphold  the  credit  of  the  country,  as  her  chil- 
dren have  poured  out  their  blood  to  uphold  its  honor.  I  need  not  say 
that  I  regard  the  approbation  of  such  a  community  as  the  highest  testi- 
monial it  can  give  and  the  most  valuable  any  man  can  receive.  I  shall 
cherish  the  expression  of  confidence  you  have  tendered  to  me  as  one  of  the 
proudest  recollections  of  my  life,  never  forgetting  that  without  your  gen- 
erous and  disinterested  support  my  own  labors  would  have  been  fruitless. 
"  In  conclusion.  Gentlemen,  I  beg  you  to  excuse  me  from  accepting 
the  public  dinner  you  have  kindly  tendered  to  me.  You  will,  I  know, 
appreciate  my  motive  when  I  ask  quietly  to  allow  me  to  return  to  my 
domestic  avocations.  Residents  of  the  same  city,  we  shall  often  meet, 
and  never  without  a  deep  sense  on  my  part  of  your  generous  confidence 
and  kindness. 

"  I  am,  with  the  sincerest  respect  and  regard,  your  obedient  servant, 

"John  A.  Dix." 

Although  the  public  dinner  was  declined,  he  accepted  an 
invitation  from  the  Mayor  and  Common  Council  to  a  recep- 
tion at  the  City  Hall,  "  for  the  purpose  of  affording  the  citi- 
I.— 25 


386  MEMOIRS  OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

zens  of  ]N'ew  York  an  opportunity  to  express  tlieir  liigli  esti- 
mation of  him  as  a  man  and  a  patriot,  in  his  noble  stand  in 
maintaining  the  dignity  of  the  American  flag  and  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  his  office."  The  day  fixed  was  the 
14th  of  March.  A  detachment  of  Police  escorted  him  to  the 
City  Hall,  where  he  was  met  by  the  Hon.  Fernando  Wood, 
and  conducted  to  the  Governor's  Eoom.  His  reply  to  the 
brief  address  of  welcome  was  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  Mayor, — I  thank  you  for  the  kind  expressions  with 
which  you  have  been  pleased  to  receive  me,  and  for  the  great- 
er kindness  which,  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  this  city,  you 
have  done  me  by  consenting  to  be  present  on  this  occasion. 
My  thanks  are  especially  due  to  the  Common  Council  for  the 
great  honor  they  have  conferred  on  me  by  tendering  to  me  for 
the  reception  of  my  friends  a  place  usually  appropriated  to 
those  who  have  far  greater  claims  than  myself  to  such  a  dis- 
tinction. They  have  thought  proper  to  place  this  mark  of 
their  approbation  on  the  ground  of  my  recent  services  in  the 
Treasury  Department.  But,  in  truth,  Mr.  Mayor,  I  feel  that 
in  this  service  I  have  done  no  more  than  any  other  sincere 
friend  of  the  Union  would  have  done.  If  the  public  credit 
is  in  danger  of  being  dishonored,  who  would  not  strive  by  all 
the  means  in  his  power  to  protect  it  ?  If  the  public  authori- 
ty is  set  at  defiance,  what  citizen  with  an  honest  heart  in  his 
bosom  would  not  labor  zealously  and  fearlessly  to  defend  and 
uphold  it  ?  These  duties  are  no  more  than  the  common  obli- 
gations of  loyalty  to  the  government  and  to  the  Union,  of 
which  the  government  is  the  representative.  They  became 
mine  in  a  peculiar  sense  when  I  was  called  to  a  position  in 
which  they  devolved  on  me  as  attributes  of  official  service. 
"Whatever  dishonor  there  might  have  been  in  disregarding  or 
violating  them,  the  merit  of  fidelity  to  them  is  only  that  of 
doing  what  it  would  have  been  discreditable  not  to  have 
done.  Sir,  I  have  no  claim  beyond  this  to  the  approbation 
of  my  fellow-citizens.     But  I  am  not  the  less  thankful  for 


1860-1861. J  LETTERS  OF  APPROVAL.  387 

the  honor  the  Common  Council  have  done  me.  They  have 
given  to  me  the  most  grateful  of  all  welcomes — that  which 
proceeds  from  the  confidence  of  those  among  whom  we  live ; 
and  I  beg  to  express  to  them  through  you  my  deep  and  last- 
ing sense  of  their  kindness." 

Of  the  great  number  of  letters  received  at  that  time  I 
limit  myself  to  transcribing  the  two  which  follow ;  the  one 
from  Governor  Morgan,  the  other  from  the  Hon.  Eeverdy 
Johnson ; 

,,^,     „         ,,     ^,  "Albany,  March  9, 1861. 

"r/7e  IIonoTaUe  John  A.  Dix: 

"My  dear  Sir,— I  am  not  willing  to  let  another  day  pass  without 
bearing  my  testimony,  and  expressing  my  sense  of  obligation  to  you,  for 
the  valuable  services  rendered  to  both  our  State  and  country  by  your 
prompt  acceptance  of  and  efficient  discharge  of  the  duties  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  at  a  period  of  peculiar  trial  and  peril  to  the  National 
Government. 

"During  the  few  weeks  that  you  were  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury 
Department,  at  the  close  of  President  Buchanan's  administration,  you 
happily  brought  order  out  of  chaos,  and  gave  to  capitalists  and  to  others 
confidence  and  assurances  that  treason  and  traitors  had  done  their  worst, 
and  that  henceforth  law  and  order  were  to  bear  sway  in  the  councils 
of  the  Federal  Government. 

"Your  patriotic  course  during  the  late  most  trying  emergency  has 
placed  the  people  under  obligations  to  you,  which  should  not  pass  with- 
out some  public  recognition.  And  I  am  sure  you  neither  desire  nor  can 
you  ever  have  any  acknowledgment  that  will  be  so  gratifying  as  the 
consciousness  which  you  must  ever  possess  of  having,  under  God,  faith- 
fully discharged  your  duty. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect,  your  obedient 
servant,  E.  D.  Morgan." 

"  Washington,  March  9, 1861. 
"  My  dear  General,  —  I  join,  with  your  permission,  the  universal 
voice  in  thanking  you  for  the  able  and  truly  patriotic  manner  in  which 
you  discharged,  from  the  first,  your  duties  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Such  firmness  and  ability  at  the  commencement  of  our  troubles  would, 
I  have  no  doubt,  have  preserved  the  Union.  As  it  is,  God  only  knows 
what  is  to  be  the  result.  The  revolution,  though  begun  without  the 
smallest  excuse,  much  less  justification,  has  now  progressed  so  far  that 


388  MEMOIRS   OF  JOHN  ADAMS  DIX. 

nothing  can  arrest  it,  if  that  can,  but  conciliation.  This  may  preserve 
the  border  slave  States,  and  I  think  will.  And  that  done,  I  have  hopes 
that,  sooner  or  later,  the  rest  will  return.  But  I  doubt,  greatly  doubt,  if 
the  President  is  at  all  fit  for  the  emergency ;  and  if  he  is  not,  civil  war 
may  soon  be  upon  us,  and  this  will  be  ruin  to  all. 

"  Nothing  but  a  severe  indisposition,  from  which  I  am  recovering  but 
slowly,  prevented  my  bidding  you  an  affectionate  adieu  before  your  leav- 
ing here.  Happen  what  may,  I  shall  ever  look  with  interest  and  confi- 
dence to  your  future.  Sincerely  your  friend, 

"Reverdy  Johnson. 
"General  Dix." 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 


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